Genitive Marker Research Articles

Investigating Idiomatic English for Chinese ESL/EFL Learners: Corpus Investigation of Using the Genitive Marker in English Written Texts

Investigating Idiomatic English for Chinese ESL/EFL Learners: Corpus Investigation of Using the Genitive Marker in English Written Texts

Case Marking in Tharu: A Comparative Perspective

This paper compares the case marking system in Kathariya and Dangaura Tharu spoken by an ethnic group called Tharu. Both of these varieties typologically follow the nominative-accusative marking system. These varieties have different markers to code different cases. Only the Genitive marker -kə or -k are shared by both of these varieties. The dative-accusative markers -kehən, or -ke, instrumental marker -ləike, and ablative marker- ti are used in Kathariya Tharu. Dangaura Tharu is unique in its use of compound case marking in Genitive case. The locative marker in Kathariya Tharu is -me but it is -mə in Dangaura Tharu. The experiencer subjects in both of these varieties are dative case marked.

Intertwined grammaticalization, degrammaticalization, and pragmaticalization: The case of ppwun ‘share’ in Korean

This paper investigates the developmental paths and synchronic functions of one of the Korean defective nouns, i.e., ppwun ‘the only thing’, which originated from a full noun pwun ‘share’. Since the earliest data already show a number of grammaticalized functions, this paper attempts to reconstruct the developmental paths based on the semantic and morphosyntactic clues, making use of the synchrony-for-diachrony approach of grammaticalization. The noun pwun, through coalescence with the adjacent genitive marker -s, grammaticalized into a postpositional particle of focus -spwun ‘only’. When the etymologically bi-morphemic -s.pwun was reanalyzed as mono-morphemic, the dependent particle became reanalyzed again, presumably via analogy of nominal compounding, as a full-fledged, independent noun denoting ‘the only thing’, an instance of degrammaticalization by virtue of an increase of morpho-syntactic independence. Further, some such forms were pragmaticalized by acquiring discourse marker functions, i.e., the speaker’s negative stance toward the state of affairs alerting the addressee that something more serious is about to follow. A series of morphosyntactic and semantic-pragmatic changes shows how the linguistic forms have continuously been subject to morphosyntactic reanalysis and semantic reinterpretation resulting in multiply intertwined scenarios of grammaticalization, degrammaticalization, and pragmaticalization, often with their collocating forms.

Floating Tone in Èsùkù

This paper examines floating tone in Èsùkù - one of the dialects of Akpes spoken in Àjọwá community in Àkókó North West local Government area of Òndó State. Scholars have shown that, floating tone performs functions such as: completed action, negation, agreement, genitive marker, etc. In this paper, it is establish that, a floating tone acts as genitive marker in a noun-noun construction and show completed action in a declarative sentence. Findings in this study show that, apart from /ɔní-/ which serves as genitive marker in the speech form, Èsùkù also has a floating high tone [́] as genitive marker in a noun-noun construction. It is observe that, a floating high tone aligns with the final vowel of the first noun (N1) to form a contour which later simplifies to a level high tone. It is observe the elision of V2 in V1#V2 environment in a genitive construction. The theoretical model employed in analyzing the data in this work is the Autosegmental Phonology because of its problem-solving efficiency in the areas of tone, vowel harmony, and nasality. Descriptive research methodology was adopted for this paper. In eliciting data, the researcher visit the community that speaks the speech form under focus. The study contributes to knowledge in the area of tone analysis in Esuku because no work exists in that area.

This Strong Sibilant: on the Morphological Potential of the Phoneme s in Swedish

The phonetically strong whistling s is widely used in the inflectional morphology as well as in the word-formation patterns of the Swedish language that are connected with the former. In the noun paradigm -s is the agglutinative marker of the genitive case and derivatively a connective consonant found in a considerable number of compounds. In the verbal paradigm it is the marker of the synthetic form of the passive and of the deponent verbs with inactive voice semantics derived from nominal bases. The use of the final -s can be observed in some other morphological models too. A variant form of participle 1 that has developed by analogy with adverbs derived from nominal phrases with the genitive marker, has long existed in the language, though it failed to get the status of the literary norm. The final -s is widely represented in the word-formation structure of a number of other lexemes and fixed phrases with adverbial semantics. The ever-growing number of English nouns with the plural marker -s borrowed by Swedish suggests a tendency towards the formation of a new declension type. A number of lexemes have undergone the process of metanalysis, whereby -s has become the final sound of the Swedish lexeme. This contributes to prosodical assimilation, allowing to preserve the short vowel, protected by the final consonant +s. Thus phonomorphology reveals the complex intrasystemic links between inflection and word-formation, although there are cases where the boundaries become blurred.

Which ‘That’ Was Amharic Yä-? An Alternative Origin for the Amharic Relative-Genitive Marker

Abstract This article re-evaluates arguments regarding the previously proposed origin of the Amharic relative-genitive marker yä-. The traditional proposal relies on the attestation of a ž- form in Tigrinya (Praetorius 1874) and reconstructs a form *zä- (the same as the Ge′ez relative) for yä-. However, no such form is attested in Old Amharic writing (Girma Awgichew 2014), even though it has convenient orthographic conventions for recording palatalized consonants. Based on the attested levelling of l- forms of the relative marker in Ethiopian Semitic and Modern Arabic, I propose deriving the Amharic relative- genitive marker yä- from a levelled plural relative marker containing l, an element visible in the demonstrative paradigms of Ethiopian Semitic. This alternative derivation fits the synchronic Amharic phonology in which the lateral liquid l becomes the palatal glide y. In addition, it follows the cross-linguistically common palatalization process similarly attested for l in the historical phonology of other languages, e.g. Berber, Romance and Chinese.

Consonant Insertion in Iyinno: A Critique

Unlike vowel insertion (epenthesis), consonant insertion is a rare occurrence in languages. It is against this backdrop that this study examines the occurrence of consonant insertion in Ì̩yí̩nnó̩ as claimed by Ibikunle (2008:122). He (Ibikunle 2008:122) claimed that, there is an insertion of voiced bilabial nasal [m] between two nouns while combining them to form new words. This paper shows that, the voiced bilabial nasal [m] found between two nouns in the lect is not the case of consonant insertion but rather, an associative morpheme (a genitive marker) [mὲ] which has lost its vocalic anchor as a result of hiatus resolution across morpheme boundary. Also, our study reveals that, after [mέ] has lost its vocalic anchor, the nasal feature of [m] got transferred to the (oral) V1 of the second noun across morpheme boundary.

Consonant Insertion in Iyinno: A Critique

Unlike vowel insertion (epenthesis), consonant insertion is a rare occurrence in languages. It is against this backdrop that this study examines the occurrence of consonant insertion in Ì̩yí̩nnó̩ as claimed by Ibikunle (2008:122). He (Ibikunle 2008:122) claimed that, there is an insertion of voiced bilabial nasal [m] between two nouns while combining them to form new words. This paper shows that, the voiced bilabial nasal [m] found between two nouns in the lect is not the case of consonant insertion but rather, an associative morpheme (a genitive marker) [mὲ] which has lost its vocalic anchor as a result of hiatus resolution across morpheme boundary. Also, our study reveals that, after [mέ] has lost its vocalic anchor, the nasal feature of [m] got transferred to the (oral) V1 of the second noun across morpheme boundary.

POLARITAS DEIKSIS PERSONA NOVEL SHERLOCK HOLMES: SKANDAL DI BOHEMIA (TINJAUAN PRAGMATIK)

This study aims to determine, analyze, and describe the person deixis and the polarity of the use of the deixis, based on the Yule deixis theory. The deixis analysis in this study is not only looking for the existing deixis persona but also looking at the correlation in the grammatical deixis category in lingual units. The analysis is then connected with the concepts of competence and performance in the linguisic deixis unit to see the concepts of language and thinking of the writers in this novel. It is all the basis of the novelty of this study. This study uses a qualitative descriptive design that is consistent with linguisic research. Data collection techniques were carried out through qualitative methods, that is, the method of distribution using the BUL technique or direct division of data into the lingual unit and the analysis of the Spradely ethnic method to determine the domain, taxonomy, and componential person deixis. The data in this research include the written lingual unit whose marker of reference and types indicates or is recorded as deixis. The main data source is a series of stories from Sir Arthur Conan Doyle’s Sherlock Holmes, particularly A Scandal in Bohemia which consists of three parts. The results of the analysis show that the persona in speech has other functions: as nominating, objective, and genitive markers. The polarity of the person deixis indirectly determines the concept of the author's competence and performance which unconsciously shapes the dominance and strength of the character that determines the centrality of the character and then also the storyline.

Nominalization and relativization in Tujia

Abstract This paper presents a preliminary investigation of nominalization and relativization in Tujia from a typological perspective. We show that there are several nominalizers in Tujia, only two of which are multifunctional: ɕi and ɲie. ɕi can function as a nominalizer, a relativizer, a complementizer, a converbal clause marker or a stance marker. ɲie can function as a genitive marker, a nominalizer, a relative clause marker, a non-relative attributive marker or a stance marker. Relative clauses in Tujia can be head internal and pre-nominal. The head internal relative clauses are marked by ɕi, while the pre-nominal relative clauses are marked by ɲie.1 We point out that ɲie manifests typical genitive-relative-nominalization syncretism, whereas ɕi manifests extended nominalization functions, both of which are widely attested in other Tibeto-Burman languages. We argue that ɕi originates from a general noun, of unknown etymology. The nominalizer ɲie originates from a genitive marker. These findings should prove useful to future typological or comparative research with respect to nominalization in Tibeto-Burman languages.

Relativisation in Wobzi Khroskyabs and the integration of genitivisation

Abstract This paper focuses on the morphosyntax as well as the semantics of relativisation in Wobzi Khroskyabs, a Rgyalrongic language spoken in Sichuan, China. Different strategies of relativisation are presented, especially the nominalisation strategy. Wobzi Khroskyabs exhibits an innovative relativisation strategy with the genitive marker =ji, which is rarely found in other Rgyalrongic languages. Several hypotheses are put forward to account for the evolutionary pathway from genitivisation to relativisation, showing that genitive =ji probably followed an ergative pattern to enter the relativisation of core arguments.

Notes on Non-Parallel Behavior between Nominals and Clauses

The seminal work such as Abney (1987) and Szabolcsi (1983, 1994) suggests that noun phrases have sentence-like structures. More specifically, noun phrases have functional categories analogous to I or C. The views raise the following question. How parallel are structures of clauses and noun phrases? In order to answer the question, we focus on interesting asymmetries which occur between nominal structures and clausal structures. More specifically, this paper explores restrictions on non-occurrence of so-called genitive markers previously discussed by An (2009, 2012, and 2014) and impossibility of movement inside the nominal domain. We also discuss further asymmetries related to quantifiers and adverbials which are not properly analyzed in the previous literature. We show that non-parallel behaviors are explained under the assumption that positions related to discourse are not available inside nominal domains.

중한 속격구조의 통사 및 의미특성 고찰-중한 속격표지 ‘的’, ‘-의’, ‘-적(인)’ 의 비교 분석을 중심으로

중한 속격구조의 통사 및 의미특성 고찰-중한 속격표지 ‘的’, ‘-의’, ‘-적(인)’ 의 비교 분석을 중심으로

A multivariate analysis of the partitive genitive in Dutch. Bringing quantitative data into a theoretical discussion

Abstract This article takes a usage-based perspective on the partitive genitive construction in Dutch (iets moois, ‘something beautiful’), which has previously drawn scholarly attention from a theoretical perspective, due to the challenges it presents to Dutch nominal morphosyntax. We will argue that a good understanding of the construction at issue cannot circumvent the enormous variation in the expression of the genitive marker. Within the wide variation space, regular patterns can be discerned, which we uncovered by using mixed-effects logistic regression. This approach allows us to assess the precise contribution of internal factors (e.g. length of the adjective, or the type of quantifier) and external factors (e.g. regional variety, or register), as well as their interactions. This article has three objectives then: first, it wants to contribute to the description of Dutch syntax, second it aspires to advance methodological standards in grammatical investigation, and third, it makes a theoretical plea for a usage-based perspective, with full recognition of variation.

The (pro)nominalizer -la(ŋ) in Tamangic

Abstract As is well known, it is not uncommon in TB that nominalized clauses are used in various types of constructions, such as relative clauses, purpose clauses, verb complements, and free-standing independent clauses. Noonan (1997), for instance, shows the multi-functionality of the nominalized clause with a nominalizer -wa in Chantyal (Tamangic). The current article discusses another nominalizer -la(ŋ) in Tamangic. In many Tamangic languages/dialects the suffix la(ŋ) may be used to form possessive pronominal expressions (e.g. ‘someone’s/something’s one’). It can thus be more specifically described as a pronominalizer. There is evidence that in many Tamangic dialects the suffix has developed into a genitive marker. This paper further suggests a possibility that la(ŋ) is historically related to a number of verb suffixes, such as complementizers and finite verb suffixes used in free-standing independent clauses.

Obligatory Presence of the So-called Genitive Marker "uy" on the Nominal Dependents of Proper Nouns: a Case Supporting "uy" as a Modifier Marker

Obligatory Presence of the So-called Genitive Marker "uy" on the Nominal Dependents of Proper Nouns: a Case Supporting "uy" as a Modifier Marker

On the monophthongization of /ɨi/ in Seoul Corpus

The purpose of this paper is to investigate variations of monophthongization and acoustical characteristics of /ɨi/ found in Seoul Corpus. Monophthongization occurs in 93.04% of a total of 2,370 tokens and in higher than 99% of the cases with onsets and also of non-initial position in a word. However, only 31.82% of word initial tokens are monophthongized, which supports the findings that Seoul Korean still retains /ɨi/ as a diphthong, though only in some restricted contexts. 94.40% of monophthongized /ɨi/ tokens are realized as [i] except for the cases of genitive case marking which mostly show [e]. In word initial position, though, 61.74% of the monophthongized diphthong tokens are realized as [ɨ] and in the other cases as [i]. This result assumes that the phonological characteristics of /ɨi/ are totally different in terms of its position (word initial or non-initial) or its grammatical role as a genitive case marker.

한국과학교육학회지 논문의 글쓰기 사례 연구

Received 10 July 2015Received in revised form29 July 2015Accepted 3 August 2015This study investigated the current state of writing in research papers of science education with focus on the translationese and basic Korean grammar, and found a way of improving the Korean language. The science education research have characteristics of both social science and natural science, and of having more quantitative than qualitative research, which could influence the writing of the research paper. The translationese means the conventional expression originated from foreign language other than Korean. The basic Korean grammar includes ‘agreement,’ ‘spelling, word spacing, punctuation mark,’ ‘causative suffix,’ ‘use of English or loanword,’ and the translationese is divided in ‘English,’ ‘Japanese,’ and ‘English and Japanese.’ The sentences in nine research papers in the ‘Journal of the Korean Association for Science Education’ were analyzed, and the problematic sentences were discussed and provided with alternatives. The cases with high frequency include ‘-jeok,’ ‘use of English,’ ‘expression of the plural,’ ‘passive voice of the verb with -hada,’ ‘-go inneun,’ ‘-eul tonghayeo,’ ‘-e daehayeo,’ ‘gajida,’ ‘genitive case marker -eui,’ ‘passive voice with subject of thing,’ and ‘causative suffix, -sikida.’ Based on the results, the characteristics of writing of science education research papers were described as ‘writing of quantitative research,’ ‘objective writing of academic research,’ and ‘writing of research of foreign origin.’ In order to improve the writing of research paper of science education, the science education researcher should pay attention to basic Korean grammar and the translationese, and be familiar with the concrete examples of problematic cases. The results of this study could be used in the education of writing and grammar of Korean language.

Genitive Case and Complex Spatial PPs in Korean

There are two representative approaches in analyzing –uy morpheme in Korean. One approach, which has been traditionally assumed in the generative literature, treats –uy as an instance of genitive Case marker (Bak 2006, Hong 1994, Kim 2003, Lee 2015). According to this type of analysis, –uy reflects Case. The other approach, which has recently been suggested by Hong (2010, 2013) and An (2012, 2014), rejects the traditional view and proposes that –uy is an instance of modifier-marking morpheme and as such links a head noun and its modifier. According to this view, –uy has nothing to do with Case, whether structural or nonstructural. This study demonstrates that there is at least one instance of –uy that does not fit with the analyses of the latter type, in which –uy is treated as linking a modifier and a modifiee. The evidence comes from the distribution of – uy within complex spatial PPs. The way –uy behaves in the context of complex spatial PPs suggests that it cannot be treated as an instance of modifier marker. We then argue that the occurrence of –uy in complex spatial PPs instantiates genitive Case and propose that a segment of P, to be precise the Axial Part head, licenses inherent genitive Case to its nominal complement.

Dialectal variation in Votic: Jõgõperä vs. Luuditsa

This paper provides a comparison of two varieties of the Votic language. Based on field materials collected between 2001 and 2012 from the last speakers of Votic, we compiled a list of the most important phonetic and grammatical features that distinguish between Jõgõperä and Luuditsa varieties. The ten features are: the degree of apocope, the initial h, merging of allative and adessive cases, secondary geminates, illative singular forms, genitive and partitive plural markers, imperfect forms, the active participle marker, conditional markers, and negative pronominal forms. The analysis has shown that many differences can be explained by the influence of the neighbouring Ingrian language. There are more contact induced changes in the Luuditsa variety, which is probably the result of more intensive contacts with the Ingrian population in this village. The contemporary Luuditsa variety is a vivid example demonstrating that language change in the Lower Luga area was driven by convergent developments in no lesser degree than by divergent processes.