General Assembly Special Session Research Articles

Placing Capitalism at the Service of Socialism: Konstantin Ustinovich Chernenko's Unpublished "Notes on America"

Placing Capitalism at the Service of SocialismKonstantin Ustinovich Chernenko's Unpublished "Notes on America" Donald J. Raleigh (bio) On 8 April 1974, the New York Times reported that Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko and Deputy Premier Deng Xiaoping of China "arrived in New York yesterday for the United Nations General Assembly's special session on raw materials and development."1 The Times made no mention that 62-year-old Konstantin Chernenko (1911–85), head of the all-important yet understudied Obshchii otdel (General Department) of the Central Committee (CC) of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), had traveled with Gromyko. General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev had charged "Kostia"—his close associate, comrade-in-arms, and friend—with making his first transatlantic flight and only trip to America to familiarize himself with automated data processing systems utilized by the US government, American banks and corporations, and the United Nations (UN) and to consider whether the Soviet Union might adopt some of these technological practices to facilitate the management of paperwork in the party and state apparatuses of the USSR. "And on Sunday, 7 April, at 10 AM we departed on an IL-62 for the U.S.A.," wrote Chernenko. "I flew to America for the first time and, needless to say, this left its mark on all of my later impressions [emphasis mine]. [End Page 93] Click for larger view View full resolution Little did Chernenko know in boarding his Aeroflot flight to America that he would find what he was looking for as well as many surprises. Source: "Proekt 'Chernenko,' chast´ 26: Poezdka v Ameriku," LiveJournal, 13 May 2021, https://yapet.livejournal.com/559412.html. The slightest new experience while in transit and while there was intense and unforgettable."2 The General Department could certainly benefit from employing state-of-the-art technologies. Responsible for managing and documenting the activities of the CC apparatus, the department had undergone various name changes since its founding in 1920. Called the "secret" department for much of the prewar period and the "special sector" afterward, it was renamed the General Department following Stalin's death but continued to serve as the linchpin of the link between political power and the control of secret information in the USSR. As Larissa Zakharova observed, Kremlin leaders historically "sought to strengthen systemic trust in bureaucracy and in technology through the enforcement of rules and the search for new technologies."3 Toward that goal, in late 1953, the department revised its instructions for handling classified materials. Central Committee staff members [End Page 94] now could receive documents only after they passed through the department, which oversaw the CC's paperwork, including all KGB materials.4 The department maintained party personnel files. It prepared materials for Politburo meetings, organized party congresses and plenums, and circulated proposals to CC members. It processed citizen complaints to the government. The head of the department and his deputy attended Politburo and Secretariat meetings. When Brezhnev died in 1982, the department was the largest of the CC departments, employing 232 specialists.5 The trip itself went publicly unnoticed, and none of the published works on Chernenko mention it.6 While researching a biography of L. I. Brezhnev, however, in the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History (Rossiiskii gosudarstvennyi arkhiv noveishei istorii) I came across partially declassified fond 83 comprising Chernenko's personal papers, including "The Notes of K. U. Chernenko on His Trip to the USA to Familiarize Himself with the Application of Organizational Technology in Government Institutions of the USA."7 The only other person to have examined Chernenko's notes [End Page 95] as of June 2019, the historian L. V. Maksimenkov, published a short essay about them in the popular journal Ogonek.8 The piece culls some vivid quotes from the materials but makes little effort to contextualize or to analyze the notes and their silences. They need both. Examining them from the perspective of the Soviet Union's obsession over the control of information and within the changing dynamic of détente, I seek in this article to answer several questions. How did Chernenko react to the America he saw and why? What practical impact did the trip...

Political rationale, aims, and outcomes of health-related high-level meetings and special sessions at the UN General Assembly: Apolicy research observational study.

BackgroundRecognising the substantial political weight of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA), a UN General Assembly special session (UNGASS) and high-level meetings (HLMs) have been pursued and held for 5 health-related topics thus far. They have focused on human immunodeficiency virus/acquired immune deficiency syndrome (HIV/AIDS, 2001), non-communicable diseases (NCDs, 2011), antimicrobial resistance (AMR, 2016), tuberculosis (TB, 2018), and universal health coverage (UHC, 2019). This observational study presents a comprehensive analysis of the political and policy background that prompted the events, as well as an assessment of aims, approaches, and ultimate outcomes.Methods and findingsWe investigated relevant agencies’ official documents, performed a literature search, and accessed international institutions’ websites for the period 1990–2020. Knowledgeable diplomatic staff and experts provided additional information. Outcomes were evaluated from a United Nations perspective based on national and international commitments, and funding trends. Eliciting an effective governmental response through UNGASSs/HLMs is a challenge. However, increased international commitment was evident after the HIV/AIDS (2001), NCDs (2011), and AMR (2016) meetings. The more recent TB (2018) and UHC (2019) HLMs have received general endorsements internationally, although concrete commitments are not yet documented. Although attribution can only be hypothesized, financial investments for HIV/AIDS following the UNGASS were remarkable, whereas following HLMs for NCDs, AMR, and TB, the financial investments remained insufficient to face the burden of these threats. Thus far, the HIV/AIDS UNGASS was the only one followed by a level of commitment that has likely contributed to the reversal of the previous burden trend. Limitations of this study include its global perspective and aerial view that cannot discern the effects at the country level. Additionally, possible peculiarities that modified the response to the meetings were not looked at in detail. Finally, we assessed a small sample of events; thus, the list of strategic characteristics for success is not exhaustive.ConclusionsOverall, UNGASSs and HLMs have the potential to lay better foundations and boldly address key health challenges. However, to succeed, they need to (i) be backed by large consensus; (ii) engage UN authorities and high-level bodies; (iii) emphasise implications for international security and the world economy; (iv) be supported by the civil society, activists, and champions; and (v) produce a political declaration containing specific, measurable, achievable, relevant, and time-bound (SMART) targets. Therefore, to ensure impact on health challenges, in addition to working with the World Health Assembly and health ministries, engaging the higher political level represented by the UNGA and heads of state and government is critical.

The Challenges of Political Corruption in Australia, the Proposed Commonwealth Integrity Commission Bill (2020) and the Application of the APUNCAC

Political corruption affects each nation-state differently, but the outcomes are nominally the same: a deficit of public trust, weakened government institutions and undermined political systems. This article analyzes issues of political corruption in Australia by framing them within a national integrity ecosystem (NIE) and addressing them against the proposed Commonwealth Integrity Commission (CIC) 2020 bill. It also discusses prevalent ‘grey’ areas of Australian politically-corrupt behavior where they interact with the private sector: the revolving door, political donations, and lobbying; and the state of Australia’s implementation of the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention. This article argues for their inclusion within the mandated scope of the proposed CIC. There is a need for strong legislation, both domestic and international, to fight corruption. This article then discusses the application of the provisions of the draft Anticorruption Protocol to the UN Convention Against Corruption (APUNCAC) that may apply with respect to these ‘grey’ issues, and how an International Anti-Corruption Court may provide another institutional model for Australia to follow. Finally, this article links these proposals to the 2021 UN General Assembly Special Session (UNGASS) on Corruption and the 9th Conference of States Parties on the UNCAC (COSP9). These events illustrate multilateral momentum and progress on anti-corruption. As a country that has historically supported the UN multilateral framework and its institutions, this article recommends a proactive approach for Australia so that the passing of a strong domestic anticorruption initiative will contribute to the adoption, and eventual ratification, of the APUNCAC.

Research Handbook on International Drug Policy

This volume is part of the response to the 2016 UN General Assembly Special Session (UNGASS) on international drug policy and the emergence of analysis of international drug policy in academic literature. Editors David Bewley-Taylor and Khalid Tinasti, both respected authors in their own right, have collated a rich collection of essays and chapters from a welcomely international list of academic and specialist authors, with significant representation from non-Anglophone and non-Western countries. They have selected authors to provide an analytical critique of international drug policy, evidencing their stance of challenging ‘official’ literature on the topic. The editors describe current policy as being ‘a predominantly supply oriented approach based on prohibition and a reliance on law enforcement, and in some cases military, interventions’. Organised in four parts—‘History of international drug control’, ‘The geospatial dimensions of drug policy’ (chapters cover the Americas, Africa, Muslim nations, Asia, Oceania and Europe), ‘Emerging tensions within the UN drug control system and beyond’, and ‘Future challenges’—the variety of authorial backgrounds provides a correspondingly rich collection of themes, regions, countries and political processes, extending the debate on international drug policy and the workings and failings of the UN Conventions. Themes include the origins of international drug policy, access to essential medicines, human rights, the growth of alternative policy and practice and the implicit disregard of the orthodoxy this represents, the emergence of novel psychoactive substances and responses to them, crypto-markets, metrics and the use of international drug policy by some nations as a disguise or justification for internal repression. The editors posit that contradictions and disagreements amongst the international community and international agencies are pulling the ‘consensus’ in different directions, reform versus prohibition, revealing the lack of reality (and success) in the Conventions’ terminology of a drug-free world and societies free of drug abuse and the damaging and destructive impact of the policies and practices which operate under their umbrella. The chapters are the results of research, many portraying geographies and themes that are themselves the result of research and field-work, which will not be welcomed by some regimes. The book is not, though, a handbook of research methodologies: the closest it comes to being so is Measham’s chapter on novel psychoactive substances (NPS), describing research practices which have been developed to determine the prevalence of NPS and the chemicals involved in them. This does not detract from the overall breadth and richness of the contents. Nor is it the ‘first comprehensive overview … of the drug policy landscape’, as the editors suggest, having been preceded byKlein and Stothard’s 2018 collection, to which both editors contributed chapters.

Colombia, the Drug Wars and the Politics of Drug Policy Displacement – from La Violencia to UNGASS 2016

This article breaks new conceptual ground by questioning orthodox interpretations of nation state agency in the global drug wars. Specifically, it challenges the David vs. Goliath conception of Colombia as a passive, client state simply abiding to the United States’ hegemonic war on drugs. It provides the first published analysis of Colombia’s leadership during the UN General Assembly Special Session on Drugs (UNGASS) in 2016. It argues that the UN served as a useful forum for Colombia’s displacement of state building dilemmas, including drug control, and that Bogota utilised the UN as a proxy negotiating mechanism with the US and other international donors.

ESTUDO DA USABILIDADE DE UM PROTÓTIPO DE AUTOTESTE PARA TRIAGEM DO VÍRUS DA IMUNODEFICIÊNCIA HUMANA (HIV)

Globalmente, cerca de um terço dos jovens conhecem o status de HIV, o que está muito abaixo da meta de 95% da Sessão Especial da Assembleia Geral das Nações Unidas. Aumentar o acesso e a aceitação do teste de HIV é fundamental para reduzir a incidência do HIV e para melhorar o acesso ao tratamento e ao suporte para pessoas soropositivas. Pessoas cientes de serem soropositivas são menos propensas a terem um comportamento de risco, assim como as pessoas que recebem tratamento antirretroviral (ART) e aderem a este tratamento, são menos propensas a transmitirem o vírus para outras pessoas. Estas estratégias são formas de ajudar na diminuição da transmissão do vírus e no impacto sobre a epidemia da doença. Com o autoteste para HIV, as pessoas podem usar FO para descobrir se possuem o vírus em um ambiente privado e conveniente, com a vantagem de um resultado rápido dentro de 20 minutos ou menos. Para aqueles que apresentarem resultados positivos, recomenda-se buscar testes confirmatórios nas unidades de saúde, além do encaminhamento, o mais breve possível, para os serviços de cuidado, prevenção e tratamento. Esse tipo de testagem é uma forma de alcançar um maior quantitativo de pessoas sem o diagnóstico de HIV, uma vez que facilita o acesso ao diagnóstico precoce e cria-se demanda para a testagem de HIV, viabilizando o teste às pessoas que enfrentam barreiras no acesso aos serviços de saúde. Esta pesquisa teve como objetivo central avaliar a usabilidade de um protótipo de autoteste do HIV desenvolvido a partir do TR DPP® HIV – 1/2 Fluido Oral de Bio-Manguinhos, em 112 participantes de pesquisa, seguindo recomendação da Nota Técnica N° 20/2016/GEVIT/GGTPS/ANVISA. Trata-se de um estudo com abordagem de método misto para avaliação da usabilidade de um protótipo de autoteste do HIV entre usuários leigos. Técnicas de coleta de dados serão feitas a partir de observação através de vídeos de usuários leigos conduzindo a autotestagem sem supervisão, uma lista de checagem qualitativa pela observação do participante, entrevistas pré-teste e pós-teste e ficha de encerramento. Foram identificados e registrados os erros percebidos durante a execução do teste pelos participantes da pesquisa em relação aos procedimentos descritos nas instruções de uso, assim como uma avaliação de risco através da classificação quanto à gravidade dos erros. Desta forma, entre os 107 participantes que finalizaram o autoteste, quatro participantes (3,74%) acertaram todos os passos. 103 participantes (96,26%) cometeram erros em um ou mais passos. 31 participantes (29,0%) interpretaram os resultados do teste de forma errada. Foi concluído que será necessária a utilização de apenas uma instrução de uso, com letras maiores e maior quantidade de ilustrações. Adicionalmente, será necessária a modificação do envelope do suporte para facilitar a abertura, assim como a revisão e alteração do texto, ilustrações e suporte para promover a concordância entre as informações. Tais modificações estão sendo realizadas como medidas de controle para facilitar o manuseio do autoteste e entendimento das instruções de uso pelos usuários e reduzir os riscos (palavras-chave: autoteste HIV, testes rápidos, imunodeficiência).

Alpha FTS Submission to the UNGASS Against Corruption 2021

Proposal to the United Nations General Assembly Special Session Against Corruption 2021: Receivership without disposition for recovery of qualified assets. Polytechnic Engineering education and concept introduction for Multilateral PMO establishment. Alpha FTS would like to thank the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC) Conference of State Parties and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) for the opportunity to participate in this important consultation process in preparation for the UN General Assembly Special Session against Corruption 2021 (UNGASS 2021).

Del desarrollo alternativo a las políticas sobre drogas orientadas al desarrollo

This policy comment aims to trace the evolution of the concept of alternative development (AD)—alongside changes in the global drug control regime during recent decades—from a practitioner’s point of view. Since the 1970s, drug supply reduction was primarily concentrated on law enforcement and crop substitution programmes. Following negative experiences, some governments focused on development-led approaches that consider the socio-economic and political conditions of drug crop cultivating areas. Both the 1988 United Nations drug control convention (Convention Against the Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances), the first to mention the concept of AD, and the 1998 Political Declaration created the latitude necessary for AD to evolve into a ‘third pillar’ within the traditional drug supply control system. Another political milestone was the Outcome Document of the 2016 United Nations General Assembly Special Session on the World Drug Problem (UNGASS), as it was the first to dedicate an entire chapter solely to development-oriented drug control. In recent years—unexpectedly given the niche that AD had formerly been—a growing number of countries have declared that they either implement domestic AD measures or support them abroad. The observable increase in AD interventions may be due to a growing engagement of governments, but could also be explained by a rebranding of existing measures, given the increased popularity of AD. The funding situation in light of this enhanced political momentum is, however, rather poor. Latest figures, from 2013, show that AD only accounts for 0.1 per cent of global official development assistance. Though there seems to have been a slight increase in funding recently, the authors argue that a real surge in funding is so far not in sight.

The Meaningful Participation of ‘Stakeholders’ in Global Drug Policy Debates—A Policy Comment

This policy comment seeks to address three key questions relating to the participation of civil society in international drug policymaking. Firstly, who are the relevant ‘stakeholders’ and what options do they have to participate in drug policy discussions at the United Nations level? Secondly, have certain ‘stakeholders’ been able to positively influence the direction of global drug policies? And thirdly, who are the ‘most affected’ communities and what could be done to improve their meaningful engagement in the definition of drug policies that directly impact their lives? Unpacking the terminology around civil society, stakeholders, and most affected communities, the chapter argues for a clearer distinction between ‘rights-holders’ and ‘duty-bearers’. Masking the inherent power imbalances between the different stakeholders risks underplaying the rights of affected communities and legitimising a place at the table for corporations as ‘equal actors’ in spite of fundamentally different interests. The commentary concludes that the increased involvement over the past decade of civil society as well as other United Nations entities around the 2016 United Nations General Assembly Special Session on the World Drug Problem (UNGASS) has markedly influenced the global drug policy debate by shifting more attention towards health, human rights and development concerns.

Beyond prohibition: responses to illicit drugs in West Africa in an evolving policy context

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to discuss priorities for effective responses to illicit drugs in West Africa in a changing international policy environment. Design/methodology/approach The paper analyzes published research, technical papers and reports on drug use and policy responses in West Africa and opines on priorities for drug policy in the region within the post-United Nations General Assembly Special Session (UNGASS) 2016 policy environment. Findings Drug use and related harms continue to increase in West African countries despite efforts to reduce drug trafficking and use through legal prohibition. The UNGASS 2016 outcome document enables flexibility in policy interpretation and implementation, which provides an opportunity for governments to prioritize national needs in drug policy. West African countries should prioritize and support research and data collection, prevention, treatment and harm reduction and sustainable livelihoods. Originality/value The paper emphasizes the need for West African countries to seize the opportunity created by the ineffectiveness and weakening of the prohibition regime as well as new treaty flexibility following UNGASS 2016 to reform drug policies to prioritize regional and national needs.

No end in sight: the international drug control system once again baulks at the prospect of reform

Purpose In two separate sections the authors summarise the observations, use the insights to reflect on some of the propositions made in the book, and follow the appeal of one of the authors to civil society and academics to “help governments out of the drug policy dilemma that is now facing them”. The paper aims to discuss this issue. Design/methodology/approach The genre the authors follow here is ethnography and the material takes the form of reflective field notes. Since each author follows a particular set of interests the authors split the paper into two sections. There are no strong conclusions, safe that the concerns about the international drug control system were fully borne out by events on the floor. Findings The role of CSOs is critical in moving the process forward – but countries are likely to drift apart as the policy differences are becoming inrreconcilable. Research limitations/implications It is imperative to develop new models of cooperation in the management of psychactive substances. Practical implications This is in recognition that at national level just as much as at Commission on Narcotic Drugs (CND) and UN General Assembly Special Session the increased involvement of CSOs has been pivotal in shifting focus towards public health and human rights. This in turn has encouraged some nations to do the same in their domestic policies – and to stand up and say so in CND meetings. Social implications More involvement of academics and editorial teams in the design of sustainable policies and practices. Originality/value In a critical report on the CND the authors challenge the viability of the international drug control regime in view of the emerging differences between different member states. This is the first attempt in the drug policy literature to assess the durability of the drug control regime as it is faced by the fast paced transformation of cannabis into a recognised medicine and regulated recreational substance. If the appearance of agreement is maintained this is entirely for diplomatic reasons and organisational benefit. In reality, the system is breaking apart and new methods for regulating drugs are emerging.

Global drug policy at an impasse: Examining the politics of the 2016 United Nations General Assembly Special Session

BackgroundThe 2016 United Nations General Assembly’s Special Session on the World Drug Problem (UNGASS) was a ‘critical moment’ in recent global drug policy history. MethodsThis study examines the dynamics and consequences of UNGASS 2016 using documentary analysis and interviews with ten leading international drug reform experts. ResultsInternational consensus relating to the global drug problem remains heavily fractured. This is evident from: the increasingly diverse positions adopted by Member States during the negotiation period leading up to UNGASS; conflicting agendas within and between different United Nations agencies; and the content of the UNGASS Outcome Document. Our interviews further revealed key obstacles facing the international drug policy reform community following this event. ConclusionGlobal governance in the sphere of drug policy has reached an impasse but this should have limited impact on the ongoing efforts of reformers to shift the debate so long as civil society actors have access to funding and opportunities to participate in key future global drug policy events.

Drug law reform, performativity and the politics of childhood

Children are critical to debates about drug law reform. For both advocates of liberalisation and, especially, defenders of prohibition, the protection of children is an important rhetorical device in pressing for, or resisting, change. However, the privileged position of minors within such discussions, or talk about drugs in general, has rarely been explored in any depth in either drug and alcohol studies or legal research. Drawing on scholarship on performativity, and particularly John Law’s work on ‘collateral realities’, this article will consider how constructs such as childhood and drugs are ‘produced’ and ‘(re)made’ in such discourses. Through analysis of legal measures, policy documents/statements submitted to the UN General Assembly Special Session on Drugs (UNGASS) in 2016, and scientific discussion, it will be argued that such 'realities' include the constitution of the child as the logical victim of drugs (and the natural beneficiary or casualty of reform), and the enactment of drugs as an inherent threat to children. It is suggested that drug policy research needs to pay attention to age as a social construct and cultural category, and that a critical awareness of the relevance of age in policy discourse is as necessary as, for example, race, class or gender. Moreover, attendance to the ontological politics of constructs such as ‘childhood’ and ‘drugs’ is important if law and policy measures are to account for young people’s agency.

Palliative Care and Human Rights: A Decade of Evolution in Standards

ContextHuman rights standards to address palliative care have developed over the last decade. ObjectivesThis article aims to examine key milestones in the evolution of human rights standards to address palliative care, relevant advocacy efforts, and areas for further growth. MethodsThe article provides an analysis of human rights standards in the context of palliative care through the lens of the right to health, freedom from torture and ill treatment, and the rights of older persons and children. ResultsSignificant developments include the following: 1) the first human rights treaty to explicitly recognize the right to palliative care, the Inter-American Convention on the Rights of Older Persons; 2) the first World Health Assembly resolution on palliative care; 3) a report by the UN Special Rapporteur on Torture with a focus on denial of pain treatment; 4) addressing the availability of controlled medicines at the UN General Assembly Special Session on the World Drug Problem. ConclusionDevelopment of human rights standards in relation to palliative care has been most notable in the context of the right to health, freedom from torture and ill treatment, and the rights of older persons. More work is needed in the context of the rights of children, and human rights treaty bodies are still not consistently addressing state obligations with regards to palliative care.

A Study on the Cannabis Decriminalization of Canada

이 연구는 캐나다가 의료용 대마초의 제한적 사용 승인정책에서 벗어나 레저용 대마초의 소지, 재배, 거래 등을 포함한 전면적인 대마초 비범죄화 정책전환의 배경 및 그 과정, 그리고 특징을 분석한 것이다. 트뤼도 캐나다 총리는 2015년 12월 4일 취임 의회연설에서 대마초 합법화 방침을 선언 하였다. 이어서 캐나다는 2016년 유엔총회마약문제특별회의에서 2017년부터 대마초 비범죄화 계획을 발표하였다. 이에 따라 캐나다는 2017년까지 입법적, 제도적 정비를 마치고, 2018년부터 전면적인 대마초 비범죄화 정책을 시행한다. 이에 따라 캐나다는 OECD국가 중에서는 유일하게 국가적 차원에서 의료용 및 레저용 대마초를 허용하게 된다. 캐나다의 대마초 사용의 전면적 허용방침은 유엔의 대마초 규제정책의 완화 경향과도 맞물려 있다. 한편으로는 캐나다는 그동안 대마초 규제가 개인의 기본권을 침해하고, 나아가 형사사법비용이 너무 크다는 인식 하에 의회의 르댕위원회(1972), 상원불법약물특별위원회(2002), 비의학적약물사용위원회(2002) 등에서 해결방안을 모색해왔다. 결국 캐나다는 대마초합법화및규제태스크포스(2016)를 통하여 대마초 전면적 합법화의 기본적인 틀을 마련했다. 캐나다의 대마초 합법화 정책 전환의 특징을 첫째, 의료용 대마초와 레저용 대마초의 이원화 전략, 둘째, 지속적인 의회 및 연방, 주정부 등의 피해를 최 소화한 대마초 합법화 전략 연구, 셋째, 체계적인 대마초 사용 실태파악, 넷째, 규제약물관련 법령의 정비와 장기적 로드맵, 다섯째, 대마초의 전면적 합법화에 대한 공중보건적 대비책 강구 등으로 정리할 수 있다.The purpose of this study is to analyze the background and process of the so - called cannabis legalization policy change of Canada, which is not only medical cannabis, but also decriminalization of leisure cannabis. Canada officially announced the decriminalization of cannabis since 2017 at the 2016 the UN General Assembly Special Session on the world drug problem. And Canada will complete legislative and institutional arrangements in 2017, and will implement a full legalization of cannabis in 2018. Finally, Canada is the only OECD country to allow medical and leisure marijuana at the national level. Canada s legalization of marijuana is also in line with the trend towards a relaxation of the UN s cannabis control policy. The Canadian government, on the other hand, has recognized that cannabis regulation infringes individual rights and criminal justice costs are too high. This was studied through the LeDain Commission(1972), the Senate Special Committee on Illegal Drugs(2002), and Committee of Non-Medical Use of Drugs(2002). Canada has provided a framework for the legalization of cannabis through Task Force on Cannabis Legalization and Regulation(2016). Canada s marijuana legislative change policy is characterized by the following: (1) a strategy of dualizing cannabis for medical purpose and leisure purpose, (2) A study on the strategy of cannabis legalization with minimal damage by Parliament, the federal and state governments, (3) Analysis of systematic use of cannabis, (4) Improvement of controlled drugs-related laws and long-term roadmap, (5) Development of public health policy corresponding to full legalization of cannabis.

Reflection on the UN General Assembly Special Session on drugs – one year on

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to show a reflection of one year on how the UN General Assembly Special Session (UNGASS) event was unfolded and its impacts and longer term implications.Design/methodology/approachThis paper is a consideration of relevant past and present documentation and commentary. Experiences as a participant at some of the events described.FindingsUNGASS was called for by countries affected by the failings of the existing conventions who wanted to introduce reformed alternative policies. Representatives of the status quo who opposed such change were partially successful in retaining some aspects of the prohibition approach and in minimising dissent and debate.Research limitations/implicationsSome decision-making discussions were not open to all potential participants – governmental, regional and civil society, including the author.Practical implicationsThe wider debate prompted by the UNGASS indicated a breakdown in the previous consensus around the prohibition and punitive paradigm of the international conventions.Social implicationsGreater emphases on health and human rights aspects of international drug policy were included in the final documents. This provides scope for continued evolution of these emphases in the future.Originality/valueThe paper presents an account of the UNGASS and pre-UNGASS proceedings from the point of view of a reform-minded participant.

Losing UNGASS? Lessons from civil society, past and present

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to examine the role of civil society in the recent history of drug policy reform. It focuses on the UN drug control system, which is designed to regulate certain “scheduled” or listed substances internationally. It provides new light on recent reformist discourses and strategic agendas and how they related to the reality of UN politics and international relations. It questions the idea that the UN General Assembly Special Session on Drugs (UNGASS) in 2016 was a failure in terms of outcomes. It concludes by suggesting that the true outcomes of the UNGASS process will initially be obscured by the complexity of national-international drug policy dialectics, but may eventually prove more tangible and enduring than proposed formal systemic reforms.Design/methodology/approachThe paper examines the historical role of civil society in the UN drug control system. It highlights that although civil society played a key role in the early formation of the system, this role diminished over time as the system professionalised. Meanwhile, as a new reformist movement emerged in the 1990s challenging the status quo, the paper traces this movement through the early UNGASS process, the decline of the reformist era and the eventual UNGASS outcomes. It concludes with a critical evaluation of civil society strategies and the relationship between idealistic strategies and the realities of national and international politics.FindingsRather than a failure of outcomes, UNGASS represented a failure of assumptions, strategic vision and ultimately expectations on the part of reform optimists. These groups ultimately created and became captive to a goal of formal systemic reforms, or treaty revisions, underpinned by a dogmatic assumption of “the inescapable logic of reform necessity”. This logic argued that highlighting treaty “breaches” and contradictions would be a sufficient condition to drive a formal UN system-wide re-evaluation of drug control. These failures of strategic assumptions and vision ultimately resulted in the sense of “failure” of UNGASS 2016.Research limitations/implicationsThis research highlights the need to critically evaluate civil society strategies and desired outcomes with an eye to history, international relations and the realities of managing a complex global issue. The application of mono-causal explanations for individual state actions or international cooperation is shown to be vastly insufficient to explain, plan for or predict the outcomes of a complex multilateral framework. Furthermore, this paper highlights a research agenda on the role of civil society in drug policy formation and how this relates to the current policy and advocacy groupings among member states and interest groups at national and international levels.Practical implicationsThis paper highlights a more realistic appraisal of the determinants of and possibilities to change international drug policy. It thereby utilises an impressionistic historical narrative of the UNGASS process to enable an evaluation of the frontiers of policy reform at the UN level and provide some guidance on the failures of past strategies and potential future directions of international drug control and reformist strategies.Social implicationsAs highlighted in this paper, drug policy is an area where major policy failures are recognised within the current international approach. Experimentation with new tactics and strategies are needed to break out of the traditional prohibition-centric approach to this issue. The benefits of more successful policies would be felt though a lower level of harm from drug use, drug markets and drug policy. As such, a pragmatic understanding of how the international system might evolve to support new evidence-based approaches is crucial to developing a socially beneficial approach to drugs and drug policy.Originality/valueThe originality of this research lies in its blending of a historical evaluation of the role of civil society in the UN drug control system and the strategies of contemporary civil society actors around the UNGASS process. Thereby it allows a more critical evaluation of the strategic goals, assumptions and outcomes of reformist strategies in the recent era and potential strategies moving forward.

Espacios de convergencia y divergencia en la estrategia sobre el problema mundial de las drogas entre la UE y América Latina y el Caribe

The world drug problem has become a vital subject in the political dialogue and cooperation between the European Union and Latin America and the Caribbean. International relations in this regard are based on the principle of shared responsibility, which has been enshrined on the most relevant international instruments, and its focus areas have been extending from approaches related to security to others such as alternative development and health and prevention social policies. The approaches and views of countries and actors involved have been converging, and they are also determined by multiple strategies that come from the United Nations and multilateral treaties, the OAS, anti-drug European strategies and sub-regional strategies that have been created in the Andean area and South America. Coordination of programs and operations is difficult since cooperation is very fragmented and also due to the existence of ideological approaches that either favor prohibition or argue for decriminalization and the total or partial regulation of its production and distribution. Such differences were visible in the UN General Assembly Special Session on Drugs that was held in April 2016, which hindered significant progress of the international agenda on drugs.

Rethinking ‘flexibilities’ in the international drug control system—Potential, precedents and models for reforms

BackgroundMuch international drug policy debate centres on, what policies are permissible under the international drug treaties, whether member states are openly ‘breaching’ these treaties by changing national regulatory frameworks and shifting priorities away from a ‘war on drugs’ approach, and what ‘flexibility’ exists for policy reform and experimentation at national and local levels. Orthodox interpretations hold that the current system is a US-led ‘prohibition regime’ that was constructed in an extremely repressive and restrictive manner with almost no flexibility for significant national deviations. This paper challenges these orthodox interpretive frameworks and suggests no absolute and clear dichotomy between strict adherence and ‘breaches’ of the international treaties. MethodsThis paper uses historical analysis to highlight the flaws in orthodox policy analyses, which assume a uniform interpretation, implementation and set of policy trajectories towards a ‘prohibition regime’ in the 20th century. It challenges some existing legal interpretations of the treaties through recourse to historical precedents of flexible interpretation and policy prioritisation. It then examines the legal justifications currently being formulated by member states to explain a shift towards policies which, until recently, have been viewed as outside the permissible scope of the conventions. It then examines a functionalist framework for understanding the likely contours of drug diplomacy in the post-UN General Assembly Special Session (UNGASS) 2016 era. ResultsThe paper highlights that, contrary to current policy discourses, the international control system has always been implemented in a ‘flexible’ manner. It demonstrates that drug control goals were repeatedly subsumed to security, development, political stability and population welfare imperatives, or what we might now refer to under the umbrella of ‘development issues.’ The paper further demonstrates that policy prioritisation, inherent treaty ambiguities and complexities as well as the recognition of broader issues of security and development were just some of the ways in which member states have flexibly implemented the treaties over the last century. This has frequently occurred in spite of apparent contradictions between national policies and reigning interpretations of international drug control obligations. ConclusionUNGASS 2016 inaugurated a new era based on an evolving understanding of the UN drug control system. In this ‘post-‘war on drugs’ era’, national and local policy choices will increasingly hold greater relevance than international ones. Further, based on numerous historical precedents, international legal interpretations will likely continue to evolve and serve a reactive functional role in providing the formal scope to justify national and local deviations from past global norms. These shifting interpretations are, and will continue to be, reflected in an interim reliance on treaty ‘flexibilities’ to explain sustained international cooperation, even as that cooperation shifts to an entirely new implementation framework.

WHO and UNDP change in leadership: What views on drug policy and harm reduction?

The UN General Assembly Special Session on drugs held in April 2016 has been organized by the international drug control entities, but has confirmed the inclusion of other UN agencies in the global debates on drugs. Out of these, WHO and UNDP have played a major role in linking drug policy with the priorities of protecting human rights and promoting sustainable development. In May 2017, the leadership of both agencies will change. This letter reviews the aspiring leaders of these agencies’ positions on drug policies through existing literature, providing more clarity on their past or current commitment to the issue of drug policy and harm reduction stakeholders.