Gay-related Immune Deficiency Research Articles

Building a Timeline for LGBTQ+ Global Cinemas (1910–2019): Movie Production Trends from a Collaborative Internet Cinema Database

Building a Timeline for LGBTQ+ Global Cinemas (1910–2019): Movie Production Trends from a Collaborative Internet Cinema Database

From MPOX to the next epidemic: Words matter when talking about equity-deserving groups.

From MPOX to the next epidemic: Words matter when talking about equity-deserving groups.

Lessons learned from HIV can inform our approach to COVID-19 stigma.

Lessons learned from HIV can inform our approach to COVID-19 stigma.

Antiretroviral Therapies: Old Attitudes and New Perspectives in Dentistry

Antiretroviral Therapies: Old Attitudes and New Perspectives in Dentistry

Getting to zero: World AIDS Day 2015

British Journal of Healthcare AssistantsVol. 9, No. 12 ProfessionalGetting to zero: World AIDS Day 2015Ian PeateIan PeateSearch for more papers by this authorIan PeatePublished Online:29 Jan 2016https://doi.org/10.12968/bjha.2015.9.12.622AboutSectionsView articleView Full TextPDF/EPUB ToolsAdd to favoritesDownload CitationsTrack CitationsPermissions ShareShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InEmail View article References AIDS.gov (2015) Pre-Exposure Prophylaxis (PrEP). www.aids.gov/hiv-aids-basics/prevention/reduce-your-risk/pre-exposure-prophylaxis/ (accessed 16 November 2015) Google ScholarBard B, Carpenter G (2015a) HIV and the role of the HCA: raising awareness and breaking stigma. British Journal of Healthcare Assistants 9(9): 435–440 Link, Google ScholarBard B, Carpenter G (2015b) HIV and the HCA 2/2: discussing with patients the options for HIV testing. British Journal of Healthcare Assistants 9(11): 538–43 Link, Google ScholarGrant RM, Lama JR, Anderson PL et al. (2010) Preexposure chemoprophylaxis for HIV prevention in men who have sex with men. N Engl J Med 363(27): 2587–99. doi: https://doi.org/10.1056/NEJMoa1011205. Epub 2010 Nov 23 Crossref, Google ScholarMcCormack S, Dunn DT, Desai M et al. (2015) Pre-exposure prophylaxis to prevent the acquisition of HIV-1 infection (PROUD): effectiveness results from the pilot phase of a pragmatic open-label randomised trial. Lancet 2015 Sep 9. pii: S0140-6736(15)00056-2. doi: https://doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(15)00056-2. [Epub ahead of print] Google ScholarPublic Health England (2015) HIV New Diagnoses, Treatment and Care in the UK. 2015 Report. http://tinyurl.com/ngrfno9 (accessed 16 November 2015) Google Scholar FiguresReferencesRelatedDetails 2 December 2015Volume 9Issue 12ISSN (print): 1753-1586ISSN (online): 2052-4420 Metrics History Published online 29 January 2016 Published in print 2 December 2015 Information© MA Healthcare LimitedPDF download

Men who have sex with men: stigma and discrimination

The first cases of AIDS were identified in gay men in the USA, and the disease was originally termed gay-related immune deficiency (GRID). Mobilisation of attention and resources was slow, partly because of the association between AIDS and male homosexuality and corresponding reluctance on the part of government officials to acknowledge the importance of the epidemic. 25 years later, the same reluctance is evident in many parts of the world, and again, scarcity in attention and resources is affecting responses to HIV transmission in homosexual men. 1 Beyrer C Baral SD van Griensven F et al. Global epidemiology of HIV infection in men who have sex with men. Lancet. 2012; (published online July 20.)http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(12)60821-6 Google Scholar The complex relation between homosexuality and HIV continues to mark the epidemic, even in countries where most infections are unrelated to homosexual contact. 2 Dowsett G The ‘gay plague’ revisited. in: Herdt GH Moral panics, sex panics. New York University Press, New York2009: 130-156 Google Scholar That most societies regard homosexuality with a mixture of disdain and disgust has therefore been, and remains, a major factor in the development of the epidemic. 3 Parker R Aggleton P HIV and AIDS-related stigma and discrimination. Soc Sci Med. 2003; 57: 13-24 Crossref PubMed Scopus (1648) Google Scholar The cultural challenge of HIV/AIDSAs the HIV epidemic enters its fourth decade, HIV transmission in several parts of the world shows no sign of abating—for example, in sub-Saharan Africa an estimated 1·9 million people became newly infected in 2010.1 Certain affected populations in the epidemic are more marginalised than others, notably gay men and other men who have sex with men. A biologically heightened vulnerability to HIV and the limited uptake and use of barrier methods, especially among younger cohorts of men who have sex with men, fuelled by stigma and in some parts of the world criminalisation, makes addressing the issue of HIV/AIDS in men who have sex with men complex, as this Lancet Series shows. Full-Text PDF

Communication and Behavior Change Challenges to Limiting the Development of Antibiotic Resistance

Communication and Behavior Change Challenges to Limiting the Development of Antibiotic Resistance

Epic AIDS: Angels in America from stage to screen

Epic AIDS: Angels in America from stage to screen

Latinas and Deadly Sex: The Politics of HIV/AIDS Reporting

HIV and AIDSThe general public first acknowledgement of AIDS in the United States occurred in the early 1980s when Rock Hudson became infected and subsequently died. In the 1990s, largely due to categorization of the virus as Gay Related Immune Deficiency (GRID), and subsequent neglect by the nation's political system, the virus quickly spread to previously uninfected populations (Shilts, 1986). Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV) is caused by exposure to infected blood, semen, vaginal fluids, and breast milk. When an individual's CD-4 or T cell count falls below 200 and/or the individual begins to experience serious complications, the Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS) is diagnosed as a disease. [http://hopkinsaids. edu/publications/ pocketguide/pocketgd0105.pdf]. As the science of treatment improved and public health surveillance and treatment systems were established, HIV infected individuals with knowledge of the risks of infection and access to health care progressed much more slowly to AIDS. New AIDS cases experienced a dramatically curbed escalation in 1996 with the introduction of Highly Active Antiretroviral Therapy (HAART). [http://www.cdc.gov/hiv/stats/2003SurveillanceReport.pdf]. Although cases of AIDS decreased markedly due to improvements in treatment, overall HIV infections did not.Although modes of infection have been clear for some time, reporting mechanisms within the country have been obscured by many issues including the requirement of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) to report all HIV infections using a confidential, albeit not anonymous, system of name-based reporting, to which some states, like California, have objected. Due to the extensive window period that can average 10 to 15 years wherein HIV infected individuals experience no symptoms, comprehensive data collection and reporting on HIV infection becomes imperative if the US is to accurately target HIV prevention and management efforts, particularly among underserved populations.The Reporting System: HIV versus AIDSPublic health in the US begins at the local level and involves both private and public health providers. Early work with other sexually transmitted diseases such as Gonorrhea and Syphilis at the local level initiated and improved the reporting process from the local level to the state. [http://www.cdc.gov/std/Syphilis2003/SyphSurvSupp2003.pdf]. Nationally, the Atlantabased CDC initiated the collection of AIDS case data from the states.As an understanding of HIV's progression to AIDS matured, terms such as ARC, (AIDS Related Complex), were eliminated and the staging became reduced to HIV and AIDS as measured by T cell or CD-4 cell counts and more recently viral load. [http://hopkinsaids. edu/publications/ pocketguide/pocketgd0105.pdf]. Although AIDS cases are reported by each state to the CDC, many states have been slower in their progression to HIV reporting. A major issue among and between the states and the CDC arose as to the classification system to be used for reporting of HIV and AIDS cases, one that has still not been fully resolved for 19 states and the District of Columbia. Exposure categories for adults are further broken down into the two categories of HIV and AIDS. This paper analyzes the categories of exposure for adults, with emphasis placed on the emergence of HIV and AIDS in the Latino population, particularly among women.Due to HIV underreporting or reporting practices that do not meet the CDC requirements of name-based case identification, the most recent edition of the CDC's HIV/AIDS Surveillance Report includes HIV data from only 31 states. [http://www.cdc.gov/hiv/stats/2004SurveillanceReport.pdf]. The underreporting of HIV to the CDC is problematic for a number of reasons, as it fails to provide the nation with the information needed for an effective HIV/AIDS prevention and management strategy. This is particularly true among underserved populations such as Latinos, who are often uninsured or underinsured and may lack access to culturally and linguistically appropriate health care and HIV prevention information. …

Looking Back to Look Forward

In reading Richard Sowell’s editorial in a recent issue of JANAC (May/June 2004), I was moved to sit down at my computer and put my thoughts and feelings in what could be called an extremely condensed version of my experiences working with persons with HIV/ AIDS over the past two decades. Dr. Sowell’s passionate words in favor of a comprehensive global approach to HIV/AIDS care for all world citizens sparked my personal memories to the appearance of HIV/AIDS in the United States, when it was thought to be a disease reserved for a select group of people within our national borders. My work in HIV/AIDS goes back to Los Angeles, California, in January 1982, where as a fairly green oncology RN, I was introduced to the first known GRID (the nomenclature for what we now know as Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome was then known as Gay-Related Immune Deficiency) patient brought to my hospital. Prior to this period, the media and public called it “gay cancer,” due to the Kaposi’s sarcoma lesions that were noted in many of the presenting patients. The disease we now know as AIDS was soon revised from “gay cancer” to GRID, although publicly it was also called the “gay plague.” Early on in the reporting of this illness, the disease was presenting only in gay males. It was later in 1982 that the AIDS designation was coined by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), as the disease process was found in people other than those in the gay community, such as heterosexual men and women, hemophiliacs, and those using intravenous drugs. It was to be yet another year before the codiscovery of HIV (Human Immunodeficiency Syndrome), the causal agent of the disease state, by Luc Montagnier, MD, of the Pasteur Institute in France and Robert Gallo, MD, of the National Institutes of Health in the United States. Back at my unit in early 1982, the stated reason for the patient’s admission to the oncology floor was simple: The patient showed signs of immunosuppression, just as the chemotherapy-treated oncology patient would. It seemed logical to those in charge of patient care to place the patient on the oncology floor. Total isolation was ordered for the patient, and because there were two negative-pressure rooms on the oncology floor, we were tapped. The nurse manager immediately asked nurses to “volunteer” to work with the new patient, as there was a great deal of fear among the staff regarding the communicability of this new disease. The stories many of you remember, or those of you who are too young have heard of and/or read about, describing the irrational fears of many health care professionals and the general public at the time are unfortunately, in many cases, quite true. It was promised to the staff that did volunteer that a hospital psychologist would hold regular group meetings to allow us to vent our concerns, fears, and feelings if we chose to take care of the GRID patients. This was a time long before laws such as the Americans With Disabilities Act, which was signed by President George H. W. Bush in 1990. Staff members, including nurses, doctors, nursing attendants, and all other ancillary staff were not compelled to care for this particular category of patient; thus, necessary care could, and sometimes did, fall by the wayside if a willing and/or compassionate staff member was not available. There were indeed staff members (including nurses) who dressed-up in so-called “moon suits” to give even the simplest of care to the GRID/AIDS patient, such as taking a paper dinner tray in to the room. It was as if the care provider was literally taking a space walk, anticipating contact with a species from another planet. I witnessed instances of family members of nurses coming to the hospital floor and

HIV Update

In 1981, six women in the United States were observed to have similar symptoms of immune deficiency as five previously healthy gay men (Guinan and Hardy, 1987Guinan M. Hardy A. Epidemiology of AIDS in women in the United States: 1981 through 1986.Journal of the American Medical Association. 1987; 257: 2039-2042Crossref Scopus (184) Google Scholar). However, it was the occurrence of this constellation of symptoms in the gay men that prompted the first official report of acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS). Before the syndrome was called AIDS, it was termed Gay Related Immune Deficiency (GRID) and in the lay press, the “gay plague” (Shilts, 1988Shilts R. And the band played on: Politics, people, and the AIDS epidemic. Penguin Books, New York1988Google Scholar, p. 121).The experience of women with HIV/AIDS went largely unreported in the early years of the epidemic. Assumptions were made early on that this was a disease of gay men and injection drug users, and the natural history of the disease in women was thought to mirror that of men. When reports of gynecologic manifestations in women began to appear, guidelines for management of the disease in women followed (Modlin and Saah, 1991Modlin J. Saah A. Public health and clinical aspects of HIV infection and disease in women and children in the United States.in: Faden R. Geller G. Powers M. AIDS, women, and the next generation. Oxford University Press, New York1991Google Scholar). It took some years, however, before the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention amended its definition of AIDS to include specific gynecologic symptoms. Early research focused largely on issues related to perinatal transmission, and critics have suggested that interest in women and HIV has largely focused on women as infected vessels carrying fetuses and as vectors of disease to their sexual partners. It was not until 1993 that a pilot study was begun to trace the natural history of HIV infection in women, and in late 1994, funding for additional research was made available through the Women’s Interagency HIV Study (Katz, 2000Katz A. HIV screening in pregnancy. University of Manitoba, Winnipeg, Canada2000Google Scholar). Since then, research has flourished, with entire journals devoted to various aspects of the disease trajectory, and thousands of manuscripts are published each year describing new studies and new knowledge. In this Clinical Issues series, we look at HIV in women across the life span. Ann Williams addresses the gynecologic health of women infected with HIV. Dianne Morrison-Beedy and colleagues report on a study of HIV risk behavior in adolescent girls, a high-risk group for both HIV infection and unplanned pregnancy. Anne Katz presents an overview of nursing care for pregnant women with HIV infection, and this is complemented by an article by Elizabeth Damato and Marisha Meleski addressing the care of newborns exposed to HIV during pregnancy and birth. Finally, Debra Jackson and her colleagues in South Africa explore current issues in infant feeding related to HIV infection. These articles present a snapshot of current knowledge. Research in epidemiologic and clinical studies is ongoing, broad, and fast moving. Clinical practice guidelines change often, and remaining up to date in the areas of knowledge and research utilization remains a challenge. But we cannot be overwhelmed, because this epidemic will continue to challenge us as care providers, educators, family members, and friends of those infected. Whether we work in large urban centers or small rural communities, whether we practice at the bedside or in the community, we have all faced the complex nursing and social needs of women who are infected with HIV and their children. This epidemic shows no signs of slowing down or going away. As nurses we will continue to respond to the needs of our patients and their families, our students and colleagues, and the public at large. This Clinical Issues series is one small piece of the nursing response to the most significant health care issue of our time.

Sick Puppies and Other Unbecoming Things

This paper looks at John Carpenter's film The Thing in the context of why it so shocked audiences during its initial run in 1982. These reactions are considered alongside the AIDS phenomenon, although the film is not viewed as simply an AIDS analogue, especially since it was made before AIDS was first publicised. Using the work of Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, I suggest that Carpenter's film captures in a biohorror genre frame the processes that Deleuze and Guattari call becoming and intensity.

HIV and sexually transmitted disease.

In June 1981, the Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report carried a report of five deaths due to overwhelming Pneumocystts cannii pneumonia in Los Angeles, California. P. carinii has been recognised for many years as a human opportunist infection, infrequently causing lifethreatening pneumonia in patients with naturally occurring or iatrogenic immunosuppression. Since the development of immunosuppressive regimens for overcoming transplantation rejection, Pneumocystis has been seen in patients with compromised cellular immunity. All of the five patients reported had been homosexual men with no prior illness or history of congenital immunodeficiency, and none had taken known immunosuppressive drugs. In December 1981, three reports in the New England Journal of Medicine described the medical presentation and laboratory characterisation of a further 20 homosexual men who had died of unexplained immunodeficiency. In every case, previously healthy young men (mean age 35 years) had developed overwhelming opportunist infections associated with profound cellular immunodeficiency, or Kaposi's sarcoma, a tumour previously associated with immunosuppression. All the patients had an absolute decrease in the number and proportion of CD4+ve T-lymphocytes, and a specific loss of T-cell immunity. The syndrome was initially termed 'gay-related immune deficiency' (GRID), but by the end of 1982, cases of this acquired immunodeficiency had been reported in intravenous drug users, female sexual partners of index cases, children of affected women and in heterosexual men and women from Haiti resident in the US. As this disease was clearly not linked exclusively to homosexuality, the term acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS) was adopted. Following the description of AIDS in the US, the disease was described in homosexual men and in intravenous drug users throughout Europe, South Africa and Australia by the end of 1982. Subsequently, in 1984, it was reported that heterosexual cases of AIDS were occurring in large numbers in West, Central and Eastern Africa, involving minimally the Correspondence to Prof

Culturing Tuberculosis: The Multiple Meanings of Disease

The AIDS epidemic has inspired historians to reexamine tuberculosis in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. This should not surprise us. Both diseases transformed the way Americans lived and the metaphors they lived by, and an examination of each reveals how society organizes and reorganizes itself when threatened by disease. To take one small example, the laws and rituals that evolved for disposing of used sputum cups and dirty needles contained within them complex understandings of contagion and disease and of individual and social responsibility. Similarly, chest x-rays and needle exchange programs came to symbolize the hope for prevention and the despair that far too many had already perished. Writing in the past tense about AIDS may seem odd as the epidemic continues on its relentless course. Yet, the AIDS of the 1980s is not the AIDS of the 1990s. In its short history it has been transformed from GRID (Gay-Related Immune Deficiency) to AIDS (Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome) to HIV (Human Immunodeficiency Virus) disease. As these shifts suggest, diseases change names, they change meanings, and they change the culture. These are the simple and compelling themes of Fevered Lives: Tuberculosis in American Culture since 1870, by Katherine Ott, a historian in the Smithsonian's Division of Science, Medicine and Society. Ott's book joins several other recent publications on the history of tuberculosis. In Bargaining for Life: A Social History of Tuberculosis, 1876-1938 (1992) Barbara Bates chronicled the life of Lawrence E Flick, a Philadelphia physician who contracted tuberculosis and dedicated his life to helping fellow sufferers. Flick founded medical institutions, sanatoriums, and voluntary organizations to fight the disease, all the while treating and corresponding with many patients. The letters he saved form the basis of Bates's finely detailed analysis of the lives of the chronically ill and their caretakers. A different perspective is offered in Sheila M. Rothman's Living in the Shadow of

Health status of vulnerable populations.

The notion of risk underlying the concept of vulnerability implies that everyone is potentially vulnerable (or at risk), that is, there is always a chance of developing health problems. The risk is, however, greater for those with the least social status, social capital, and human capital resources to either prevent or ameliorate the origins and consequences of poor physical, psychological, or social health. The completeness and accuracy of information on the health status of the vulnerable populations examined here varies substantially across groups. Methodological work is needed to derive standardized definitions of terms, specify the content and timing for collecting information for minimum basic data sets, and develop uniform standards for evaluating and reporting data quality on the health status of vulnerable populations. The variety of indicators of vulnerable populations examined indicates that during the decade of the 1980s the incidence of serious physical, psychological, and/or social needs increased (at worst) and was unameliorated (at best) for millions of Americans. AIDS emerged as a new and deadly threat from a handful of cases classified as Gay-Related Immune Deficiency in the early part of the 1980s to what now may be over a million Americans who are HIV-positive. The number of homeless has increased an average of 20% a year to estimates now ranging up to one million men, women, or children homeless on any given night to twice that number who may be homeless sometime during the year. Over seven million people immigrated to the United States during the period from 1981 to 1990--an increasing proportion of whom are refugees carrying with them the physical, psychological, and social wounds of war. The number of children abused by family members or other intimates has burgeoned to an estimated 1.6 to 1.7 million per year, and with the greater use of firearms, intentional acts of violence towards oneself or others are becoming increasingly deadly in their consequences. Though fewer Americans smoke, drink, and use illicit drugs in general than was the case earlier in the decade of the 1980s, the use of cocaine (and particularly crack) among hard-core addicts has resulted in increases in the number of drug-related deaths.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 400 WORDS)

A Few Words About AIDS

AIDS and Its Metaphors By Susan Sontag Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1988 While researchers try to find a cure for AIDS, our culture, like cultures around the world, is struggling to find a way to talk-or not to talk-about the disease, its prevention, and its consequences. The name AIDS, which describes not so much a disease as a condition which allows various diseases to take root and to flourish in the human body, was itself for a long time (as the history of AIDS research goes) a matter of much debate. AIDS came slowly into American popular discourse as a series of euphemisms, acronyms, and colloquialisms: GRID (gay-related immune deficiency), ACIDS (acquired immune deficiency syndrome; the community here and in the name CAIDS is a euphemism for gay), cancer, plague, etc. All the terms are marked by the effort to name or not to name the syndrome's group of origin in the US-sexually active, urban gay men-and by the struggle to say or not to say the word gay. Words are also a tremendous issue in the against AIDS; we, as a culture, have been challenged by the spread of AIDS to use words that the culture has designated as taboo, or at least as inappropriate to say to ourselves, to our sexual partners, in front of children, in public: condom, homosexual, anal sex, heroin. Indeed, (or safer, as the word itself has become fraught with danger) has largely been presented as a matter of words; conservatives tell us to just say no, while the more liberal approach exhorts us to talk things over with potential sexual partners, offering a candid history of our sexual pasts and preferences. If all epidemics, and indeed all tragedies, offer us a new lexicon, AIDS gives a special place to the power of language. This is partly because language shapes education and political persuasion, both cornerstones of what is usually termedto Susan Sontag's discomfort-the fight against AIDS. We have, in addition to a series of newly coined words and images, a new lexicon, a new cultural iconography: the AIDS quilt inscribed with the names of AIDS victims, safe sex pamphlets and kits passed out in many college mailboxes, plays, stories, and poems about AIDS patients, their friends, families, and communities. AIDS has also given new verbal power to homo-

AIDS and capitalist medicine.

In the spring of 1981, the Center for Disease Control (CDC) in Atlanta, Georgia, began to see an unusual pattern of illnesses. These illnesses were not usually seen in healthy adults but were generally found in individuals who were either very young or very old and who had compromised immune systems. Such diseases as Kaposi's sarcoma (a type of skin cancer), toxoplasmosis (a usually harmless parasitic disease often spread by cats and chickens), thrush and herpes began to appear in patients along with severe weight loss and fevers of unknown origin. Those who had these "opportunistic" infections were unable to shake them and died as a result. The patients in these cases were all healthy and 20 to 40 years old, supposedly the time of greatest health and vigor. As the spring turned to summer and the cool days of fall approached the CDC began to see more and more of these cases concentrated in Los Angeles, New York, and San Francisco. Since all the early victims were homosexuals, this cluster began to be referred to as "Gay-related immune deficiency" (GRID) by many although this was never the official name used at the CDC.This article can also be found at the Monthly Review website, where most recent articles are published in full.Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.