Agency For Fundamental Rights Research Articles

ІНСТИТУЦІЙНА ПОБУДОВА ЄВРОПЕЙСЬКОЇ ТА МІЖАМЕРИКАНСЬКОЇ СИСТЕМИ ЗАХИСТУ ПРАВ ЛЮДИНИ: ПОРІВНЯЛЬНО-ПРАВОВИЙ АНАЛІЗ

Institutional accoding to normative framework adopted by international organizations established on the European and American continents. In addition, in Europe it is supplemented by the European Union Acts. Both systems have judicial and extrajudicial human rights protection mechanisms. The key judicial bodies are the European and Inter-American Courts for the Protection of Human Rights. Courts perform jurisdictional, advisory and preventive functions. They are authorized to decide both interstate complaints and individual petitions. An indicative criterion for the effectiveness of the work of the European and Inter-American Courts is the implementation of their decisions by the member states of the Council of Europe and the Organization of American States. The extrajudicial mechanism for the protection of human rights is implemented by convention bodies that are present in both systems and ensure the protection of certain categories of persons (convicts, women, children), namely: the Commissioner for Human Rights (Europe) and the Inter-American Commission for the Protection of Human Rights (North and South America ). The Agency for Fundamental Rights, which promotes the realization of human rights and freedoms (European Union), operates on the territory of Europe. The article states that the complaint review procedure has its own peculiarities. In Europe, the European Court of Human Rights is the main body for reviewing complaints. On the American continent, the complaints are first examined by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, and then the latter can refer them to the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, i.e. a two-level system of human rights protection is provided. On the basis of the given analysis of the theoretical material, conclusions were formulated, which set out the common and distinctive features inherent in the institutional system of human rights protection in the member states of the Council of Europe and the Organization of American States. Key words: European system, American system, institutional system, international conventions, human rights, protection of human rights, protection procedure.

From “At Risk” to “Dangerous” People. The Roma Between Development Policies and Practices of Expulsion

Over more than three decades since the fall of state socialism in Central and Eastern Europe, the position of the Roma in the region is rather ambivalent. Numerous European institutions, inter-governmental development agencies, national governments and European and national/local non-governmental organizations are involved in a pan-European effort to turn the tide for the Roma. The paper argues that although there are numerous efforts to implement development policies and programs to bridge the gap between Roma and non-Roma, there is still a gap between the discourses and inclusion policies developed at the European and national level and those at the sub-national level. There is a tendency to move away from the framing of Roma as an “at risk” group to seeing them as “dangerous people”, who pose threats to the security of others. The paper uses two sets of data sources. First, it employs a secondary analysis of three recent databases: – SocioRoMap – Sociographic mapping of Roma communities in Romania for community-level monitoring of changes regarding Roma integration (2017) and two surveys conducted by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (2011 and 2016). The second data source is based on semi-structured interviews carried out in several research projects that the author has participated in over the last few years. In conclusion, I argue that the two political projects of institutional developmentalism and securitization of the lifestyle of the poorest Roma can coexist, but the abandonment of the former can lead to complex social problems in the future.

How Best to Define Antisemitism? A Structural Approach

Abstract: In the current discussion about definitions of antisemitism, the empirical social sciences have been marginalized. Groups of well-intentioned experts make decisions without considering the real-life experiences and perceptions of Jewish people—those who are impacted by antisemitism. I advocate returning the decision to the people, attributing greater weight in defining antisemitism to the actual perceptions of the victims—bottom-up rather than top-down. As a basis for a valid definition, we need to demonstrate these perceptions empirically. This paper presents a structural analysis of the 2018 Fundamental Rights Agency (FRA) Survey. The study, conducted through the internet, included over 16,000 self-identified Jews in 12 European Union countries. I review the findings regarding the main contents of antisemitic expressions, the channels of transmission of antisemitism, and the identity of perpetrators. Using Similarity Structure Analysis (SSA), I suggest a new and better analytic typology of the main patterns of perceptions of contemporary antisemitism.

Unpacking LGBT+ hate crimes discourse in Italy: between symbolic recognition and claims for sexual citizenship

PurposeThe purpose of this article is to provide a critical account of the hate crime (HC) paradigm by exploring its historical legal definition and the limitations in addressing the multiple and structural discriminations faced by minority groups. Specifically, the article focuses on the case of Italy, where in recent years a fierce debate over a proposed law on HC against LGBT+ and disabled people ended in its rejection due to neoconservative and Catholic opposition.Design/methodology/approachDrawing on critical socio-criminological literature on HC, the paper analyses the Italian debates and socio-legal context over the past two decades regarding discrimination against LGBT+ groups and its (lack of) criminalization. It also provides a secondary analysis of recent data on violence and discrimination against LGBT+ people, collected by the Fundamental Rights Agency (FRA).FindingsThe analysis of the debate and the data collected shows that the criminal definition of HC is insufficient to capture the wider range of social and cultural violence and discrimination against LGBT+ people. Indeed, data analysis shows the effect of the low level of recognition of rights on the propensity of people to denounce and of social practitioners to recognize, discrimination and violence against LGBT+ people. It is therefore argued that the discussion on HC should move beyond the criminalization of individual violence to be entrenched in a broader reflection over the lack of recognition of sexual citizenship rights which perpetuates the vulnerability of LGBT+ people.Originality/valueThis paper contributes to the international socio-criminological debate on HC. It argues for a comprehensive framework that recognizes the structural nature of discrimination and violence against vulnerable groups by framing discrimination and violence against LGBT+ people as a citizenship right rather than a criminal justice issue.

Evidence-based policy-making in normatively divided policy fields: European Institute for Gender Equality, Agency for Fundamental Rights and Slovak policies tackling violence against women

In recent years, we have seen a shift towards soft law policy-making within EU gender equality policies, embracing a new rationale of evidence as a promising panacea for the ills of democratic deficit. This shift has been fostered by the establishment of the EU Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) and the European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE), which both promote tools of benchmarking, ranking and good-practice sharing. Focusing on the relative impact of Europeanisation, this case study sheds light on the various processes of negotiating and resisting these indicator-based tools of policy-making by national actors in the field of gender-based violence. Gender-based violence is a normatively divided policy field in which actors struggle for limited resources. By viewing the accounts of the respondents through the framework of usage of Europe, we discuss the practices the actors engage in when employing the work of FRA and EIGE at the national level.

Antigypsyism in Portugal: Expressions of Hate and Racism in Social Networks

Portuguese Roma/Ciganos face different forms of negative reactions; they are marginalized, live in precarious socio-economic conditions, and are the poorest in Portugal and in the European Union (EU), as shown by the reports of the European Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA). Despite national and European strategies, these situations continue, with the proliferation of racist demonstrations and hate crimes, and the growth of extreme right-wing parties. In 2022, the publication of a report by the FRA, regarding the situation of Roma in 10 EU countries (including Portugal), revealed the impact of antigypsyism in the areas of employment, education, health, and housing; these data triggered hate speech on social networks, which happens whenever something about Ciganos is published. A content analysis of the news disseminated by the main Portuguese media (press, TV, Radio) and of the comments on this news was conducted, through qualitative methodology. The results reveal racist hegemonic perspectives towards Ciganos: they depend upon the minimum income, do not contribute economically to the state accounts, and boast luxury goods.

The European Union оrganizational and legal mechanism for ensuring gender equality

The article analyzes the provisions of founding treaties of the European Union, in particular, the Treaty on the European Union, the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union, the European Social Charter regarding their consolidation of the principle of gender equality, which has been formed since the adoption of the UN Charter as a fundamental international universal act, contributed to the further development and adoption of norms at the international universal and regional levels based on gender principle. Attention is focused on the features of EU acts and it is stated that they have expanded the principle of equality between women and men, including working conditions, social security, access to goods and services, balance between work and private life, maternity protection, parental leave and equal treatment in the workplace and as self-employed persons.Attention is paid to EU strategic acts in this sphere, including: Strategic commitments to ensure gender equality, Gender equality strategies, Gender Action Plan – putting women and girls’ rights at the heart of the global recovery for a gender-equal world. The directions and obligations contained in the specified acts are disclosed; the EU measures adopted for their implementation (development of relevant recommendations, adoption of directives, preparation of annual reports) are outlined and attention is focused on perspective directions of the Union’s activities in this area.Attention is focused on the activities of specialized agencies, bodies and other structures whose competence include issues of protection of human rights and gender equality as their integral component, among which are indicated: the Advisory Committee on Equal Opportunities for Women and Men, European Ombudsman, European Institute for Gender Equality, EU Agency for Fundamental Rights, European Women’s Lobby, European Network of Legal Experts on Gender Equality and Non-Discrimination. Their powers, legal basis of activity, competence and contribution to ensuring human rights in general and, in particular, the principle of gender equality within the EU, are characterized.

Comment l’évolution de l’opinion publique et des réformes législatives influence-t-elle la satisfaction de vie des minorités sexuelles ?

Structural stigma in the form of legal discrimination and population acceptance of same-sex relationships vary greatly across European countries. Previous cross-sectional research has linked such county variation in stigma with life-satisfaction among sexual minorities, but the consequences of the past decade's improvement in legal recognition and social acceptance of same-sex relationships are unknown. In the current study, we, therefore, examined the change in life-satisfaction among sexual minorities between 2012 and 2019 in France, Sweden, and Poland - three countries for which the legal situation and social acceptance of sexual minorities have changed in different directions during the past decade. Between April and July 2012, and again between May and July 2019, the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights conducted web-based surveys to monitor the fundamental rights situation affecting lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) individuals, living in 28 European countries. For the current study, we analyzed data from all LGB respondents in France, Sweden, and Poland, with no history of migration in 2012 (n = 12,357) and 2019 (n = 21,858). Regression models adjusted for age, gender, education, and relationship status, showed a strong and significant improvement in life-satisfaction among sexual minorities in France between 2012 and 2019 (β = 0.397, 95 % CI: 0.337, 0.457, p < .001), a country that had experienced improvements in legal recognition (e.g., same-sex marriage legislation in 2013) and improved social acceptance during the same period. In Sweden, which had a high degree of legal recognition and social acceptance in place already in 2012, we found a small increase life-satisfaction among sexual minorities between 2012 and 2019 (β = 0.188, 95 % CI: 0.042, 0.333, p = .012). In Poland, who had experienced deteriorating social acceptance between 2012 and 2019, we found a declined in life-satisfaction among sexual minorities (β = - 0.289, 95 % CI: - 0.385, - 0.193, p < .001). Although life satisfaction has increased during the past decade among sexual minorities living in Europe, there are significant variations across countries largely due to the structural stigma and degree of legal recognition of same-sex relationships of those countries. The findings highlight the importance of further efforts to reduce structural stigma by improving legal recognition and social acceptance of same-sex relationships to promote equitable life satisfaction.

Intimate partner violence experienced by women living with-and without-disability in the European Union. A quantitative intersectional analysis.

This article aims to explore the specific combination and interactions of inequalities associated with experiencing Intimate Partner Violence that affects European women living with—or without—a disability. The analysis is based on the survey carried out by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) between 2010 and 2012. In that survey, 42,002 women were interviewed, with a representative sample of women from each of the 28 countries of the European Union. We try to elucidate through a multiple logistic regression analysis if the experience of IPV is something that can simply be added to—or overlap with—social categories (feeling of household income, educational level, and marital status), the aggressor (partner abusing alcohol, partner violent against others), the relationship (duration, equal say in economic decisions), and the previous experience of IPV. The result of the analysis shows that living with a disability intersects with low income, which comes hand in hand with experiencing more violence. Other interactions like living with a disability when the woman is under 15 years and living with a disability and the partner abusing alcohol are also relevant. In terms of social policies, our result should induce investment in IPV prevention policies among poor women who live with a disability, who have a history of physical violence, and whose partners abuse alcohol.

The Fundamental Right Agency’s influence in reforming EU Roma policy

Six million Roma live in the EU, and most are EU citizens. Sadly, they are still the minority suffering the highest level of discrimination. To fight this, the European Commission has created and keeps reforming Roma-specific policies. In doing so, it usually relies on reports by the EU’s Fundamental Rights Agency (FRA). Yet, in existing literature, the FRA’s concrete influence is not studied, and only partial information exists. This paper fills this gap by looking into the extent to which the FRA influences EU Roma policy reforms. Through a multi-level governance approach and by differentiating between institutional and political activism, it analyses key EU policies and related reports. Moreover, it analyses insights provided by high-level experts in and outside of the EU institutions. The results show that the FRA is clearly the driving force behind Roma related policies, but that its leading role is not abused for gatekeeping other actors. Instead, the FRA involves non-EU stakeholders wherever possible, trains and supports, and keeps expanding programmes for participation. Hence, it can be expected that the gap between the FRA and other actors will be reduced in the future. For now, however, it is the key player behind EU Roma policy reforms.

EXTRAJUDICIAL INSTITUTIONS IN THE SPHERE OF HUMAN RIGHTS PROTECTION IN THE EU

In general, there are judicial and extrajudicial ways to protect human rights in the EU. Judicial protection of human rights from violations by international institutions falls within the jurisdiction of the Court of Justice. Extrajudicial institutions that protect the rights of the individual include the following: the Ombudsman of the European Union, the EU Agency for Fundamental Rights, and EU bodies such as the European Commission and the Council of the EU. It should be noted that the functions of these bodies in the field of individual rights are to protect the rights of the individual from violations by the bodies of the European Union and not the EU Member States. Extrajudicial bodies responsible for the protection of individual rights should be distinguished as follows. Depending on the purpose of education: specialized institutions for the protection of individual rights: the Agency for Fundamental Rights of the European Union, the Ombudsman of the European Union, and bodies of general competence: the European Commission or the Council of the EU. According to the subject of the appeal to the Institute for Protection of Rights: the Ombudsman of the European Union, for appeals of individuals, the Agency for Fundamental Rights of the European Union, which provides for appeals of certain bodies of the European Union and the Council of the EU. The Council of the European Union is the main body of the EU in terms of performing various functions. It is considered the main rule-making body of the EU. It is important to note that the issue of protection of individual rights is not a priority, but only one of the functions of this EU body. The main executive body of the EU is the Commission of the European Union, which performs the function of investigating illegal actions and can impose penalties on violators. The object of illegal actions may be an offense by a Member State of the requirements imposed on it by the EU's founding treaties, including human rights offenses. The basis in this process, within the framework of the investigation, is the right of both natural and legal persons to apply to the Commission for illegal actions committed by a Member State. The human rights procedures used by the Commission should be considered quite effective, as they combine both information and representation. Since the entry into force of the Maastricht Treaty, the EU has established a mechanism for the protection of human rights, namely the Ombudsman of the European Union.

Discrimination and victimisation of minorities in Spain: The research potential of the EU-MIDIS project

This article highlights the research potential of the European Union Minorities and Discrimination Survey (EU-MIDIS), which the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights had conducted twice across Europe by 2021. It begins with an overview of the EU-MIDIS project before concentrating on the second survey (EU-MIDIS II) conducted in 2015 and 2016 (N=25,500), the database of which is available in open access. The paper focuses on the main findings of the EU-MIDIS II in Spain, where the sample was composed of migrants from North Africa and people of Roma ethnicity (N=1,563). The main findings of the survey provide helpful insights into a form of victimisation that is usually absent in official criminal statistics, yet the Spanish EU-MIDIS II database is a mine of information waiting to be exploited. This article proposes a series of analyses that could be performed, including logistic and ordinal regression, as well as mediation modelling, which could identify the variables that influence minorities’ discrimination and victimisation. Finally, the strengths and weaknesses of the EU-MIDIS project are discussed.

The disability gap in voter turnout and its association to the accessibility of election information in EU countries

It is known that people with disabilities encounter barriers to participation in national elections. These barriers often lead to differences in voter turnout between people with disabilities and those without (referred to as the disability gap). This study analyzed the disability gap in national elections between 2006 and 2016 in 24 European Union countries. Further, it analyzed the association between voter turnout and national levels of election information accessibility. Data from the European Social Survey and the European Union Fundamental Rights Agency were used. While the disability gap varied across countries and years, the average gap increased from 3.45 percent in 2006 to 8.38 percent in 2016 and remained statistically significant when controlling for potential confounders. Further, voter turnout was found to be positively related to the accessibility of information. These findings underline the need for more research on how to close the disability gap in voter turnout. Points of interest This study reports that, in many European countries, people with disabilities are less likely to vote in national elections than people without disabilities. The study found that this difference in voter turnout increased from 2006 to 2016. The difference exists because individuals with disabilities face barriers to voting not faced by individuals without disabilities. Information about elections is, for example, often provided in standard formats that are inaccessible to individuals with disabilities. Information about elections includes information about the timing and location of elections as well as information on candidate positions. The study found that individuals with disabilities are more likely to vote in countries where election information is provided in accessible formats than in countries where it is provided in standard, non-accessible formats. Accessible formats include those that use easy-to-read layouts, large print, tactile writing systems, and read-aloud systems.

Patterns of intimate partner violence against women in Europe: prevalence and associated risk factors

BackgroundIntimate partner violence (IPV) is a complex phenomenon and some research suggests that there are qualitatively distinct IPV types. However, little is known about the risk factors associated with different...

The European Union and Violence Against Women: Fundamental Rights and Con Games

Deciphering the European Union’s (EU) commitment to countering violence against women is challenging. To date, much of its response has been rhetorical. This article opens with a brief consideration of the EU’s first few initiatives to counter violence against women before turning to the polity’s enthusiastic endorsement of the Council of Europe’s 2011 Istanbul Convention, which defines such violence as a human rights violation. Not least, it offers a critical analysis of the EU’s Fundamental Rights Agency’s 2014 survey on violence against women, the world’s largest international survey of its kind. That inquiry involved 42,000 in-person interviews with a representative sample of approximately 1,500 women (aged 18-74) across all of the EU’s then 28 Member States. After examining the Agency’s survey and its subsequent report in the context of those efforts that preceded it, the article suggests the EU’s rhetoric and related programs for women may conceal the more controversial manifestations of the violence directed at them. For example, the Agency’s survey excluded female genital mutilation from the rubric of violence against women. One finds a similar reluctance on the part of the Agency and other institutional actors across the EU to address the eroticized commodification of violence in prostitution and pornography that pervade the polity’s common market. Despite the EU’s occasional pronouncements to the contrary, it appears violence against women is a human rights violation that the polity deliberately circumscribes and perfunctorily condemns.

The European Union and Violence Against Women: Fundamental Rights and Con Games

Deciphering the European Union’s (EU) commitment to countering violence against women is challenging. To date, much of its response has been rhetorical. This article opens with a brief consideration of the EU’s first few initiatives to counter violence against women before turning to the polity’s enthusiastic endorsement of the Council of Europe’s 2011 Istanbul Convention, which defines such violence as a human rights violation. Not least, it offers a critical analysis of the EU’s Fundamental Rights Agency’s 2014 survey on violence against women, the world’s largest international survey of its kind. That inquiry involved 42,000 in-person interviews with a representative sample of approximately 1,500 women (aged 18-74) across all of the EU’s then 28 Member States. After examining the Agency’s survey and its subsequent report in the context of those efforts that preceded it, the article suggests the EU’s rhetoric and related programs for women may conceal the more controversial manifestations of the violence directed at them. For example, the Agency’s survey excluded female genital mutilation from the rubric of violence against women. One finds a similar reluctance on the part of the Agency and other institutional actors across the EU to address the eroticized commodification of violence in prostitution and pornography that pervade the polity’s common market. Despite the EU’s occasional pronouncements to the contrary, it appears violence against women is a human rights violation that the polity deliberately circumscribes and perfunctorily condemns.

THE CONFRONTATION OF EDUCATION AND CUSTOMARY LAW AT SCHOOL: THE CASE OF ROMA GIRLS

Aim. The main goal of the article is to generalise and describe the aspects revealed during the ethnographic research conducted in 2018 that are related to the gender of Roma girls, as representatives of ethnic group, which have influence on the process of education in the context of school community.
 Concept. During the ethnographic research conducted in one of the schools in Lithuania in 2018, the fragments of Romani customary law were revealed, which are directly related to the female gender and show how belonging to a certain gender can have impact on the process of education at school. The Roma students were observed in their daily learning and communication environment, i.e. at school. The ethnographic research helped to reveal the ways a Roma school student thinks (interview method) and behaves (observation method) in a basic school. The present research was based on anthropological methodology (Okely, 2002; Bhopal & Myers, 2008; Durst, 2010) and mainly focused on one case-study.
 Conclusion. The Roma girls in the research acknowledged that life of Roma men is easier and that a heavy burden is placed on the shoulders of girls, what often hinders their successful learning. The burden mentioned by the Roma girls is related to responsibilities in housework and family. She is accompanied by the pressure of community to start a family early: to get married and to give birth to children and, thus, to emphasise and confirm own belonging to this ethnic group and continuation of traditions. The situation is exacerbated by the stereotypes in society and the Roma community, which in most cases are ruthless towards Roma girls and women.
 Cognitive value. The patriarchate, as the basis of Romani culture, and the unwritten customary law accompanying it frequently become a source of ambiguity. The Roma people, as an ethic group, draw a very distinct boundary between the understanding of "we" and "they", i.e. "the Roma people" and "gadje". Being a non-Roma researcher, i.e. gadje, one faces a difficult challenge - not to make mistakes interpreting various aspects of Romani culture, especially such sensitive ones as gender, gender roles and inequality. However, it becomes easier evaluating indisputable facts: the Romani customary law has influence on the process of their children's education. Roma children (girls in particular) still abandon the system of education too early (from our, gadje, perspective). EU documents (European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights [FRA], 2014) indicate that more Roma girls than boys indicate the fact of marriage or pregnancy to be the reason for early school leaving. The academic discourse, feminist anthropology allows for particularly critical evaluation of processes.

Aim and purpose of Consensus Conference follow up Task-Force

Abstract Background Experts of the high-level Consensus Conference (Pécs, 7-8 October 2019) agreed that there is a need for greater harmonisation and international cooperation on migrant health information systems. In order to facilitate the realization of this goal the formation of a multi-stakeholder scientific task force (TF) was proposed. Objectives The Consensus Conference Follow up Task-Force is an informal, voluntary scientific body, aiming to assist and facilitate the realization of the Statement of the Conference. More specifically: Calling the attention about the needfor reliable, migrants/migration related health, public health and occupational health data;for the harmonisation of the migrants/migration related health information systems;for the establishment of international cooperation;Design and work out unified definitions and technical guidance on taxonomy and methodologies of data collection;Facilitate and assist both individual researchers' and teams' endowers for the international harmonisation of target group variables and indicators in order to ensure comparability of data;Call the attention for and initiate the establishment of a European level migrant health database, and provide scientific and technical assistance for its realization. Results The WHO Collaborating Centre at the University of Pécs Medical School (UPMS) has offered to coordinate this initiative, worked out the Terms of Reference (ToR) of this new body and asked the leading international organizations and individual experts to participate in the work of this innovative endower. WHO, IOM, ECDC and the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights has appointed delegates and twelve experts joint to the initiative. On 11 February an internet-based conference was organized where participants approved the ToR and with consensus Prof. Dr. Kayvan Bozorgmehr has been elected for president. UPMS runs its secretariat. The work plan of the TF will be presented during the conference.

Describing Intimate partner violence against ever-partnered women in Europe and perpetrator’s characteristics. Results from the Violence against women EU-wide survey

Abstract Available data on intimate partner violence (IPV) are derived from asynchronous and heterogeneous studies. Definition of IPV varies, is often partial, and only a limited number of potential determinants are considered. The Violence against women survey collected data consistently and simultaneously on all dimensions of IPV. Women were also asked about the perpetrator's characteristics. The present study aims to describe prevalence of physical, sexual and psychological IPV against European women, and reported perpetrator's characteristics. Face-to-face interviews were conducted with randomly selected women aged between 18 and 74, by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights. IPV was defined by a positive answer to at least one question about violence perpetrated by current or ex-partner. Among the 40357 ever-partnered women, lifetime prevalence of overall IPV was 51.7% (95%CI 51.2-52.2). Prevalence of physical, sexual and psychological IPV were respectively 20.0% (19.6-20.4), 8.4% (8.2-8.7) and 48.5% (48.1-49.0). Partners' or ex-partners characteristics associated with IPV perpetration included: lower education level, unemployment or staying at home, earning less than the woman, a relationship lasting between 1 to 10 years, high frequency of drunkenness, and perpetration of other type of violence. Lifetime prevalence of IPV in EU is high and likely to be underestimated. Specific trajectories and profiles of perpetrators should be characterized to ground the interventions. The risk of underreporting violence should be addressed as it jeopardizes the efficacy of interventions for prevention. They may be undifferentiated and differentiated, targeted and time-sensitive, respectively dedicated to general audience and high-risk populations.

Child participation in child welfare removals through the looking glass: Estonian children’s and professionals’ perspectives compared

Participation is one of the basic rights of the child, which includes participation in juridical decision-making processes that affect the life of the child; however, considering the complexity of judicial proceedings such as child welfare removal and the peculiarities connected to a child as a vulnerable human being in his/her developmental process, this is not an easy topic. The outcome of child participation, whether harmful or beneficial, depends on many different factors, including the quality of professionals’ activity during the process. In this paper, we discuss professionals’ ability to support children’s positive participation in decision making in Estonian child welfare removal. In our analysis, we compare children’s perspectives with professionals’ perspectives. The children’s perspectives are based on their lived experiences of removal, and the professionals’ perspectives originate from the views of child protection workers (CPW) and advocates who represent children during removal proceedings. The data derive from the authors’ recent research projects. First, we secondarily analyzed a selection of transcripts of interviews (n = 20) with children with lived experience of removal from Estonian research for a Fundamental Rights Agency (FRA) project (2013–14). Second, we analyzed the Estonian part of the inquiry data from the Improving Decisions through Empowerment and Advocacy (IDEA) project (2017–19) questionnaires administered to specialists (n = 107), with a particular focus on the respondents’ comments and answers to the qualitative open-ended questions. The conceptual framework for the comparison is based on Lundy’s model of child participation. The results show significant differences between children’s and professionals’ interpretations of child participation and a deficit of dialogues between children and professionals in child welfare removal proceedings.