Friends Of God Research Articles

Mythological Aspects of Supreme Power Concept by Eusebius Pamphilus

The article deals with one of the earliest Christian interpretations of the supreme secular power created by Eusebius Pamphilus, Bishop of Caesarea, during the life of the first Christian emperor Constantine the Great. It is proved that the concept by Eusebius contains mythological ideas transformed in a Christian context. In particular, the main focus of the interpretation of the Lord is the recognition of Him as Pantocrator [Παντοκράτωρ – the Lord of all] endowed with infinite power and authority over the Universe. Such an interpretation reconstructs archaic ideas about the deity as the centre of power and says nothing about his mercy and justice. This concept became the basis for the argumentation of the absolute nature of the Christian emperor’s supreme power – Basileus. The Lord, communicating with Basileus through His Son, Christ the Logos, gives him the sacred right to reign and thus makes him godlike [Friend of God – Θεóς, divinely favoured] – an icon of the Lord of all. Another mythological feature of Eusebius’ interpretation of supreme power is the solution to the problematic relationship between the reign and the priesthood. Eusebius believed that the Lord’s endowment of Basileus with the right to reign obliges him to perform priestly functions at the same time. The purpose of Basileus’ priesthood was to enlighten his flock about the essence of the Word of God, and not to observe religious rituals. In this way, the role of the basileus-priest differed from the Patriarch. Thus, the mythological nature of the concept by Eusebius of Caesarea is the fact that he unconsciously replaced various semantic connections. This happened because he could not explain the essence of supreme power and its value to society in a different way. The foundation of Eusebius’ mythological thinking is the beginning of the synthesized rationality (historical understanding of the real past) and myth (substitution of history by religious tradition) of the history of the Byzantine Empire.

Between God and Man: The Great Adventure in Common (Isidore of Seville’s De ortu et obitu Patrum)

In his De ortu et obitu Patrum, Isidore of Seville elaborates a collection of stories that engage the reader in living the experiences of the characters presented and encourage him to identify with them and imitate them. Following the ways of the biblical heroes, the Sevillian comes to know the One who has called all of them into existence as beings created for coexistence and pro-existence, i.e. to live with and for others. Isidore does not write a history of sinners, but of saints, who become friends of God by building a community with other humans and filling the world with his praise. According to him, both his heroes and his readers are relational beings, open to God and to other creatures, in need of them to achieve their fullness.

Ugly Yet Popular: the Remarkably Long Life of the Safavid Coins of Hoveyza

Abstract The aim of the work is to identify explanations for the lengthy circulation of Safavid coins bearing the central inscription, “ʿAli is the friend of God (ʿAli vali Allāh),” from the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries. Studying the coins from the period and the hoards in which they were found, alongside historical narratives, ethnographic information, and religious texts, sheds light on their meaning and reception in their Shiʿi environment. The special attitude towards these coins accounts for the widespread imitation of these coins, which came to dominate Iranian markets during this period, as predicted by Gresham’s law of “bad money.”

Review: The Masjid in Contemporary Islamic Africa

Review: <i>The Masjid in Contemporary Islamic Africa</i>

“A Friend of God and the Poor Wretched Blacks”: Violence, Race, and Redemption in Missionary Narratives of Nile Valley Slavery

Abstract This article explores narratives of slavery written by Christian missionaries in the Nile Valley in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Focusing on works produced by the Italian Comboni mission, American Presbyterians, and the British Church Missionary Society, I approach missionary narratives of Nile Valley slavery as a distinct genre of storytelling shaped by the unique position of the missionary as a narrator and the symbolic utility of slavery as a vehicle for conveying suffering. Reading these sources critically, I argue that the slaves and former slaves that missionaries depicted in their writings served as a discursive canvas for missionaries to situate their activities in a world of suffering and violence. By positioning mission work alongside the material trials of slavery, missionaries lent a temporal urgency to their spiritual projects and justified their relationship with colonial violence.

Jesus’ Spirituality of [Af]filiation in the Fourth Gospel

The spirituality of Jesus, embedded within the literary contours of the Johannine narrative, is primarily grounded in a relationship of affiliation and friendship. It is a spirituality of abiding whose origins and goal lie in the unity of heart and mind that the Johannine Jesus as Son shares with the Father. This core relationship connotes not only the love that binds Jesus to God but is also the basis of the motif of sending and the divine authority over life and death which Jesus possesses in this Gospel. Jesus’ spirituality is grounded in the abiding presence of the Spirit-Paraclete whom he bequeaths to the disciples. In handing over the Spirit to the gathered community through his death and resurrection, Jesus donates his own spirituality, ultimately drawing all creation into the divine circle of love. This spirituality is the result of the Spirit’s presence, restoring human beings to their original, created identity as children and friends of God and empowering them for mission. While the dominant imagery is masculine there are also feminine images, particularly that of divine Wisdom, which provide a counterbalance and create an inclusive sense of appropriation and welcome.

Charity and its relation to wisdom by Saint Thomas of Aquinas

Reflection on caritas love and its relationship with wisdom requires understanding and knowing of the essence of Christian love, therefore this article discusses caritas love from the perspective of love in general and its connection with other gifts, especially with the gift of wisdom. To fully accept and realize the love of caritas one must first accept the truth about man, who was created in the image of the One God, in the image of the whole Trinity. To know the identity of man, Thomas argues, is to realize his vocation to friendship with God, to be a friend of God (Galuszka, 2021, p. 82). Arriving at the essence of the caritas love and its inseparable connection with wisdom, required a reflection on the meaning of one of the theological virtues, the virtue of love. Since the theological virtues are God's endowment of man, it was also necessary to introduce the gifts of the Holy Spirit to indicate the essence and fullness of the caritas love and its relation to God and men.&#x0D; For this purpose, the thoughts of Saint Thomas of Aquinas were used, that seem to be more and more relevant and stirring more and more interest among people looking for truth and beautiful love.&#x0D; Caritas love is beautiful because it consists of loving in God and with God also another human being, not necessarily the one endowed with affection or sympathy, but every human being. Such love can only be realized in the pursuit of an intimate encounter with God. The analysis of the known texts of St. Thomas allowed us to confirm the thesis on the relation between love and wisdom. Love is the principle of all virtues and the source of human action. Love enhances wisdom, it creates for itself this help. Love in its highest degree manifests itself in wisdom. The true union of love and wisdom results in contemplation, which is the result of the cooperation of intellect and will.

(No) Sympathy for the Devil?

Abstract As a successor and strong supporter of Origen, though not an uncritical one, Didymus the Blind has long been presented as advocating controversial theological views, notably the apokatastasis. Along with Origen and Evagrius, Didymus’ views on this were condemned by the Fifth Ecumenical Council in 553 CE. In order to better understand Didymus’ theology, it is important to consider his notion of spiritual conflict and its ramifications for the friends and enemies of God. The purpose of this paper is to examine Didymus’ theology of enmity with God, in particular his interpretation of key biblical passages that indicate certain characters as enemies of God, namely Satan, the demons, and Judas Iscariot. The paper will address such questions as should Christians have any sympathy for Satan and the demons? Was Judas’ betrayal merely the selling out of Jesus based on greed, or was there a deeper betrayal of the teacher-student relationship? How do God’s enemies contrast with Didymus’ understanding of the friends of God? In addition to considering Didymus’ exegesis of these characters, the paper will examine his treatment of the New Testament command to love one’s enemies. Didymus’ doctrinal and exegetical texts will both be considered to establish his theology of spiritual conflict. Finally, these considerations will be contextualized within Didymus’ own theological milieu, where the blind scholar seems to be aware of mounting criticism of his theology, perhaps by his own students, and even possibly the conflicts swirling around several of his prominent former students (Evagrius, Jerome and Rufinus).

Friendship with God as an Ultimate Ideal in the Writings of Philo of Alexandria

Philo of Alexandria wrote about what it meant to be a ‘friend of God’ in relation to key biblical figures. This article explores to what extent Philo’s understanding of the human relationship to God was inspired by the Greek concept of friendship based on the equal reciprocation of similar goods. It also addresses the complexity of Philo’s view of such a relationship and the notion that to become a friend of God is to realise an ideal state of being. I will also illustrate Philo’s influence on early Christian authors Clement of Alexandria and Gregory of Nyssa.

Biblical Theology

Biblical Theology Fred W. Guyette, Mathias Winckler, Thomas Hieke, Christopher T. Begg, and Martin Nitsche Fred W. Guyette Erskine College and Seminary Mathias Winckler Universität Siegen Thomas Hieke Johannes Gutenberg Universität Mainz Christopher T. Begg Catholic University of America Martin Nitsche Goethe Universität Frankfurt am Main 1526. [Genre; Theological Vision] Andrew T. Abernethy, "Genre and Theological Vision," Interpreting the Old Testament Theologically, 43-56 [see #1692]. The texts that we read in the Bible—like all forms of literature—are encoded in literary genres. We have various expectations of genres that are familiar to us. We anticipate that a newspaper will have headlines, national news, local news, an editorial section, comics, classified ads, etc. Among the genres we encounter in Scripture are historical narratives, speeches, laws, prophetic lawsuits, poetry, wisdom, hymns, letters, and so on. These genres help communicate a theological vision. OT narratives have a plot—a series of interconnected events. These narratives are told from a point of view: "In those days there was no king in Israel and everyone did what was right in his own eyes" (Judg 17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25), or, "Abraham was a friend of God" (Isa 41:8). Characters take shape in the story, too. The Book of Judges shows us how strong Samson is, but also how unwise he is. David is remembered as a good king, but also deeply flawed. Many passages of Scripture point [End Page 552] forward to Christ, which is why Moses and Elijah can stand for the Law and the Prophets in the accounts of the Transfiguration in the NT. See also William A. VanGemeren, "Oracles of Salvation," Cracking Old Testament Codes: A Guide to Interpreting Literary Genres of the Old Testament (1995) 139-56.—F.W.G. Google Scholar 1527. [Leviticus] Richard E. Averbeck, "Reading the Ritual Law in Leviticus Theologically," Interpreting the Old Testament Theologically, 135-49 [see #1692]. The theology we find in Leviticus has important implications for many Christian doctrines, including Christology, soteriology, sanctification, and ecclesiology. A.'s essay focuses on (1) the presence of God in the tabernacle, and (2) the ritual offerings and sacrifices carried out in the tabernacle, especially those having to do with the sin offering. After Moses received the Ten Commandments on Mt. Sinai, the Lord gave him instructions for building the tabernacle. This tent was a "moveable" Mt. Sinai, signifying that God would always be with the Hebrews, walking with them on their journey. According to Exodus 34, God was present with them in a cloud of glory, and he did not depart from them until the fall of Jerusalem and the exile to Babylon (Ezekiel 8, 10, 11). However, God promised to return to his people in a New Temple. This New Temple is described in Ephesians 2 and 3, where it is not in a place, but God's invisible presence among his people. The sacrificial system in Leviticus remains relevant for New Covenant believers and their understanding of salvation. The Day of Atonement (see Leviticus 16), when transgressions are forgiven, finds its true fulfillment in Jesus's cross and resurrection. For further study of the offerings in Leviticus, see Roy Gane, Cult and Character: Purification Offerings, Day of Atonement, and Theodicy (2005).—F.W.G. Google Scholar 1528. [Elisha; 1 Kings 19–2 Kings 11; Jesus] Lissa M. Wray Beal, "Setting the Table for Christ in the Elisha Narratives in 1 and 2 Kings," Interpreting the Old Testament Theologically, 165-75 [see #1692]. Many of the stories told about the prophet Elisha are clustered in 2 Kings 2–8. So often in these stories, drought and famine are signs of a broken covenant. The king and the people have not kept faith with God. But Elisha has power from God to work miracles, and he saves a poor widow by multiplying jars of oil for her. Then she is able to sell the jars, pay off her debts, and buy food for herself and her son (2 Kgs 4:1-7). In the very next story, Elisha tells a childless woman that soon she will bear a son. The child is born...

Crossing Confessional Boundaries: Exemplary Lives in Jewish, Christian, and Islamic Sources by John Renard

Reviewed by: Crossing Confessional Boundaries: Exemplary Lives in Jewish, Christian, and Islamic Sources by John Renard Adam Bursi John Renard Crossing Confessional Boundaries: Exemplary Lives in Jewish, Christian, and Islamic Sources Oakland, CA: University of California Press, 2020 Pp. xii + 345. $34.95. With this monograph, John Renard completes a trilogy of books on the general subject of “hagiography,” or (as Renard glosses the word) “stories of holy ones” (1). In two earlier works (Friends of God: Islamic Images of Piety, Commitment, and Servanthood [Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008], and a companion edited collection, Tales of God’s Friends: Islamic Hagiography in Translation [Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009]), Renard offered thematic investigations of the varieties of venerated persons memorialized within Islamic texts and contexts across the world, and from the emergence of Islam up to modernity. Here, Renard moves away from his previous exclusive focus on Islamic materials to studying “exemplary figures” (viii)—i.e., saints, rabbis, ascetics, and prophets, among other overlapping types of holy men and women—found in Jewish, Christian, and Islamic texts from roughly 300 to 1300 c.e. Opening with an evocation of Peter Brown’s seminal role in the formation of “Late Antiquity studies” and his work in that field on the “rise of the holy man” (vii), Renard positions his work here as a “contribution to this burgeoning scholarly effort” in the form of a “study in comparative hagiography” (ix). In order to cover this breadth of material from 1,000 years of history of three different religious traditions, Renard has immersed himself in the huge body of contemporary scholarship on late antique and early medieval Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. While references to primary texts such as saints’ lives appear throughout the book, Renard pursues a much broader and more synthetic viewpoint than could be afforded by exhaustive analysis of specific texts. Instead, he largely relies upon and summarizes a great variety of recent scholars’ arguments and conclusions regarding the literatures, traditions, and geographic areas under investigation. His goal is “to offer a large narrative on the basis of recent publications by scores of scholars in Late Antique and early medieval sources” and thus “distill [. . .] from their remarkable contributions the outlines of a more expansive picture” (ix). The result is a broad overview of several areas related to [End Page 455] the study of late antique holy persons, the texts about them, and the utilization of these figures by different religious communities. Among the topics addressed are the literary genres of hagiographic texts, common narrative topoi deployed by their authors, and the social functions served by these texts and the variant representations of holy persons contained within them. Renard’s framing and his choices of what material to include may irk specialists within the various disciplines that fall under the umbrella of late antiquity. For example, in his coverage of Christian hagiographical materials, Renard draws almost exclusively from self-contained narrative biographies produced from the third century onwards, such as Athansius’s Life of Antony. Renard seems to regard such long-form biography as “true hagiography” (11, 96), and he focuses throughout the book on such texts, extending also into his coverage of Jewish and Islamic traditions. Yet this genre of long-form biography was generally deployed later (or in different ways) by Jews and Muslims than it was by Christians. This leads Renard in some cases to juxtapose late antique Christian texts with significantly later Jewish and Islamic biographical collections, such as the thirteenth-century Book of the Pious Ones (Sefer Hasidim). More chronologically proximate comparanda might have been profitably used: Talmudic and Midrashic literatures have increasingly been read in dialogue with late antique Christian hagiography by scholars like Ra‘anan Boustan, Daniel Boyarin, Rachel Neis, Jeffrey Rubenstein, and Holger Zellentin, to name only a few. Similarly, Renard focuses a significant part of his examination of “Islamic hagiography” on Sufi texts that emerged in the ninth and tenth centuries and later, rather than engaging with other Islamic literatures. He is aware of (for example) the large body of biographical collections that early medieval Sunni Muslims produced related to the transmission of hadith, but does not see these as “truly hagiographical...

A Church of Islam: The Syrian Calling of Father Paolo Dall'Oglio by Shaun O'Neill

Reviewed by: A Church of Islam: The Syrian Calling of Father Paolo Dall'Oglio by Shaun O'Neill Christian Krokus Shaun O'Neill, A Church of Islam: The Syrian Calling of Father Paolo Dall'Oglio. Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock, 2019. Pp. 137. $21.00, paper. When, in 1982, the Italian Jesuit Paolo Dall'Oglio made a retreat outside Damascus among the ruins of an ancient monastery, Deir Mar Musa, one of the most daring, innovative, and hope-filled projects in the history of Christian-Muslim relations was born. Overseeing the reconstruction of the monastery and the restoration of its eleventh-to-twelfth-century church frescoes from 1984 through 1991, and having transferred to the Syriac Catholic rite, Dall'Oglio along with Jacques Mourad founded the al-Khalil monastic community (Friend of God, the title of Abraham in Islam). The community stands upon three pillars: contemplative prayer, manual labor, and Abrahamic hospitality, especially toward its surrounding Muslim neighbors. When unrest came to Syria in 2011, Dall'Oglio was outspoken in his criticism of the regime. He became a symbol of the burgeoning revolution and a "vociferous advocate for the opposition" (101). Having put his own life and those of his fellow monks and nuns in danger, he was exiled from the country. Over the following year he attempted to organize an international intervention, and in 2013, he surreptitiously returned to Syria but not to the monastery. In July of that year he entered Raqqa to negotiate for the release of hostages with leaders of what would later be known as ISIS. He has not been seen since. That the larger-than-life Dall'Oglio and DMM remain obscure in the Anglophone world is "lamentable," so O'Neill begins to redress the "paucity of writing … in English" about them (xxiv). His scope is broad, briefly covering the history of DMM's founding and examining the community's efforts at Christian-Muslim dialogue with an emphasis on the dialogue of life among monastery guests. O'Neill touches on the often-difficult relationships between Dall'Oglio and the local Christian hierarchy, the Vatican, the Jesuits, and the [End Page 319] Syrian state, describing him as sometimes "blunt" and "caustic" (62), "inflexible" (82), vain and "grandiose" (111). Dall'Oglio, who so longed to be an insider among Muslims, ironically, remained an outsider to a number of Syrian Christians. Critics accuse him of being too Asaad-friendly before the uprising and too Asaad-critical after. The book is based partly on texts and interviews by Dall'Oglio but mainly upon O'Neill's interviews with a few people close to Fr. Paolo, some anonymous. O'Neill's book opens several lines of inquiry that demand further study. First, although the book's titular phrase "Church of Islam" does not appear until page 72, O'Neill offers several understandings of Dall'Oglio's enigmatic formulation, ranging from inculturation and Incarnation, to exchange, synthesis, or even the unfortunate "non-denominational spiritualism" (84). Key for understanding Dall'Oglio's ecclesiology, O'Neill observes, is the Gospel image of the yeast in the dough. Future efforts, however, must further mine Dall'Oglio's conviction that Christianity is principally an animating spirit rather than an institution. In his provocatively titled article "In Praise of Syncretism," Dall'Oglio insists, for example, that there is no specifically Christian way of fasting. Such particularities are appropriated from whatever religio-cultural-symbolic space the Church inhabits. One implication for Christian-Muslim relations is to build a Church not only of Islam but for Islam, promoting Islamic values and aiding the development of the Ummah. Second, O'Neill refers to Dall'Oglio's being a "firm believer in the power of nonviolent resistance and dialogue" (101). Dall'Oglio once insisted that, in the event of conflict, he and DMM would remain in neighborly solidarity with all Syrian parties no matter their political affiliations. When the moment arrived, although he personally may never have carried a weapon, he lent vocal support to those who did on one side of a civil war. Such a position may be explainable, even justifiable, but the tension between his decision to accompany the opposition and Dall'Oglio's commitment to nonviolence...

Abraham Sahabat Allah

Abraham is called by the three monotheistic religions as friend of God. According to Gn 18:16b-33 he by his call is to become a friend of God. What does it mean? In wisdom theology of Wis 7-8 those who seek and love wisdom are called friends of God and in Jn 15:15 Christ calls all His disciples as His friends. This study tries to explore the relationship between these texts and its significance for the life of the Church in our time.

General

General Fred W. Guyette, Michael W. Duggan, and Christopher T. Begg 1649. [Eating Cultures] Michaela Bauks, "Man ist, was man isst. Ein kulturgeschichtlicher Blick auf Esskulturen rund um die Hebräische Bibel," BK 75 (2020) 12-20. B. elaborates on the socio-historical and cultural dimensions of food and meals in the context of the Hebrew Bible. She points to the importance of dietary laws (e.g., in Leviticus) for the identity of a community. Next, she discusses various examples of harmonious or problematic table fellowships in the Hebrew Bible (e.g., Num 25:1-3). Meals and food more and more function as identity markers in Judaism. B. then reflects on the production of food and the interconnected purity rules, e.g., the ritually correct slaughtering of an animal or the cultivation of kosher wine. The status of clean or unclean food became an important boundary marker in early Judaism (especially the avoidance of pork or the separation of milky and meaty food, the so-called Kashrut). B. also provides information about the reception of the prescriptions of the Hebrew Bible in rabbinic exegesis.—T.H. 1650. [Gentiles in the Hebrew Bible] Avi Baumol, "BARUKH HA'SHEM: The Unique Role of Gentiles in the Bible," JBQ 48 (2020) 3-15. At certain crucial moments in history, Israel has found friends among the Gentiles. Not always, but sometimes. After the Flood, God called Abraham to be his covenant partner and Abraham became a friend of God. Here and there, Abraham found that some Gentiles could be trusted as friends, such as Melchizedek (Genesis 14). In another time and place, Moses formed a mutually beneficial alliance with Jethro (Exodus 18). When Joshua fought against Jericho, Rahab provided essential help (Joshua 2). King David found Hiram of Tyre to be a good friend to Israel, especially when it came to providing supplies for his building projects (2 Samuel 5). And in Solomon's day, the Queen of Sheba expressed her admiration for Solomon as a wise and just ruler (1 Kings 10).—F.W.G. 1651. Jonathan Ben Dov, "The History of Pentecontad Time Units (I)," A Teacher for All Generations, 93-111 [see #2430]. B.D. seeks for the origins of the fiftieth day and fiftieth year motif in the laws governing the Festival of Weeks and the Jubilee Year in Lev 23:15-16 and Lev 25:8-55 respectively. He first examines the evidence that Hildegard and Julius Lewy presented over seventy years ago to support their thesis that the calculation of time in Leviticus 23 and 25 was based on a calendar of fifty temporal units (a "pentecontad"), which originated in Amorite circles of the second millennium b.c.e. His evaluation of the Old Assyrian and Babylonian material yields no evidence of a pentecontad calendar and thereby eviscerates the possibility of its Amorite origins. B.D., for his part, argues that the highlighting of the fiftieth day and year in the Holiness Code represents a development of earlier Israelite observances. The fifty-day festival of weeks in the Deuteronomic and Priestly traditions represents a shift regarding the agricultural Festival of Weeks with its original undefined duration (Deut 16:9; Lev 23:15; cf. Exod 34:22; Jer 5:24). Priestly writers conceptualized the Jubilee in the fiftieth year as a sevenfold extension of an earlier mandate that prescribed a Sabbath rest for the land every seventh year (Lev 25:8-55; cf. 25:2-7; Exod 23:10-11).—M.W.D. [End Page 603] 1652. Adela Yarbro Collins, "Ascents to Heaven in Antiquity: Toward a Typology," A Teacher for All Generations, 553-72 [see #2430]. C. surveys accounts of humans ascending to heaven in the literature of ancient Mesopotamia, Hebrew Scripture, Jewish texts of the Greco-Roman period, and early Christianity, as well as in the traditions of aboriginal societies. These ancient narratives of heavenly journeys are too diverse to comprise a single literary genre. However, they may be classified in terms of thematic factors such as characterization, choreography, and message. After reviewing a hundred-year span of scholarly attempts to categorize heavenly ascent accounts, C...

Reflexiones acerca de la formación intelectual de Abū Ya‛zà y al-Yuḥānisī: dos modelos de santidad en el Occidente Islámico medieval

Este trabajo estudia las figuras de Abū Ya῾zà y al-Yuḥānisī desde la perspectiva de su educación y formación intelectuales. Los dos personajes analizados pueden ayudarnos, por un lado, a revisar en profundidad las características de aquellos que se consideran awliyā’ o «amigos de Dios» así como a sugerir la posibilidad de la existencia de dos modelos de santidad en el occidente islámico, uno típicamente magrebí y el otro andalusí. Los dos modelos propuestos muestran características comunes pero también claras diferencias, especialmente en lo relativo a su educación y formación intelectual. De esta forma, el estudio presta especial atención a factores como la enseñanza recibida por parte de los sujetos de estudio y sus maestros, la presencia de la lengua bereber en esta enseñanza así como el fenómeno de la rihla a las tierras orientales como parte inseparable de la propia formación intelectual.

Friendship as a Theological Model: Bonhoeffer, Moltmann and the Trinity

Friendship has been valued since classical times and is also an important category from a theological perspective; Christians are even called ‘friends of God’ (Jn 15:15). For a theological reflection on friendship, we will be drawing upon the work of Dietrich Bonhoeffer and Jurgen Moltmann in this contribution. While numerous differences exist in Bonhoeffer and Moltmann’s theology, both have written about the Christian community extensively. We will examine friendship as the theological environment in which we learn how to relate to others not only privately, but also in the public arena, seeking the common good. Friendship, we argue, should not remain in an enclosed area within the personal relationship where we remain friends with those who are similar to us. Rather, friendship, as a theological model, is the space where we can practice the attributes of friendship to enable us to live this out within the broader society with those with whom we are not necessarily friends, but with all people. Friendship can form the environment for us to be ‘trained’ in the characteristics of theological friendship where we are friends in freedom and without hierarchy, and, in so doing, learn to treat all human beings as equal.

Problem of “perfect person” in creativity al Khakim at-Termizi and Ibn-Arabi

&nbsp;The article discusses the problem of the "perfect man" in Sufism, presented in the work of two great thinkers - at-Termizi and Ibn-Arabi. It shows the continuity of ideas in the teachings of these two thinkers who lived at different times. The doctrine of the friends of God at-Termizi is analyzed, a comprehensive definition is given to him. Various approaches to the problem of holiness and perfect man are revealed. It justifies the making of at-Termizi God's friends into four groups: 1) Avliya'u hakk Allah or Sadikush; 2) auliya'u-allah; 3) siddikun (sincere); 4) moonfarid (single). A detailed analysis of the qualities of representatives of each of these groups is given. The authors also dwell on the understanding of the “seal of the saints” (khatm al-auliya), i.e. the most important “friend of God” who completes the cycle of holiness. The historical significance of the teachings of at-Termizi about the friends of God through the theory of “wahdat al-wujud” of ibn-Arabi is revealed, in which the perfect person is considered as the crown of divine creation, its completion. The authors also dwell on the fundamental concept of Ibn-Arabi, according to which "peace" and "God" express the same essence, are two sides of the only truth, i.e. "The being of creatures is the essence of the being of the Creator." The authors conclude that the teachings of at-Termizi and Ibn-Arabi played a significant role in the further development of the problems of the “perfect man” not only in Sufism and Arab-Muslim philosophy, but also in the teachings of Western European thinkers.

Pilgrimage in Islam: Traditional and Modern Practices

Pilgrimage in Islam: Traditional and Modern Practices

Pilgrimage in Islam: Traditional and Modern Practices

Pilgrimage in Islam: Traditional and Modern Practices

Еволюція філософських поглядів Григорія Сковороди у зв'язку з його духовною біографією

This paper argues that the foundation for Skovoroda’s philosophical evolution was laid by the elements of his existential experience: overcoming the fear of death; uncertainty of an individual’s existence in the world; friendship; a series of events in his social life, simultaneous to changes in his works. The most fundamental factor of this experience was Skovoroda’s Christian identity, particularly his continuous efforts to grasp the meaning of the most crucial dogma of Christian religion – the mystery of Resurrection. The totality of these factors caused further development of Skovoroda’s doctrine. The article schematises the inner logic of this development as follows: (1) discovery of the perspective of love, interpreted as being struck by divine beauty; (2) interpretation of human condition as being on the edge of the created and the divine world; (3) proper assessment of the fact that a human being discovers in its own essence the incorruptible beauty of divine image; (4) comprehension of how love to this image arises; (5) interpretation of man as a being that is capable to grasp the eternity of divine charity, and understand itself as a meta-historical entity that has its continuation in eternity. The existential experience brings Skovoroda to a unique and extremely powerful existential experience of the mystery of Cross, which causes a cathartic effect: having undergone the sufferings of the Cross, the material fire of human ἔρως transforms into the living water of divine ἀγάπη, and the confusion of a living creature lost in the world gives way to a tranquil wisdom of a heir of divine gifts and a friend of God.