French-learning Infants Research Articles

Is That You I Hear? Speaker Familiarity Modulates Neural Signatures of Lexical-semantic Activation in 18-month-old Infants.

Developmental language studies have shown that lexical-semantic organization develops between 18 and 24 months of age in monolingual infants. In the present study, we aimed to examine whether voice familiarity facilitates lexical-semantic activation in the infant brain. We recorded the brain activity of 18-month-old, French-learning infants using EEG while they listened to taxonomically related and unrelated spoken word pairs by one voice with which they were familiarized with before the experiment, and one voice with which they were not familiarized. The ERPs were measured in response to related and unrelated target words. Our results showed an N400 effect (greater amplitudes for unrelated as opposed to related target words) over the left hemisphere, only for the familiar voice, suggesting that the voice familiarity facilitated lexical-semantic activation. For unfamiliar voices, we observed an earlier congruence effect (greater amplitudes for related than for unrelated target words). This suggests that although 18-month-olds process lexical-semantic information from unfamiliar speakers, their neural signatures of lexical-semantic processing are less mature. Our results show that even in the absence of personal relation with a speaker, familiarity with a voice augments infant lexical-semantic processing. This supports the idea that extralinguistic information plays a role in infant lexical-semantic activation.

Infants' sensitivity to phonotactic regularities related to perceptually low-salient fricatives: a cross-linguistic study.

Infants' sensitivity to language-specific phonotactic regularities emerges between 6- and 9- months of age, and this sensitivity has been shown to impact other early processes such as wordform segmentation and word learning. However, the acquisition of phonotactic regularities involving perceptually low-salient phonemes (i.e., phoneme contrasts that are hard to discriminate at an early age), has rarely been studied and prior results show mixed findings. Here, we aimed to further assess infants' acquisition of such regularities, by focusing on the low-salient contrast of /s/- and /ʃ/-initial consonant clusters. Using the headturn preference procedure, we assessed whether French- and German-learning 9-month-old infants are sensitive to language-specific regularities varying in frequency within and between the two languages (i.e., /st/ and /sp/ frequent in French, but infrequent in German, /ʃt/ and /ʃp/ frequent in German, but infrequent in French). French-learning infants preferred the frequent over the infrequent phonotactic regularities, but the results for the German-learning infants were less clear. These results suggest crosslinguistic acquisition patterns, although an exploratory direct comparison of the French- and German-learning groups was inconclusive, possibly linked to low statistical power to detect such differences. Nevertheless, our findings suggest that infants' early phonotactic sensitivities extend to regularities involving perceptually low-salient phoneme contrasts at 9 months, and highlight the importance of conducting cross-linguistic research on such language-specific processes.

20-Month-Old infants’ Use of Noun and Verb Morphosyntactic Cues in Novel Word Learning in Dynamic Events

ABSTRACT Using a habituation paradigm with a three-switch design, the present study investigated whether 20-month-old French-learning infants use noun and verb morphosyntactic cues to learn novel words in dynamic events differentially when both the agent and the action interpretations are possible. Of particular interest was whether infants’ initial interpretation of novel nouns referring to novel animate objects in dynamic events includes not only the novel agents but also their actions. The following two contrastive hypotheses were specifically tested: (1) infants map novel verbs to the novel actions only and novel nouns to the novel agents only. Alternatively, (2) they map novel verbs to the novel actions only but novel nouns to both the novel agents and their actions. Infants watched dynamic events in which novel agents performed novel intransitive actions, while hearing novel words in a noun phrase or a verb sentence. When novel words were preceded by a pronoun “il”, infants were able to map novel verbs to the actions but not to the agents. However, when novel words were preceded by a determiner “un”, they mapped the novel nouns to both the agents and their actions. Two follow-up noun experiments showed that they mapped the novel nouns onto the agents and their actions, even when additional noun morphosyntactic cues were given. These findings demonstrate that 20-month-old infants are able to use noun and verb morphosyntactic cues to learn novel words in dynamic events differentially and provide some evidence to support that infants’ initial representations of novel nouns referring to novel animate objects in dynamic events include both the agents and their actions.

Probing the Impact of Prematurity on Segmentation Abilities in the Context of Bilingualism.

Infants born prematurely are at a high risk of developing linguistic deficits. In the current study, we compare how full-term and healthy preterm infants without neuro-sensorial impairments segment words from fluent speech, an ability crucial for lexical acquisition. While early word segmentation abilities have been found in monolingual infants, we test here whether it is also the case for French-dominant bilingual infants with varying non-dominant languages. These bilingual infants were tested on their ability to segment monosyllabic French words from French sentences at 6 months of (postnatal) age, an age at which both full-term and preterm monolinguals are able to segment these words. Our results establish the existence of segmentation skills in these infants, with no significant difference in performance between the two maturation groups. Correlation analyses failed to find effects of gestational age in the preterm group, as well as effects of the language dominance within the bilingual groups. These findings indicate that monosyllabic word segmentation, which has been found to emerge by 4 months in monolingual French-learning infants, is a robust ability acquired at an early age even in the context of bilingualism and prematurity. Future studies should further probe segmentation abilities in more extreme conditions, such as in bilinguals tested in their non-dominant language, in preterm infants with medical issues, or testing the segmentation of more complex word structures.

Infant learning of words in a typologically distant nonnative language.

Infants attune to their native language during the first two years of life, as attested by decreases in the processing of nonnative phonological sounds and reductions in the range of possible sounds accepted as labels for native words. The present study shows that French-learning infants aged 1;8 can learn new words in an unfamiliar language, Cantonese, after just 6 repetitions of each word. This shows that word learning in a nonnative language remains possible during the second year of life even in a nonnative language that is typologically distinct from the native language.

Emergence of a consonant bias during the first year of life: New evidence from own-name recognition.

Recent evidence suggests that during the first year of life, a preference for consonant information during lexical processing (consonant bias) emerges, at least for some languages like French. Our study investigated the factors involved in this emergence as well as the developmental consequences for variation in consonant bias emergence. In a series of experiments, we measured 5-, 8-, and 11-month-old French-learning infants orientation times to a consonant or vowel mispronunciation of their own name, which is one of the few word forms familiar to infants at this young age. Both 5- and 8-month-olds oriented longer to vowel mispronunciations, but 11-month-olds showed a different pattern, initially orienting longer to consonant mispronunciations. We interpret these results as further evidence of an initial vowel bias, with consonant bias emergence by 11months. Neither acoustic-phonetic nor lexical factors predicted preferences in 8- and 11-month-olds. Finally, counter to our predictions, a vowel bias at the time of test for 11-month-olds was related to later productive vocabulary outcomes.

Cross-linguistic differences in the size of the infant vowel space

This study examined the effects of linguistic environmental input on babbling in cross-linguistic investigations of vowel space. Speech samples were collected from 10- to 18-month-old infants learning Arabic (N = 31). First (F1) and second (F2) formant frequencies were identified in the selected vowels and used to calculate the compact-diffuse (F2 − F1) and grave-acute ([F2 + F1]/2) values for each vowel and the size of the vowel space was calculated for each infant’s vowel space. These vowel space statistics were compared to similar data derived from vowels produced by English-learning infants (N = 20) and French-learning infants (N = 23) as previously described in Rvachew, Mattock, Polka, and Menard (2006). It was found that Arabic infants appeared to achieve a larger vowel space at a younger age compared to the English and French infants, which we attribute to the benefit of a less crowded vowel space in Arabic input compared to English and French input. Expansion of the vowel space toward the diffuse and grave corners was common to all three language groups, but the developmental trajectories for the mean F1 and mean F2 varied with language input. These findings suggest that the development of infant babbling is influenced by a complex interaction of endogenous and exogenous processes, which include the biological development of the vocal tract and language input from the ambient environment.

The consonant bias in word learning is not determined by position within the word: Evidence from vowel-initial words

The current study used an object manipulation task to explore whether infants rely more on consonant information than on vowel information when learning new words even when the words start with a vowel. Canadian French-learning 20-month-olds, who were taught pairs of new vowel-initial words contrasted either on their initial vowel (opsi/eupsi) or following consonant (oupsa/outsa), were found to have learned the words only in the consonant condition and performed significantly better in the consonant condition than in the vowel condition. These results extend to Canadian French-learning infants the consonant bias in word learning previously found in French-learning infants from France and, crucially, shows that vocalic information has less weight than consonant information in new word learning even when it is the initial sound of the target words, confirming the consonant bias at the lexical level postulated by Nespor et al. (2003). The current findings also suggest that French-learning infants are able to segment vowel-initial words as early as 20 months of age.

Vowels, then consonants: Early bias switch in recognizing segmented word forms

The division of labor hypothesis proposed by Nespor, Peña, and Mehler (2003) postulates that consonants are more important than vowels in lexical processing (when learning and recognizing words). This consonant bias (C-bias) is supported by many adult and toddler studies. However, some cross-linguistic variation has been found in toddlerhood, and various hypotheses have been proposed to account for the origin of the consonant bias, which make distinct predictions regarding its developmental trajectory during the first year of life. The present study evaluated these hypotheses by investigating the consonant bias in young French-learning infants, a language in which a consistent consonant bias is reported from 11months of age onward. Accordingly, in a series of word form segmentation experiments building on the fact that both 6- and 8-month-old French-learning infants can segment monosyllabic words, we investigated the relative impact of consonant and vowel mispronunciations on the recognition of segmented word forms at these two ages. Infants were familiarized with passages containing monosyllabic target words and then tested in different conditions all including consonant and/or vowel mispronunciations of the target words. Overall, our findings reveal a consonant bias at 8months, but an opposite vowel bias at 6months. These findings first establish that the consonant bias emerges between 6 and 8months of age in French-learning infants. Second, we discuss the factors that might explain such a developmental trajectory, highlighting the possible roles of pre-lexical and phonological acquisition.

What infants know about the unsaid: Phonological categorization in the absence of auditory input

Acquiring a lexicon constitutes an essential step in early language development. From an early age on, infants store words with well-specified phonological representations, and they can spontaneously activate these representations on the basis of visual information only (Mani & Plunkett, 2010a, 2011). To what extent can infants inspect and categorize phonological representations in the absence of auditory input? The present study focuses on words that infants comprehend but do not attempt to pronounce yet, and introduces a novel methodology based on anticipatory eye-movements. In two experiments, 21-month-old French-learning infants were silently presented with images of familiar objects whose labels they comprehended but did not pronounce yet. We tested whether they could activate the phonological representation of these labels and categorize them based on their length. Infants’ performance exceeded chance when the target words were mono- and trisyllabic, but not when they were mono- and disyllabic. Thus, even in the absence of auditory input infants can activate the phonological representation of words they do not pronounce yet, and use this representation to perform a categorization based on word length, provided the length difference is substantial.

Early Prosodic Acquisition in Bilingual Infants: The Case of the Perceptual Trochaic Bias.

Infants start learning the prosodic properties of their native language before 12 months, as shown by the emergence of a trochaic bias in English-learning infants between 6 and 9 months (Jusczyk et al., 1993), and in German-learning infants between 4 and 6 months (Höhle et al., 2009, 2014), while French-learning infants do not show a bias at 6 months (Höhle et al., 2009). This language-specific emergence of a trochaic bias is supported by the fact that English and German are languages with trochaic predominance in their lexicons, while French is a language with phrase-final lengthening but lacking lexical stress. We explored the emergence of a trochaic bias in bilingual French/German infants, to study whether the developmental trajectory would be similar to monolingual infants and whether amount of relative exposure to the two languages has an impact on the emergence of the bias. Accordingly, we replicated Höhle et al. (2009) with 24 bilingual 6-month-olds learning French and German simultaneously. All infants had been exposed to both languages for 30 to 70% of the time from birth. Using the Head Preference Procedure, infants were presented with two lists of stimuli, one made up of several occurrences of the pseudoword /GAba/ with word-initial stress (trochaic pattern), the second one made up of several occurrences of the pseudoword /gaBA/ with word-final stress (iambic pattern). The stimuli were recorded by a native German female speaker. Results revealed that these French/German bilingual 6-month-olds have a trochaic bias (as evidenced by a preference to listen to the trochaic pattern). Hence, their listening preference is comparable to that of monolingual German-learning 6-month-olds, but differs from that of monolingual French-learning 6-month-olds who did not show any preference (Höhle et al., 2009). Moreover, the size of the trochaic bias in the bilingual infants was not correlated with their amount of exposure to German. The present results thus establish that the development of a trochaic bias in simultaneous bilinguals is not delayed compared to monolingual German-learning infants (Höhle et al., 2009) and is rather independent of the amount of exposure to German relative to French.

Delayed acquisition of non-adjacent vocalic distributional regularities.

The ability to compute non-adjacent regularities is key in the acquisition of a new language. In the domain of phonology/phonotactics, sensitivity to non-adjacent regularities between consonants has been found to appear between 7 and 10 months. The present study focuses on the emergence of a posterior-anterior (PA) bias, a regularity involving two non-adjacent vowels. Experiments 1 and 2 show that a preference for PA over AP (anterior-posterior) words emerges between 10 and 13 months in French-learning infants. Control experiments show that this bias cannot be explained by adjacent or positional preferences. The present study demonstrates that infants become sensitive to non-adjacent vocalic distributional regularities between 10 and 13 months, showing the existence of a delay for the acquisition of non-adjacent vocalic regularities compared to equivalent non-adjacent consonantal regularities. These results are consistent with the CV hypothesis, according to which consonants and vowels play different roles at different linguistic levels.

Vowel bias in Danish word-learning: processing biases are language-specific.

The present study explored whether the phonological bias favoring consonants found in French-learning infants and children when learning new words (Havy & Nazzi, 2009; Nazzi, 2005) is language-general, as proposed by Nespor, Peña and Mehler (2003), or varies across languages, perhaps as a function of the phonological or lexical properties of the language in acquisition. To do so, we used the interactive word-learning task set up by Havy and Nazzi (2009), teaching Danish-learning 20-month-olds pairs of phonetically similar words that contrasted either on one of their consonants or one of their vowels, by either one or two phonological features. Danish was chosen because it has more vowels than consonants, and is characterized by extensive consonant lenition. Both phenomena could disfavor a consonant bias. Evidence of word-learning was found only for vocalic information, irrespective of whether one or two phonological features were changed. The implication of these findings is that the phonological biases found in early lexical processing are not language-general but develop during language acquisition, depending on the phonological or lexical properties of the native language.

On the importance of being bilingual: Word stress processing in a context of segmental variability

French-learning infants have language-specific difficulties in processing lexical stress due to the lack of lexical stress in French. These difficulties in discriminating between words with stress-initial (trochaic) and stress-final (iambic) patterns emerge by 10months of age in the easier context of low variability (using a single item pronounced with a trochaic pattern vs. an iambic pattern) as well as in the more challenging context of high segmental variability (using lists of segmentally different trochaic and iambic items). These findings raise the question of stress pattern perception in simultaneous bilinguals learning French and a second language using stress at the lexical level. Bijeljac-Babic, Serres, Höhle, and Nazzi (2012) established that at 10 months of age, in the simpler context of low variability, such bilinguals have better stress discrimination abilities than French-learning monolinguals. The current study explored whether this advantage extends to the more challenging context of high segmental variability. Results first establish stress pattern discrimination in a group of bilingual 10-month-olds learning French and one language with (variable) lexical stress, but not in French-learning 10-month-old monolinguals. Second, discrimination in bilinguals appeared not to be affected by the language balance of the infants, suggesting that sensitivity to stress patterns might be maintained in these bilingual infants provided that they hear at least 30% of a language with lexical stress.

Constraints on statistical computations at 10 months of age: the use of phonological features.

Recently, several studies have argued that infants capitalize on the statistical properties of natural languages to acquire the linguistic structure of their native language, but the kinds of constraints which apply to statistical computations remain largely unknown. Here we explored French-learning infants' perceptual preference for labial-coronal (LC) words over coronal-labial words (CL) words (e.g. preferring bat over tab) to determine whether this phonotactic preference is based on the acquisition of the statistical properties of the input based on a single phonological feature (i.e. place of articulation), multiple features (i.e. place and manner of articulation), or individual consonant pairs. Results from four experiments revealed that infants had a labial-coronal bias for nasal sequences (Experiment 1) and for all plosive sequences (Experiments 2 and 4) but a coronal-labial bias for all fricative sequences (Experiments 3 and 4), independently of the frequencies of individual consonant pairs. These results establish for the first time that constellations of multiple phonological features, defining broad consonant classes, constrain the early acquisition of phonotactic regularities of the native language.

Early Speech Segmentation in French-learning Infants: Monosyllabic Words versus Embedded Syllables.

Lexical acquisition relies on many mechanisms, one of which corresponds to segmentation abilities, that is, the ability to extract word forms from fluent speech. This ability is important since words are rarely produced in isolation even when talking to infants. The present study explored whether young French-learning infants segment from fluent speech the rhythmic unit of their native language, the syllable. Using the Headturn Preference Procedure and the passage word order, we explored whether these infants can segment monosyllabic words (at 6 and 8 months), syllables embedded in bisyllabic words (at 6 months) and bisyllabic words (at 6 months). Our results bring direct evidence in support of the early rhythmic segmentation hypothesis, by establishing syllabic segmentation both for monosyllabic words and embedded syllables at 6 months, while failing to find segmentation of bisyllabic words at the same age. They also indirectly extend to French previously reported effects of coarticulation, acoustic variation and infant-directed speech on segmentation found in English. Therefore, our study contributes to a better understanding of the similarities and differences in early segmentation across languages, and thus to a better understanding of the mechanisms underlying segmentation.

The role of the input on the development of the LC bias: A crosslinguistic comparison

Previous studies have described the existence of a phonotactic bias called the Labial–Coronal (LC) bias, corresponding to a tendency to produce more words beginning with a labial consonant followed by a coronal consonant (i.e. “bat”) than the opposite CL pattern (i.e. “tap”). This bias has initially been interpreted in terms of articulatory constraints of the human speech production system. However, more recently, it has been suggested that this presumably language-general LC bias in production might be accompanied by LC and CL biases in perception, acquired in infancy on the basis of the properties of the linguistic input. The present study investigates the origins of these perceptual biases, testing infants learning Japanese, a language that has been claimed to possess more CL than LC sequences, and comparing them with infants learning French, a language showing a clear LC bias in its lexicon. First, a corpus analysis of Japanese IDS and ADS revealed the existence of an overall LC bias, except for plosive sequences in ADS, which show a CL bias across counts. Second, speech preference experiments showed a perceptual preference for CL over LC plosive sequences (all recorded by a Japanese speaker) in 13- but not in 7- and 10-month-old Japanese-learning infants (Experiment 1), while revealing the emergence of an LC preference between 7 and 10 months in French-learning infants, using the exact same stimuli. These crosslinguistic behavioral differences, obtained with the same stimuli, thus reflect differences in processing in two populations of infants, which can be linked to differences in the properties of the lexicons of their respective native languages. These findings establish that the emergence of a CL/LC bias is related to exposure to a linguistic input.

Early syllabic segmentation of fluent speech by infants acquiring French.

Word form segmentation abilities emerge during the first year of life, and it has been proposed that infants initially rely on two types of cues to extract words from fluent speech: Transitional Probabilities (TPs) and rhythmic units. The main goal of the present study was to use the behavioral method of the Headturn Preference Procedure (HPP) to investigate again rhythmic segmentation of syllabic units by French-learning infants at the onset of segmentation abilities (around 8 months) given repeated failure to find syllabic segmentation at such a young age. The second goal was to explore the interaction between the use of TPs and syllabic units for segmentation by French-learning infants. The rationale was that decreasing TP cues around target syllables embedded in bisyllabic words would block bisyllabic word segmentation and facilitate the observation of syllabic segmentation. In Experiments 1 and 2, infants were tested in a condition of moderate TP decrease; no evidence of either syllabic or bisyllabic word segmentation was found. In Experiment 3, infants were tested in a condition of more marked TP decrease, and a novelty syllabic segmentation effect was observed. Therefore, the present study first establishes early syllabic segmentation in French-learning infants, bringing support from a syllable-based language to the proposal that rhythmic units are used at the onset of segmentation abilities. Second, it confirms that French-learning infants are sensitive to TP cues. Third, it demonstrates that they are sensitive to the relative weight of TP and rhythmic cues, explaining why effects of syllabic segmentation are not observed in context of high TPs. These findings are discussed in relation to theories of word segmentation bootstrapping, and the larger debate about statistically- versus prosodically-based accounts of early language acquisition.

Early word segmentation in infants acquiring Parisian French: task-dependent and dialect-specific aspects

Six experiments explored Parisian French-learning infants' ability to segment bisyllabic words from fluent speech. The first goal was to assess whether bisyllabic word segmentation emerges later in infants acquiring European French compared to other languages. The second goal was to determine whether infants learning different dialects of the same language have partly different segmentation abilities, and whether segmenting a non-native dialect has a cost. Infants were tested on standard European or Canadian French stimuli, in the word-passage or passage-word order. Our study first establishes an early onset of segmentation abilities: Parisian infants segment bisyllabic words at age 0;8 in the passage-word order only (revealing a robust order of presentation effect). Second, it shows that there are differences in segmentation abilities across Parisian and Canadian French infants, and that there is a cost for cross-dialect segmentation for Parisian infants. We discuss the implications of these findings for understanding word segmentation processes.

The naïve language expert: introduction to the research topic

The naïve language expert: introduction to the research topic