Franco-German Relationship Research Articles

After Stunde Null: Reflections on Germany, Italy and Europe

The Franco-German relationship is considered a measure of the European Union’s overall health. Yet the bilateral ties between Germany and another founding member, Italy, are at least as important. Historical parallels between the two countries have been present since the founding of their modern nation-states. Economic differences have caused deep rifts that influence not just diplomatic relations, but also popular opinion. The rise of right-wing parties in both countries could be considered a new parallel, but upon closer inspection, there are important differences between the Alternative für Deutschland and Fratelli d’Italia. In the aftermath of the EU Parliament elections, it is worth taking a closer look at Germany, Italy, and what their relationship means for the EU.

Liberalism to Realism: Economic Interdependence on Political Relationship in Sino-Japanese Case

This paper discussed the correlation between economic interdependence and political relationship through case studies on the Franco-German relationship and the Sino-Japanese relationship. First, the paper focused on analyzing the Franco-German relationship through liberal theories. The result shows that economic interdependence has an effect on countries political relations. Then, a counterargument to the Sino-Japanese case was presented to show that political relationships and economic interdependence are independent factors. Realism applied better in Sino-Japanese relations in the 21st century than liberal theories. This work has contributed to indicating that the economic theory of liberalism has flaws in scenarios outside of Europe. Also, economic interdependence and political relationship have been supported to be independent factors.

Hard to Follow: Small States and the Franco-German Relationship

ABSTRACT Franco-German leadership may be necessary for European integration, but it is insufficient. Other countries also have to follow. Sometimes they refuse. Examples include the Dutch rejection of the 1962 Fouchet Plan and the efforts by the new Hanseatic League to block implementation of the 2018 Meseberg Declaration. The opposition of Austria, Denmark, the Netherlands, and Sweden to the Franco-German recovery programme during the Covid-19 pandemic may be a third. Importantly, these are not moments of intergovernmental bargaining, with posturing leading to give-and-take that results in a negotiated compromise; they are moments where small states simply reject the plans the French and Germans put forward. This choice is puzzling. The smaller countries are more dependent upon the rest of Europe than the rest of Europe is on them. Not only do they have an important stake in the success of the European project, but this dependence makes them vulnerable to the threat of exclusion. Hence, France and Germany should be able to exercise the kind of go-it-alone power that will drag the smaller countries along (Gruber 2000, Ruling the World: Power Politics and the Rise of Supranational Institutions. Princeton: Princeton University Press). This paper explores two explanations for small state intransigence, one centred on political instability and the other on the politics of shared beliefs.

Is the Franco-German Relationship Still the Foundation Stone of the EU?

Since the signing of the European Coal and Steel Treaties, France and Germany have been linked as unlikely friends in Europe. This paper discusses the Franco-German relationship post WWII, defining the characteristics of a partnership that has defined the history of the European Union and has served as a foundation for peace and cooperation on a continent that has struggled to shake off constant war. This paper then analyzes the hypothesis that the Franco-German relationship is no longer the foundation stone of the European Union in two sections. First, this paper applies these characteristics of deepening integration, increased economic interaction and mutually beneficial cooperation to the present day EU and seeing whether they are still integral to interactions among member states. It then establishes the present day characteristics of the EU as ones of increased national sovereignty, as opposed to Franco-German methods of cooperation.

Die Deutsch-Französische Parlamentarische Versammlung – ein Schritt zur Europäisierung der Parlamente?

Parliamentary cooperation has long been a stepchild of the Franco-German relationship, but the creation of the Franco-German Parliamentary Assembly (FGPA) in 2019 has closed this gap: For the first time, a separate parliamentary body monitors the cooperation between the two executives. This article aims to explore the question to what extent the FGPA can contribute to strengthening the role of national parliaments in the EU. To this end, the article begins by explaining the context and origin of the FGPA, before scrutinizing its working practice as it has developed since the beginning of the joint work in 2019. Finally, the various elements are evaluated in terms of the added value of the FGPA for parliamentary cooperation in the EU.

Varieties of international co-operation: France’s “flexilateral” policy in the context of Brexit

The aim of this article is to articulate conceptually the varieties of international co-operation in which states take part. In theories of international relations, international co-operation is generally analysed either through instances of multilateral collaboration (EU, UN, NATO), through bilateral alliances (Franco-German relationship), or through “minilateral” clubs (G7). Yet the literature does not offer a concept for linking these three models of international co-operation. Nevertheless, in practice, states simultaneously use varieties of international co-operation to address global public problems such as climate change, migration crises, and the fight against terrorism. To address this shortcoming, it is necessary to shift the focus from each type of international co-operation to their “interstices”, in order to identify the relations between the types of international co-operation and their reciprocal effects on decisions taken by the state. It is to do this that the concept of “flexilateralism” has been developed. This neologism describes the policy through which a state simultaneously implements varieties of international co-operation to address a public problem. A state’s “flexilateral” policy, or flexilateralism, is operationalised by revealing four varieties of international co-operation: bilateralism (co-operation between two states), minilateralism (co-operation within an exclusive group of states), multilateralism (co-operation within an inclusive group of states), and unilateralism (no co-operation). The concept of flexilateralism is applied through the case of France’s defence procurement policy in the context of the Brexit negotiations. By taking seriously varieties of international co-operation, the concept of flexilateralism goes a step further to explain the policy-making and implementation of state’s foreign policy.

Germany’s Aussenpolik After the Election

The German election of 2017 has produced an unstable government which is unlikely to offer the kind of leadership in foreign and security policy that Europe and the larger West need in a turbulent time. Chancellor Angela Merkel will be in a weaker position than before with the loss of key cabinet positions to the Social Democrats and the Bavarian Christian Social Union. Many will be looking past her as the struggle to succeed her will in - crease. The key foreign policy agenda will include Europe and the Franco- German relationship, Russia, Turkey and Transatlantic relations. Merkel 4.0 is likely to be a transitional and unruly government that will bridge the end of the Merkel era and the start of one led by a new generation of leaders.

Back to the future? Franco-German bilateralism in Europe's post-Brexit union

ABSTRACTWhat are the consequences and implications of Brexit on the nature and character of Franco-German ‘embedded bilateralism’ in Europe, the relative influence of Berlin and Paris in EU policymaking, and the EU's future trajectory more generally? Brexit brings into sharper relief three basic future scenarios for the EU: (1) German hegemony; (2) the decline of the European project; and (3) a rejuvenated Franco-German tandem at the union's centre – what we call ‘back to the future’. Which of these scenarios prevails will depend on the interaction of Brexit with other developments, most notably (1) the overall strengthening of Germany's relative standing, and (2) France's ability to overcome its economic and societal stasis with serious reforms. Though each of the three scenarios is possible, this paper holds that ‘back to the future’ is the most likely and plausible. Brexit thus might even further accentuate the historically influential Franco-German relationship, not least in union-level policy domains, such as security and defense, in which Britain has hitherto played a significant role.

PROBLEMS AND LIMITATION FACED BY FRANCO-GERMAN TANDEM AS TWIN ENGINE IN EUROPEAN UNION AS THE FUTURE LEADING PARTNER

Europe is a melting pot of diverse cultures, civilizations and amalgamation of various ethnicities. It is a land which faced many catastrophes, high intensity conflicts and wars. Two world wars have been fought on this land. Almost all the major nations participated directly or indirectly at massive scale. Franco-German axis is a term to explain the relations of both the countries in the context of their mutual cooperation and their significant role in contemporary political affairs of Europe. Post war era 1945, congenial atmosphere of synchronization between both the countries replaced three century old French- German hostility. This tandem performed active role not only in the politically integrated European nation but also they played a vital role in the formation of single currency euro as well. Comparatively their functioning is becoming slow but they are still necessary for future of Europe. It is a general impression that the FrancoGerman alliance is facing critical phase, or in other words they are no longer being capable to act as the twin motor of European integration but Euro pe do not have an appropriate replacement. As far as the future of Franco-German relationship or leadership is concerned it acted necessary of European Union’s twin motor in the past but in recent years national interest became more supreme than the interest of European Union as a whole.

Why Doesn’t Asia Have European-Style Regional Integration? Inter-Core Relationships and Network Diffusion

Other SectionsAbstractINTER-CORE RELATIONSHIPS AND NETWORK DIFFUSIONA PUNCTUATED MODEL OF REGIONAL INTEGRATIONDATA AND METHODSANALYSIS OF BILATERAL ECONOMIC TREATY NETWORKS IN ASIA AND EUROPECONCLUSIONFigureFootnoteReference

Introduction

The introduction explores the politics and political economy of austerity in comparative perspective, setting out the context of current austerity policies and discourse in Europe. It places the specific exploration of the dynamics and particularities of French austerity politics under Hollande within a broader context of changes since the 1980s to democratic institutions and electoral practices, the politics of European integration and the conditions of complex economic interdependence resulting from processes of deregulation, liberalisation and globalisation. It establishes the rationale behind the focus of the articles in this special issue on, firstly, the link between popular approval of elected politicians, democratic legitimacy and austerity; secondly, the politics and dynamics of state reform processes at the national and subnational levels which are integral to delivering on austerity-oriented commitments to reduce public expenditure; and thirdly, on the increasingly asymmetrical Franco–German relationship whose changing contours have major implications for the politics of austerity in Europe – notably facilitating the dominance of German ordo-liberal economic ideas at the heart of Eurozone crisis responses initiatives.

Joined at the hip, but pulling apart? Franco-German relations, the Eurozone crisis and the politics of austerity

This article situates analysis of French macroeconomic policy developments under Hollande’s presidency within a wider context of macroeconomic policy autonomy under conditions of capital mobility, and the political economy of European economic governance. It focuses on the crucial Franco-German relationship because of its centrality to the evolution of the euro since its inception. The analysis unearths different state traditions informing the distinct economic ideas about austerity, economic policy, economic governance and regulation that underpin French and German visions for future European economic integration and European economic policy. It establishes the historical and ideational conditions of German approaches to European integration and European Monetary Union, and how these have shaped continuities within French European economic strategy, and Hollande’s approach to the architecture of the euro, focusing in particular on fiscal policy dimensions and their recent evolutions. The discussion explores the foundations of German veto power within European agreements by ‘kicking the tyres’ of the German ordo-liberal political economic settlement and its social underpinnings, finding evidence of corrosive tendencies of declining mass party support linked to anaemic output and productivity growth, rising inequality and deficient demand undermining German export surpluses. Yet, time is an important factor in politics, and these corrosive tendencies are unlikely to generate a change in Franco-German relations during Hollande’s Presidential tenure.

Three eras and possible futures: a long-term view on the Franco-German relationship a century after the First World War

This article offers a long-term perspective on the relations between France and Germany a century after the First World War. It probes three grand periods in Franco-German affairs: �hereditary enmity� (1871�1945), �reconciliation� (1945�63) and the �special relationship� since 1963. Through an investigation of the basic meaning and patterns of interstate interaction, particularly the resilient and adaptable embedded bilateralism of recent decades, the article seeks not only to delineate the key elements of the past, but also to accentuate the stakes of the present, as well as to cast an eye towards the future. The significance of the current crises in European affairs, this article maintains, lies not in the first place in their momentary tumult or troubles, but rather in their potential to unravel constitutive aspects of Franco-German relations and European politics of the past half century. Today, next to a rejuvenated Franco-German bilateralism embedded in a wider Europe, two other trajectories appear as �possible futures�: German hegemony in a partially integrated Europe; and a Europe of chronic muddling through, presumably along with a degeneration of the European project.

Economic and Industrial Cooperation Between France and Germany: Assessment and Future Prospects

Economy and industry have traditionally been major stakes within the Franco-German relationship. This article examines French and German economic and industrial relations, and their importance for these countries' joint leadership in Europe. It investigates the level of economic interdependence and of macroeconomic convergence between the two largest Eurozone economies, industrial cooperation between French and German companies, discrepancies in their trade relations and investment flows, divergences in their respective economic and industrial policies, and the dichotomy between partnership and rivalry in their long-standing relationship. Finally, this article assesses the risk of increasing fiscal and industrial imbalance between the two economies and draws conclusions on its implications for the Franco-German entente in Europe.

Political Legitimation of the Union: the Core of Franco-German Relationship

Les enjeux bilatéraux et européens changent, les présidents et les chanceliers se succèdent, mais inéluctablement la coopération diplomatique se construit dans le temps et s’actualise à partir d’une trame qui coordonne l’ensemble. L’objet de cette contribution vise à comprendre pourquoi l’amitié franco-allemande constitue un élément de légitimation essentiel des institutions et du système politique de l’Union.Notre questionnement consiste à interroger la coopération bilatérale sous l’angle des relations entre les représentants des gouvernements et les citoyens. Cette perspective théorique permet de mieux comprendre son caractère fondamental. L’ordonnancement des sommets présente un ensemble de dispositifs qui qualifie les rencontres par rapport à l’UE. Le contenu des discussions bilatérales s’est au cours du temps concentré sur les enjeux européens.Ces analyses permettent de saisir avec précision comment l’amitié franco-allemande peut apporter une signification consistante à l’UE – et de rappeler aux observateurs et aux dirigeants européens: pourquoi fait-on l’Europe?

Towards New Economic Cooperation in Northeast Asia:Lessons from the Franco-German Coalition

Towards New Economic Cooperation in Northeast Asia:Lessons from the Franco-German Coalition

New Dynamics of ‘Old Europe’

The dynamics of the Franco-German relationship have changed under the impact of technological innovation, market integration, and multilateral institutions. Where once it might have been reasonable for ‘Old Europe’ to focus on the hard power available through military sources, now it is more important to focus on soft power and flexible adjustment. This new imperative operates for the United States as well. The question is whether anyone in the Bush administration realizes that fact.

Franco-German Relations and European Integration: Peeling off the Labels

Books Reviewed in this article: Alistair Cole, Franco–German Relations Julius Friend, Unequal Partners: French–German Relations 1989–2000 Gisela Hendriks and Annette Morgan, The Franco–German Axis in European Integration Douglas Webber (ed.), The Franco–German Relationship in the European Union

The Franco-German Relationship in the European Union

List of abreviations 1. Introduction Douglas Webber 2. Monetary Union: Economic competition and political negotiation Jonathan Story 3. France, Germany, the Intergovernmental Conference and Eastern enlargement Patrick McCarthy 4. Mastering Differences: The Franco-German alliance and the liberalisation of European electricity markets Susanne Schmidt 5. From high to low politics in Franco-German relations: The case of telecommunications Volker Schneider and Thierry Vedel 6. Integration with a spluttering engine: The Franco-German relationship in European research and technology policy Burkard Eberlein and Edgar Grande 7. Agricultural policy: the hard core Douglas Webber 8. An awkward alliance: France, Germany and social policy Martin Rhodes 9. Franco-German co-operation in foreign affairs, security and defence: A case study Amaya Bloch-Laine 10. France, Germany and immigration policy: A paradoxical convergence Patrick Weil 11. Conclusion Douglas Webber

The Franco-German Relationship in the European Union

The Franco-German Relationship in the European Union