Francis Fukuyama Research Articles

What is Bioconservatism? Arendt, Habermas, and Fukuyama

ABSTRACT In light of the new developments in biotechnologies in recent years and their potentialities for human enhancement, the traditional division between conservative and progressive thinking has acquired new nuances. This article offers a historical examination of bioconservatism—the specific kind of conservatism that has developed in response to these technologies, the aim of which is to resist their potential future adverse effects. I differentiate between two types of bioconservatism: the one based on a defense of the anthropological openness of human beings and the conditions that make ethical existence possible (Hannah Arendt and Jürgen Habermas), and the other based on a more traditionally conservative defense of human nature (Francis Fukuyama). By proposing a more concise definition of bioconservatism, this article deepens our understanding of the new conservative responses to the accelerating rate of biotechnological developments and the rise of the intellectual movements of transhumanism and posthumanism.

THE PHENOMENON OF RESENTMENT IN CULTURE: NIETZSCHE, SCHELER, FUKUYAMA

The article delves into the concept of ressentiment within the context of phenomenology and its profound impact on the formation of moral values and socio-cultural dynamics. Drawing on the ideas of Max Scheler, which are partially rooted in Friedrich Nietzsche's philosophy and extended through Francis Fukuyama’s works, the paper explores how ressentiment serves as a critical factor in transforming various spheres of human social activity. The article identifies ressentiment as a driving force behind the crisis of humanistic ideals and examineі its pervasive effect on contemporary values. It emphasizes the importance of understanding this phenomenon in shaping socio-cultural dynamics, particularly in relation to moral-legal perceptions and the collective shifts in society’s values. By examining the internal conflict experienced by individuals influenced by ressentiment, the article sheds light on its role in moral conflicts and social tensions. Furthermore, the work underscores the relevance of Scheler’s phenomenology and Fukuyama’s exploration of identity politics in addressing the challenges posed by ressentiment. It highlights the need to grasp ressentiment not merely as a sociological phenomenon but as a complex psychological experience with deep social implications. The study also opens avenues for future research into how ressentiment influences modern political ideologies and cultural narratives, impacting both individual identities and collective consciousness. Additionally, the article discusses the implications of ressentiment in the digital age, where social media amplifies these sentiments, further polarizing societies and intensifying identity-based conflicts. By providing a focused and nuanced analysis of ressentiment, the article emphasizes its significance in the evolution and transformation of cultural and moral values in the modern world, making it a crucial topic for ongoing philosophical inquiry. This exploration is essential for understanding the roots of contemporary societal divisions and offers insights into potential pathways for addressing these deep-seated issues.

Russia’s War in Ukraine as a “War for Identity” and Appropriation of Cultural Tradition

The article analyzes Russia’s current war in Ukraine through the perspective of Francis Fukuyama’s concept of identity politics based on Samuel Huntington’s civilization approach. We argue that Russia’s war against Ukraine is a new type of war – a “war for identity” – a war that is waged primarily for the appropriation of Ukrainian cultural identity and historical heritage, rather than for political or economic resources. We believe that an effective explanatory framework for its consideration is provided by Huntington’s civilizational concept of the world order, in which the most widespread and dangerous conflicts will be between peoples belonging to different civilizations (and cultures). The article emphasizes that the Russian war in Ukraine is a direct consequence of two factors: on the one hand, Russia is not satisfied with its own cultural tradition and seeks to appropriate Ukrainian cultural identity and historical heritage in order to restore the “lost empire”; on the other hand, Russia is historically a region of civilizational fault line between the countries of Western civilization and the countries of Eastern civilizations, it is a “torn” state in terms of cultural identity and has maintained its integrity for centuries only due to its authoritarian political regime, but constantly produces numerous conflicts around its borders.

Realism, Postmodernism and/as Metanarrative

Abstract The question of how realism and metanarratives are related in the philosophy of history does not seem to have been widely discussed. Whereas there are distinct philosophical and political senses of ‘realism’, contrasting with ‘idealism’ and ‘utopianism’ respectively, ‘metanarrative’ has a singular meaning based on Jean-François Lyotard’s sceptical definition of postmodernism as “incredulity towards metanarratives”. Lyotard defined metanarratives as philosophies of history that serve some legitimatory function, but claimed that their importance was waning. From this point of view, postmodernism can be described as a species of philosophical ‘realism’. But the appearance of Francis Fukuyama’s ‘end of history’ thesis, which explicitly presented itself as a neo-Hegelian critique of political realism, suggested that Lyotard had underestimated the enduring power of metanarrative insofar as it served the interests of the American liberal-democratic capitalist order. For Jacques Derrida, Fukuyama’s work thus underlined the importance of breaking with what he called ‘onto-theological’ visions of history, although Derrida himself could be seen as authoring a metanarrative in the service of European social democracy. But if so, Derrida’s approach to metanarratives was very different in kind to contemporary religious and nationalistic versions. One way to resolve the difficulty is to make a distinction between modern ‘utopian’ and postmodern ‘realist’ versions of metanarratives.

A new framework for the analysis of media systems and media organisations

This article asks: How can we best conceptualise and analyse media systems and media organisations today? A discussion of approaches to media systems and organisation analysis shows that many of them seem to assume the correctness of Francis Fukuyama’s claim that liberal democracy has after the breakdown of the Soviet system been universalised. This article argues that the contemporary world situation shows that Fukuyama’s concept of the end of history is wrong and that we, therefore, need to rethink approaches to media systems and organisation analysis. This article introduces one such approach that is based on a concept of society that argues that all social systems and organisations have economic, political and cultural dimensions and that there is an antagonism between self-management and alienation. The article builds on and extends a typology of media organisations introduced by Colin Sparks. It introduces a systematic model of 12 different types of media organisation and six types of media systems. It stresses the importance of discerning between and analysing the interactions of capitalist media, public service media, civil society media, state media, authoritarian media and democratic media.

The Public-Private Divide in the Age of Identity Politics

Abstract This article examines the impact of identity politics on the traditional liberal distinction between public and private spheres, arguing that critical theories associated with identity politics have significantly blurred these boundaries. This blurring is largely due to the portrayal of equality as a non-negotiable value by proponents of identity politics, who are prepared to limit fundamental freedoms to uphold it. Utilizing Francis Fukuyama’s distinction between “lived experience” and “shared experience,” the article proposes a reinterpretation of the anti-discrimination principle aimed at cultivating shared liberal citizenship. It scrutinizes decisions by Supreme Courts around the globe concerning the denial of wedding cake services to gay couples as a case study. These legal battles exemplify how cultural disputes are reshaping the public-private divide and highlight the need for principles that can justly reconcile freedom and equality in an era marked by intense cultural wars and deepening political division. The article suggests several principles that could assist courts in mitigating the political tensions inherent in cases fueled by cultural conflicts.

Dimensions of Francis Fukuyama’s “The End of History” Vision in the Eastern Europe of the Post-Cold War: Reconsideration of Nationalism

Following the Second World War, the Cold War initiated a bipolar contest for superiority that would last for decades, and in this era the Soviet Union established communist regimes in Eastern Europe. Nationalism, which the Soviet Union tried to oppress but which played a role in the delegitimization of Soviet control, became an important topic of discussion between authorisation regimes and democratisation efforts in the world politics. During and after the Cold War period several thoughts were introduced about nationalism from different perspectives. Francis Fukuyama was among the important figures who thought about nationalism at that time. In his book “The End of History”, Fukuyama touched upon nationalism to explain the struggle for recognition and argued that nationalism is a form of recognition. In this context, this article first focuses on the historical timeline and nationalism in Eastern Europe in the Cold War era. Then, it examines the events that took place in Eastern Europe in the aftermath of the Cold War by concentrating on Fukuyama’s inferences about nationalism and seeks an answer to the reconsideration of nationalism.

Book review: Francis Fukuyama, Liberalism and its Discontents

Francis Fukuyama, Liberalism and its Discontents (London: Profile Books, 2022), xiv + 178 pp.

Contemporary Autocratisation of Democracies in the Context of “a Paradox of Democracy”

After the fall of the “Iron Curtain,” Francis Fukuyama formulated a thesis on structural victory of liberal democracy and its fundamental values, such as freedom of speech, freedom of thought, freedom of worldview, freedom of the press etc. This thesis was demonstrably erroneous, as at the beginning of the 21st century, the crisis of liberal democracy in relation to the growth of populist movements is mentioned more and more frequently. While seizing power through democratic means, populist parties abandon the ideals of liberal democracy and values and pivot towards an autocratic governance model while ostensibly adhering to the rules of formal democracy. It was Hannah Arendt, who warned against such a situation saying that tendencies to move towards autocracy within democracies are specific for multi-party systems, while two-party systems in democracies are relatively less prone to such transformation. With regard to the above, the problem which philosophy of politics calls a “paradox of democracy” reappears. Among other things, it is related to the question on the limit of tolerance the liberal democracy has for thoughts, attitudes, actions and words which are substantially opposed to democracy and may lead to autocracy. At the same time, we are observing the fact of reappearance of the militant democracy theory, formulated by Karl Loewenstein. The aim of this article is to look closely at the theory and its suggested modifications (described as neo-militant democracy), as well as to answer the questions on what tools are needed and if they are even possible to be used to defend not only procedures, but also values of democracy from its progressive destabilisation in the face of digital revolution.

The End of History

This article proposes a revision of the idea of the End of History as pictured by Francis Fukuyama regarding its categorization as both a utopia and a dystopia. After revisiting Fukuyama’s original proposal and its amendments by the author in the following years, we use François Hartog’s regimes of historicity as a theoretical tool for understanding the End of History as part of a larger phenomenon. To argue Fukuyama essentially proposes the re-spatialization of utopia, we use Reinhard Koselleck’s “Temporalization of Utopia” and Fredric Jameson’s “End of Temporality” as guidelines. Finally, mobilizing debates on the utopian as a background, we reflect on the political nature of ruptures of temporality to claim that the End of History, though originally a utopian text, has been temporalized as a dystopia following its implementation as a political program.

DISRUPSI MENURUT FRANCIS FUKUYAMA DAN IMPLIKASINYA PADA TATANAN SOSIAL

Technology is advancing faster than humans can regulate it. All around us, we can see the positive and negative developments brought about by the ever-evolving technology. Experts refer to these modifications as disruptions. This article will examine disruption through the eyes of Francis Fukuyama. Fukuyama, who views disruption from a more complicated social perspective, does not share Christensen's view that it has a positive influence, particularly economically. Fukuyama called this change The Great Disruption. A significant change that led to a significant shift in the social order. Fukuyama breaks it down into three main categories: rising crime or criminality, deteriorating family dynamics, and a growing circle of distrust. To deal with this shift, people must recognize that they are social beings with the ability to organize themselves, which is a return to human nature. In practical terms, social capital and the social order provide two grounds for support. The first is biological support, which comes from the very essence of humanity. The second is human reasoning ability, which comes up with solutions to issues of social collaboration on its own.

Historical Evolution of Ideas and Theories Related to the Concept of Civil Society

The article presents the historical origin and growth of civil society. The philosophies of many philosophers show the ever-changing dimensions of civil society from time to time. The historical debate starts from classical political economists’ views, continues with Hegelian, Marx’s and Gramsci’s notions of civil society and ends at the current debate on civil society. Classical scholars considered civil society as an economic sphere and the property of emerging industrial societies that were characterized by complex segmentation of labor, the centrality of production and economic interactions. They give more importance to the state rather than individuals. Hegel, Karl Marx and Gramsci are the main philosophers of the classical school of thought. Other scholars like Herbert Marcuse, Jurgen Habermas, John Rawls, Michal Sandel, Charles Tayler and Michal Walzer also contributed in the debate of relationship between the state and civil society. Current scholars like Foucault, Derrida, Deliuze, Lyotard, Fradric Jameson and Francis Fukuyama have discussed the term of civil society with new directions and ideas. The main focus of these scholars is state, human rights, morality, socialism, liberalism and social movements. Their main point is that individuals are more important than the state. The major analysis of this article is based on qualitative approach. The article concludes that the nature of ideas about relationship between the state and civil society and the influence of civil society on state and that of state on civil society have shaped civil society in different dimensions in different periods of history.

Covid-19 and the Clash of Narratives: From Cold War to End of Time (1989-2023)

This paper discusses the impact of Covid-19 on Islamist narratives of end time scenarios that predict the annihilation of a corrupted world and its ultimate replacement by a world order based exclusively on Islam. It does this against the backdrop of Islam’s antagonistic relationship with the West, particularly from the ending of the Cold War in the early 1990s to the present day, a relationship conducted within the shadow of the US’s attempts to establish a new world order based exclusively on its own values and interests. In the light of the contrary predictions of Francis Fukuyama that the resulting Pax Americana will bring a century of peace and S. P. Huntington a century of conflict, the paper goes on to examine the vastly different world views of the United States on the one hand and Al Qaeda and Islamic State on the other and how they envisage the future unfolding. What the paper shows is that the advent of Covid-19 has served not only to convince traditional Islamic Scholars that Al Mahama, the great battle at the end of time, is well on the way and may even have started, but also to make Muslims in the streets more receptive to such a doomsday message.

The End of History in Jonathan Franzen’s The Corrections

Jonathan Franzen’s The Corrections can be many things to many readers—a domestic fiction, a campus novel, a neuronovel, a novel about mental illness, and a novel of globalization. A rereading of the novel over two decades after its publication in 2001 reveals yet another way to describe it—a historical novel that engages with the cultural and political discourse of the 1990s. The Corrections can be seen as engaging especially with the then popular thesis as conceived by Francis Fukuyama, which is that history has come to an endpoint because American-style democracy—a combination of capitalism and liberalism—has proved itself to be the best form of social and political organization, thereby ending all ideological struggle. In the novel, ideological struggles are hardly resolved, and history is far from being at its end. There are mainly two ways in which Franzen illustrates this: firstly, by showing the limits of economic and political liberalism; and secondly, by depicting the plights of the post-Soviet Union Lithuania. This also enables Franzen to critique the idea of the American Century that entails a sense of superiority and exceptionalism.

The Eagle, the Rocket, and the Moon: U.S. Postal Iconography at the End of History

In this Photoarticle, we survey what we will call the post-historical U.S. postage stamps of the last third of the twentieth century. We focus on stamps depicting the space race and space travel, as well as the linkage of some of those stamps to the 1992 Olympic games, to analyze the iconographic and narrative consequences of an increasing turn toward the commercialization of postal services. The stamps we consider coincide with a series of new commercial strategies on the part of the United States Postal Service (USPS) and a broad resurgence in public interest in space travel. While many critics during the 1960s considered the space race to be a distraction from more pressing political concerns—such as urban poverty or the war in Vietnam—by the 1980s and 1990s, space travel had become a less controversial endeavor (perhaps due to its large-scale defunding), and astronauts, especially the Apollo 11 astronauts, were widely lauded as heroes. We have chosen this “topical” focus (as stamp collectors say) for two reasons. First, the iconography of space exploration is dominated by one specific moment, when the lunar module Eagle touched down on the moon on July 20, 1969. Despite an ongoing history of space exploration before and after 1969, the moon landing, we will argue, was treated in postal iconography as a timeless event —a climactic technological triumph that seemed to announce what Francis Fukuyama, in an influential essay, called “the end of history.”

Post-Cold War Historicism: Perceptions, Progress, and Praxis

Post-Cold War literature was a historicist effort to remake the international order and prolong American hegemony. Major works by Bernard Lewis and Samuel Huntington describe a world of conflict and disorder while Francis Fukuyama and Thomas Friedman showed that the world was headed toward unstoppable progress. Some were critical of these efforts. John Mearsheimer, Michael Hardt, and Antonio Negri saw the world as a product of power, albeit from different ontological standpoints: the state versus unseen forces, respectively. The first section defines historicism and highlights how literature can be considered historicist, what Karl Popper would deem pseudoscientific. One goal of historicism is the transformation of the world to fit a specific vision. Antonio Gramsci refers to this as praxis. The second section will summarize the Post-Cold War literature and highlight historicism.

Nationalism Education: Dialectical Relations Between Darussalam Islamic Boarding School Education and Tradition of the Manokwari Society of West Papua

Research refutes the opinion of Francis Fukuyama, in his book The End of History and the Last Man (2006) which states that nationalism is dead and does not need to be taught. This thesis was written to strengthen previous research which also questioned the existence of nationalism in the world of education such as Coulby and Zambeta (2007) which stated that the old ideology of nationalism which in certain aspects was universalistic, humanistic conceptualized by intellectuals, lost "truth" and the power to captivated many people in the west. A new concept is needed to strengthen nationalism education which strengthens 'national stability' in areas transitioning towards industrial culture. Dewey ( 2010 ) stated that nationalism education for students forms the characteristics of a democratic life that cannot be separated from learning. Maksu>d (2008) states that nationalism education is an effort to raise national personality and pride in the homeland. Efforts to strengthen these values cannot be denied through teaching at all levels of education. This research shows that (1 ) the ideology of nationalism needs to be taught in formal education because it is considered dead; (2) Nationalism education is the basis for strengthening the spirit of unity and nationality; (3) Strengthening nationalism through formal education (schools and Islamic boarding schools) is one of the effective steps to suppress national disintegration. The main sources of this thesis are various research results and documentation relating to the dynamics of the pesantren in Manokwari which are synonymous with Islamic studies and traditionalism, with a pluralistic society adhering to the majority Christian religion and the strength of the Free Papua Organization movement. the dealektics of the educational tradition of nationalism in the Darussalam Islamic Boarding School and the cultural traditions of the local community which are implemented in behavior and attitudes within the people of West Papua. To obtain these data, observations, interviews and documentation were carried out which were analyzed through qualitative research with a phenomenological approach.

The Problem of Recognition in Modern Philosophy: Social and Anthropological Dimensions

Purpose. The purpose of the article lies in studying the main socio-anthropological measurements of the problem of recognition represented primarily by the philosophy of recognition of Alex Honneth, which is actualized by the struggle of the Ukrainian people for their existence and national-cultural recognition. A consistent analysis of the communicative paradigm in contemporary philosophy led to the understanding of its transformation into the reality of the problem of recognition and the identification of the main forms of recognition in it, which determine an individual’s perception of the social space as fair or unfair, where his dignity is disrespected. Theoretical basis. Turning to the works of Jurgen Habermas, Otfried Hoeffe, Ernst Tugendhat, Stefan Gosepath, and Thomas Rentsch made it possible to supplement the mainly procedural, theoretical-communicative way of philosophizing with a philosophical-anthropological, existential, contextual principle of awareness of recognition as a fundamental principle of justice and the understanding that the brutal, unjust destruction of the "living world" of a person and the state is synonymous with their physical destruction. The thesis of Francis Fukuyama about the relationship between the desire for recognition and human dignity inherent in human nature has acquired an important theoretical and methodological meaning. Originality. The article investigates the modern philosophical discourse of the problem of recognition in the socio-anthropological measurements, in the context of the relationship between recognition, the "living world" and justice, non-recognition, humiliation of human dignity, and injustice. And it was also found that the image of recognition represented by modern philosophical thought, as a horizon and condition of human existence, is based on the following components: justice, solidarity, dignity, and care. Exactly addressing the problem of recognition made it possible to answer the question about the anthropological-ontological, existential meaning of the desire of individuals, nations, and states for recognition and outline the ways of transforming recognition as a variant of "communicative utopia" into a real socio-cultural project. Conclusions. In contrast to justice, the theory of recognition comes from asymmetrical human relations, which, in the struggle for recognition, must become symmetrical. Although justice takes precedence over ethics of care and recognition, they are not actually in competition with each other, but belong to different but complementary dimensions of human existence. The perspective of philosophical understanding of the problem of recognition itself requires the deepening of its analysis with an existential-anthropological understanding rooted in a new, tragic life experience. Only under such conditions, it is possible to overcome the gap between often abstract philosophical reflections and real personal and social practices.

History, its Origins, and End in Context of Philosophy of Liberation

The article concerns history, its origins, goals, and end. The article focuses on two concepts of historical development. One is the concept of the “end of history” by Francis Fukuyama. The article’s authors consider in detail the main provisions of this concept. However, the main emphasis is on the critical reception of this concept within the framework of the philosophy of liberation (represented by Arturo Andrés Roig). Roig’s criticism reveals the Eurocentrism inherent in this concept and shows that it carries the main features inherent in the European worldview and European mentality, which is why it is initially perceived as unsuitable for the Latin American continent. The second concept of historical development analyzed in this article is the earlier concept of the “Axial Age” by K. Jaspers. This concept is often perceived as one of the most striking anti-Eurocentric concepts. At the same time, Jaspers himself is regarded as the founder of the dialogue of cultures and intercultural philosophy and a supporter of civilizational pluralism. The article consistently analyzes three aspects of this concept - the motivation for its creation (presented by Jaspers himself), the criteria for identifying historical and prehistoric cultures (and the associated identification of three centers of the axial period), and the question of the possibility of a new axial age. The article argues that Jaspers’ concept can rightly be called Eurocentric rather than anti-Eurocentric, since both in the initial motivation for creating this concept and in the process of its development and vision of the prospects for the possibility of a new axial age, Jaspers proceeds from the presuppositions characteristic of the European worldview, which is universalized by him and presented as objective and the only correct ones. Ultimately, the study shows that the fight against Eurocentrism is a logical continuation of the latter and carries all the main features of the European mentality.

Out of the Shadows: Ukraine and the Shock of Non-Hybrid War

Abstract For two decades, a large body of security practitioners and scholars axiomatically expected “future war” to be ambiguous and hybrid, based on recent cases. The scale and overt form of the Russia–Ukraine war, which begun on February 22, 2022, demonstrates the limits of this orthodoxy. This article asks why informed opinion fell prey to such false expectations. It argues that as well as the pathologies of fashion in military-academic circles, there was an intellectual failure. Those who confidently expected war to remain in the shadows did not take seriously enough war’s political nature, and the possibility that it will intensify as political stakes rise. Either they assumed apolitically that war’s form was determined by the tools of globalization, or that the politics would be of the status quo, whereby the stability of the unipolar era would endure. Paying lip service to Carl von Clausewitz, in fact, they were unwittingly channeling Francis Fukuyama. To demonstrate this failure, I examine three representative texts of the genre and unpack their assumptions, by David Richards, Antoine Bousquet, and Sean McFate.