Founding Generation Research Articles

The Kibbutz Dwelling: Ideology and Design

This paper analyses the relationship between ideology and architecture. The specific case examined is the influence of kibbutz ideology on the design of the family dwelling. The kibbutz in Israel is a unique case among other secular communes in the world, since it was a relatively stable phenomenon that did not fade after the founding generation. Among other reasons, this stability was the outcome of an uncompromising ideological stance within the kibbutz movement in its first 50–60 years. This paper examines the interpretation of three fundamental values of kibbutz ideology (frugality, equality and the rejection of private property) in the architecture of the kibbutz dwelling. The main argument is that, with time, changes in the design and planning of the kibbutz dwelling reflect the strengthening of the status of the traditional nuclear family and recognition of some basic individual rights that were systematically and intentionally ignored in the past. The consistent growth and elaboration of the kibbutz dwelling is a clear external expression of the weakening of kibbutz ideology over time.

Fifty years of electronic music in israel

the history of electronic music composition, technologies and institutions is traced from the founding of the state of israel in 1948. core developments are followed beginning with the founding generation including joseph tal, tzvi avni and yizhak sadai, continuing with the second and third generations of musicians and researchers, living in israel and the united states. the institutional and political dynamics of the field in this country are explored, with a focus on the challenges of building an audience and institutional support, as well as prospects for the future.

Women's Studies in Sin City: Reactionary Politics and Feminist Possibilities

Imagine: a women's studies administrative assistant in her fifties was a showgirl at nineteen. A part-time instructor in our 30-plus sections general education course, Gender, Race, and Class, served a term in the state Senate, where she was successful in abolishing the anti-sodomy law. (Anti-Semitic baiting denied her a second term.) Another women's studies instructor was previously curator at the Liberace Museum. A graduate student dropped out of Feminist Theory mid-semester because she was going through a divorce-her seventh. Half-time shows at the university's women's and men's basketball games consist of local girls, as young as three or four, dancing and performing the dominant local idea of female sexuality. The former dean of the College of Liberal Arts advertised the annual book fair, co-sponsored by the college, with bookmarks picturing a white showgirl in elaborate costume, holding a stack of books. The most popular upper division women's studies class has been Porn in the USA. These anecdotes exemplify the local character of Women's Studies in Sin City, Las Vegas. My perspective is that of a member of the founding generation, having taught my first women's studies class in 1970. I have taught in research and comprehensive universities, seasoned by a few liberal arts colleges. Recently, I was hired as chair to build and institutionalize the women's studies department at University of Nevada, Las Vegas (UNLV). In part, I took this job to make a bigger splash in a smaller puddle. This location, however, is like none other. Nowhere else in the country is there such a unique form of conservatism, nor such possibilities for transforming it. As I will show, the Las Vegas factor, the academic setting of UNLV (an institution attempting a fast-track to research extensive status), the state context (heavy libertarian and conservative political influences, both secular and religious), and the geography (isolated desert), all contribute to the context for Women's Studies in Lost Wages (Moehring 2000; Rothman and Davis 2002.) I also will show how UNLV illustrates two long-standing maxims: the right strategy for Women's Studies is the one that works on your campus; and organizing broad networks of women and men who support Women's Studies is essential. Women's bodies, and minds, don't fare very well in Nevada, as exemplified by the Institute for Women's Policy Research rankings of women's quality of life in this state: 47th (of 50 states and the District of Columbia) in proportion of women with college degrees; 40th in its employment and earnings index; 42nd in its composite health and well-being index, and

Reading the Early Republic (review)

Reading Early Republic. By Robert A. Ferguson. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004. Pp. 358. Cloth, $45.00.)Robert Ferguson's new book sets out to recover particular meanings that circulated through a host of texts produced in America from Revolutionary War through mid-184Os. Ferguson starts with idea that meaning of language is bound by time and by context, so that when today we read or use words written two centuries ago, we are liable to misunderstand them, both by missing intended meanings and by ascribing to those words meanings more relevant to our own time and context. When modern wielders of early republican phraseology think they are using same language, they do so only in a literal sense, he writes. words themselves often held different meanings when first expressed, and every original expression came in a context now lost to easy comprehension (9-10). Ferguson's hope is to recapture original meanings of these words by considering how people who produced them and those who first received them operated with certain events, traditions of learning, literary forms, or rhetorical strategies in mind.The book's ten chapters are arranged in rough chronological order arid take up a wide range of texts. Chapter 1 explores contextual nuances of words by reading Hannah Foster's The Coquette (1797) alongside Venture Smith's 1798 narrative, an 1802 entry from diary of Nathaniel Ames, and Thomas Jefferson's first inaugural address. Chapter 2 considers a variety of texts, including John Dickinson's Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania (1768), to trace competing religious and secular ideas about that for Ferguson joins together in a distinctive dialectic of liberty (as chapter is titled) during second half of eighteenth century. In Chapter 3 focus turns to a single pamphlet, Common Sense, and to a consideration of how Thomas Paine managed to capture and propel a nation by telling a dark and brooding story in a particular way. Chapter 4, Becoming American, examines treachery of Benedict Arnold and trial of Major John Andre as a way into questions about loyalty and national identity in a time of rebellion. Chapter 5 moves to constitutional period by taking up John Jay's essays in The Federalist, arguing that Jay articulated a distinct aesthetics of ratification (157) that had him contributing far more to Federalist cause than has been recognized. Chapter 6 contends that many ways in which members of founding generation appealed to classical antiquity-in their Latin mottos, their historical paintings, their oratory, and their architecture-were not simply efforts to bind their own attempt at republican self-government to a noble tradition but were expressions of a reflective nostalgia that looked to past in order to find familiarity in bewildering present (195). In Chapter 7, Ferguson turns to Gabriel's Rebellion to examine both limits of republican and specter of failure in midst of revolutionary success. Chapter 8 considers Jefferson's lifelong obsession (218) with design and construction of Monticello as an avenue into distinctly Enlightenment symbolic universe he inhabited. Chapter 9 studies 1844 Girard case, which focused on questions about uses of charity, as a telling example of how the competitions of event and interpretation . …

SINGAPORE IN 2004 Vigilance amid Growing Uncertainty

has thrived for 32 years since independence. Its traumatic birth spurred a hardworking and resilient population, led by honest and competent political leaders ... Our challenge now is to sustain this performance beyond the founding generation... Our competition is becoming fiercer. So far, our policies have succeeded beyond expectations. But they need creative rethinking... In a rapidly changing world, we either adapt or become irrelevant.1 Lee Hsien Loong, Singapore of the Future, 1998.

Atlanticism and pax Americana 1989–2004

I INTRODUCTIONAN INDISPENSABLE PREREQUISITE in assessing the foreign policy performance of any administration in Washington is the measure of the continuity and coherence of grand strategy. Subjected to this measure, the foreign policy of the Bush administration, before and after the events of 11 September 2001, is demonstrably not a radical departure from the American grand strategic response to the crises of the 20th century. Indeed, it is less a radical than a reasonable departure from diplomacy of the Clinton administration, informed above all by the demonstrated realities of world order since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Such changes as it has wrought-in combination with the challenges imposed upon it-have nevertheless strained the Atlantic alliance to the point where the alliance as we have known it no longer exists.Fighting power is at the core of grand strategy, but to dwell on fighting power is to neglect both the comprehensiveness of grand strategy and its very purpose. Even definitions of grand strategy now wrongly thought by many to be outmoded stress the integral importance of the financial, diplomatic, commercial, and ethical instruments of state-craft for the purpose of avoiding damage to the future state of peace-for its security and prosperity.1 Moreover, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has always been more than a military coalition. It is rooted historically in Anglo-American maritime tradition, political democracy, and commercial expansiveness, and has incrementally evolved the notion that Europe and North America have a common heritage and destiny. So long as these aspects of the much broader Atlanticist culture adjust to new realities, the multilateral deterrence machine of 1949-1989 will not be missed. The rift currently troubling longstanding members of the alliance is the American conviction that its members have a western vocation and must either have the collective will to act upon it or in the alternative accept its iteration by the United States acting largely alone.2II THE PRECOCITY OF AMERICAN GRAND STRATEGYIn the 20th century two naval nations, Great Britain and the United States, accounted for much of the policing of the high seas and the regulation of international trade. The American republic began to prosper as a sovereign entity in a world dominated by British naval power, and its founding generation was astute in recognizing the opportunity thus afforded. Frederick the Great thought about how to snatch Silesia from Maria Theresa, notes Walter Russell Mead, Alexander Hamilton thought about how to integrate the infant American economy into the British world system on the best possible terms.3 The republic was also precocious in securing its interests where that system would not. Among the reasons for the creation of a navy as early 1794 was to protect American merchant ships from corsairs raiding along the Barbary Coast of Africa, for the United States refused to ransom captive seaman from pirates in the custom common among European powers. Whatever the changing meaning of the special relationship in the 20th centuty, it was indeed uniquely symbiotic and extraordinarily conducive to commerce in the 18th and 19th.In the second half of the 19th century, the capital demands of a booming American economy brought it within the ambit of the informal British empire, that vast network of British-financed enterprises, from cattle ranching in Uruguay to railways in the United States and cotton plantations in India, for which London was the global hub. The British empire approached its zenith over the course of the 19th century even as the parliamentary system of the imperial metropolis experienced successive extensions of the electoral franchise. And beyond the forced annexation of new territories this involved, after all, there was for some the vision of a federal union of the United Kingdom with the overseas British in Canada, South Africa, and the Pacific, fired by ideals which were almost republican and certainly not ignoble. …

Public Opinion and the Formation of Civic Character in Madison's Republican Theory

John Adams's complaints notwithstanding, no one of the American Founding generation has been so consistently misunderstood as James Madison. In recent decades a small handful of scholars have made significant strides toward correcting the Madisonian record. In addition to the justly acclaimed study of Madison by Lance Banning, The Sacred Fire of Liberty, the thoughtful work of Alan Gibson stands out in this regard. In particular, Professor Gibson's efforts to parse the contemporary debate over the character of Madison's political thought constitute a distinctive and valuable contribution to the literature on Madison and the Founding.In his most recent essay, “Veneration and Vigilance: James Madison and Public Opinion, 1785–1800,” Professor Gibson makes three central claims, namely, that Madison never wavered in his commitment to popular sovereignty and deserves to be considered a leading and prescient democratic theorist of the Founding, that Madison's conception of the nature and role of public opinion in the 1790s signifies a substantial revision of the earlier Humean understanding of public opinion he embraced in the 1780s, and that Madison did not seek to foster civic education in the American republic. I agree with the first of these claims, though I would make the case for Madison's democratic credentials even more emphatically than Gibson does. In general, however, Gibson and I share common ground in the recognition of the critical importance of the concept of public opinion in Madisonian theory.

Liberty and order: the first American party struggle

Liberty and Order is an ambitious anthology of primary source writings: letters, circulars, debate transcriptions, House proceedings, and newspaper articles that document the years during which America's founding generation divided over the sort of country the United States was to become. The founders' arguments over the proper construction of the new Constitution, the political economy, the appropriate level of popular participation in a republican polity, foreign policy, and much else, not only contributed crucially to the shaping of the nineteenth-century United States, but also have remained of enduring interest to all historians of republican liberty. This anthology makes it possible to understand the grounds and development of the great collision, which pitted John Adams, Alexander Hamilton, and others who called themselves Federalists or, sometimes, the friends of order, against the opposition party led by Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and their followers, in what emerged as the Jeffersonian Republican Party. Editor Lance Banning provides the reader with original-source explanations of early anti-Federalist feeling and Federalist concerns, beginning with the seventh letter from the 'Federal Farmer', in which the deepest fears of many opponents of the Constitution were expressed. He then selects from the House proceedings concerning the Bill of Rights and makes his way toward the public debates concerning the massive revolutionary debt acquired by the United States. The reader is able to examine the American reaction to the French Revolution and to the War of 1812, and to explore the founders' disagreements over both domestic and foreign policy. The collection ends on a somewhat melancholy note with the correspondence of Jefferson and Adams, who were, to some extent, reconciled to each other at the end of their political careers. Brief, elucidatory headnotes place both the novice and the expert in the midst of the times. With this significant new collection, the reader receives a deeper understanding of the complex issues, struggles, and personalities that made up the first great party battle and that continue to shape our representative government today.

Integrating Primary And Secondary Sources

It is always a boon to history teachers when one of the profession's most respected scholars publishes a synthetic, concise, and accessible book. It was therefore with much enthusiasm that I assigned Joyce Appleby's recently published Inheriting the Revolution in my undergraduate course on early America, and it came as no surprise when this work provoked a lively discussion.1 Students who were aware of Tom Brokaw's The Greatest Generation were intrigued by Appleby's implicit suggestion that America's truly great generation was not comprised of Brokaw's heroes, but rather those men and women born in the years just after the Revolution. Others demurred, questioning the utility of comparing generations at all, and arguing that generations do not exist autonomously, but rather build upon each other, acquiring an identity through the selective adaptation and rejection of the preceding generation's habits and characteristics. Appleby similarly struck a cord with her claim that the founding generation of Americans enjoyed a rare opportunity to set a precedent for American individualism, and that the definition that they forged remains- for better or worse-an integral aspect of American culture today. Perhaps most importantly, Inheriting the Revolution evoked excitement from a generally indifferent undergraduate audience because of the primary sources that she used: autobiographies. Her explanation that "almost four hundred men and women in this cohort wrote autobiographies" inspired one student to remark that writing the book "must have been a lot of fun."

The Original Meaning of the Judicial Power

In this paper, Professor Barnett refutes the claims that review was invented in Marbury v. Madison, or that, because it is contrary to the original meaning of the Constitution, it must be justified by some nonoriginalist interpretive methodology. He does so, not by discerning the shadowy and often counterfactual intentions of the founding generation, but by presenting what the founders actually said during the constitutional convention, in state ratification conventions, and immediately after ratification. Taken cumulatively, these statements leave no doubt that the founders contemplated nullification of legislation enacted by the states and by Congress. In short, the evidence presented here demonstrates that, at the time of its enactment, the original public meaning of the judicial in Article III, included the power of nullification. This Constitution defines the extent of the powers of the general government. If the general legislature should at any time overleap the...

Peace pact: the lost world of the American founding

That New England might invade Virginia is inconceivable today. But interstate rivalries and possibility of intersectional war loomed large in thinking of Framers who convened in Philadelphia in 1787 to put on paper ideas that would bind federal union together. At end of Constitutional Convention, Benjamin Franklin rejoiced that document would astonish our enemies, who are waiting to hear with confidence . . . that our States are on point of separation, only to meet hereafter for purpose of cutting one another's throats. Usually dismissed as hyperbole, this and similar remarks by other Founders help us to understand core concerns that shaped their conception of Union. By reexamining creation of federal system of United States from a perspective that yokes diplomacy with constitutionalism, Hendrickson's study, according to Karl Walling, introduces a new way to think about what is familiar to us. This ground breaking book, then, takes a fresh look at formative years of American constitutionalism and diplomacy. It tells story of how thirteen colonies became independent states and found themselves grappling with classic problems of international cooperation, and it explores intellectual milieu within which that problem was considered. The founding generation, Hendrickson argues, developed a sophisticated science of international politics relevant both to construction of their own union and to foreign relations of the several states in union of empire. The centrality of this discourse, he contends, must severely qualify conventional depictions of early American political thought as simply liberal or republican. Hendrickson also takes issue with conventional accounts of early American foreign policy as unilateralist or isolationist and insists that founding generation belonged to and made distinguished contributions to constitutional tradition in diplomacy, antecedent of twentieth-century internationalism. He describes an American system of states riven by deep sectional animosities and powerful loyalties to colonies and states (often themselves described as nations) and explains why in such a milieu creation of a durable union often appeared to be a quixotic enterprise. The book culminates in a consideration of making of federal Constitution, here styled as a peace pact or experiment in international cooperation. Peace Pact is an important book that promises to revolutionize our understanding of era of revolution and constitution-making. Written in a lucid and accessible style, book is an excellent introduction to American founding and its larger significance in American and world history.

The Colonization of British North America as an Episode in the History of Christianity

The proposition that, to paraphrase Carl Degler, Christianity came to British North America in the first ships, has long enjoyed popular and scholarly currency. The popular account, sometimes found today in evangelical Christian circles, holds that in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries colonists erected a mighty kingdom of God whose gates the humanist barbarians have unfortunately breached. The scholarly variation derives from Perry Miller's eloquent melodrama about Puritanism's rise and fall. Miller anatomized Puritanism as a carapace of Ramist logic, covenant theology, and faculty psychology surrounding the visceral vitality of Augustinian piety, an intellectual body that grew in health and cogency in Tudor-Stuart England and then suppurated on the American strand, corrupted by internal contradictions, creeping secularism, and periwigs. Miller understood that he was describing one single Christian tradition—Reformed Protestantism of a particularly perfervid variety—but such was his narrative's majesty that his tale of New England Puritanism ramified into the story of Christianity in the colonies; in the beginning, all the world was New England, and, at the end, the extent to which the colonists had created a common Christian identity owed mightily to Puritan conceptions of the national covenant. Miller was too good a scholar to miss the pettiness of Puritan religious politics and the myriad ways in which even the founding generation of Saints failed to live up to their own best values, but his chronicle of Puritan decline parallels the popular vision that the colonial period represented the “Golden Age” of Christianity in America: the faith began on a fortissimo chord but has decrescendoed ever since. The logic of this declension scheme spotlights some historical issues while ignoring others. The central problem for declension theory is to explain how and why Christianity's vigor ebbed, whereas the creation of a Christian culture in the colonies—the erection of churches, the elaboration of governing apparatuses, the routinization of personal devotion and moral order—is made unproblematic: it just spilled out of theMayflowerand theArbellaonto Plymouth Rock and Shawmut.

The Original Meaning of the Judicial Power

In this paper, I refute any claim that review was invented in Marbury v. Madison, or that, because it is contrary to the original meaning of the Constitution, it must be justified by some nonoriginalist interpretive methodology. I will do so, not by discerning the shadowy and often counterfactual intentions of the founding generation, but by presenting as comprehensively as I can what the founders actually said during the constitutional convention, in state ratification conventions, and immediately after ratification. These statements, taken cumulatively, leave no doubt that the founders contemplated nullification of legislation enacted by the states and by Congress. In short, I shall demonstrate that the original meaning of the judicial in Article III, included the power of nullification. Many constitutional scholars who do not consider themselves to be originalists nevertheless acknowledge that originalism provides the starting point of constitutional interpretation or at least is a factor to be considered among others. It is equally important that these nonoriginalists are made aware of the substantial evidence that the original meaning of the judicial included the power to nullify unconstitutional laws.

The Relevance of Humanistic Psychology

Humanistic psychology, as with any paradigm, is defined by its position with respect to matters of content, method, and approach. This article reviews how the humanistic paradigm defined itself in these respects in its founding generation and then looks ahead to the question of its relevance for the future. It demonstrates that the humanistic vision is historically one of holism. Furthermore, this holistic vision is precisely what is most needed to resolve crucial issues of the next generation, including globalization, health, ecology, and spirituality. By fulfilling its own potential as holistic psychology, the humanistic paradigm can continue to flourish by providing a time-less vision to a world in timely need of it.

Our Federalist Roots: A Neglected Past?

The U.S.'s history has gone through significant cultural changes. None have been more profound than those related to a basic philosophical understanding of the foundation of our constitutional structure. This essay asks the reader to reconsider a central theory and organizational viewpoint of the founding generation, which adhered to a more communal view of political reality. This theory - called federalism - is explained and evaluated in this essay, which highlights the developmental issues that faced the early generations of the republic. The essay also provides answers to the following questions: What does federalism mean? What are the strong and weak points of federalism? Is there an opportunity to update such a view of the constitution to meet modern conditions? And how can federalism inform civic education? Federalism, in the view of the founders, is more than just a structural arrangement of governmental entities at the local and national levels; it is an operational perspective that outlines a governing experiment based on inclusion of diverse factions and on choice rather than coercion. It is also a view of government and civic society that promotes social capital. Among the main points to be reviewed in this article are the meanings of covenants and compacts (central to federalist arrangements), central control and localism, equality and liberty, morality, and public virtue, as defined by traditional federalism.

Ancient Masks, American Fathers: Classical Pseudonyms during the American Revolution and Early Republic

Can't repeat past? he cried incredulously. Why of course you can! .. . I'm going to fix everything just way it was before. Scott Fitzgerald, The Great GatsbyWhen we look into scores of pamphlets published during American Revolution and early republic by Cato, Brutus, Caesar, Aristeides, Helvidius, Catullus, as well as Determinatus, junius Americanus, Philo Publicus, The Tribune (and many, many more), we ask ourselves: Cato? Brutus? Caesar? Did they not die centuries before struggle for American independence? The vigorous neoclassical discourse in eighteenth-century America favored use of classical pseudonyms in polemical writings during war to rid colonies of foreign rule and in ideological debate over forging a nation out of newly independent states.1 An appraisal of genre of classical pseudonyms offers a fresh look at young American republic and its creation. The intense use of such pseudo-names provides, as we shall see, a framework to understanding political imagination of creators of American polity. Faced with various crises, Americans turned to ancient authority, above all Rome, to justify their republican experiment and to construct a coherent narrative out of their volatile political reality. Through importation and permutation of Whig custom of pseudonymous writing, Americans presented a deep and original explanation of their republican experiment. By drawing on classical pseudo-names authors proffered not only justifications but also a mytho-historical rationalization for revolt against England and eventually for creation of American Republic.An act of communication-such as a political essay signed with a classical pseudonym-may be better understood if we can answer following questions: Who; Says What; in Which Channel; to Whom; with What Effect?2 This article will touch on such questions, with an emphasis on first and last. These classical names assumed by political writers have not been analysed on their own merits in recent scholarship. Scholars concerned with classical influences on founding generation often mention classical pen names usually when referring to pamphlets selected for analysis. Much less attention has been given to reasons and consequences of writing as ancients.3 An inquiry into meanings of those pseudonyms will provide a thicker description of complex phenomenon of moderns conversing through totems of past, bringing to fore dialectical relationship of rhetoric and history, and hence rhetoric of history, extensively elaborated by Americans of early republic.Appealing to classics helped Americans express their hopes, desires, and fears; their particular use of language and history throws much light on American imagination.4 For revolutionary Americans, classical pseudonyms performed a double function. On a surface level, they were used as rhetorical devices to gain high ground in political debates. At a deeper level, they proposed a meta-explanation of American society in terms of antiquity. The deliberation of republican ideology through classical guises facilitated articulation of tensions, setting in motion crystallization of ideology and sentiment modern scholarship calls Nationalism. Their pseudonyms, like masks, attempted to impose upon identities.5 As with masks, true identities lurk beneath them. What truths were pseudonyms concealing behind their classical facades? Were they truths of antiquity dressed in an American guise, or those of America dressed in togas?False names, aliases, noms deplume, and pen names all signify authors assuming fictitious voices. However, pseudonymity, anonymity, and forgery should not be lumped together; interpolation, mistaken ascription, and textual alteration also differ from pseudonym. A text will here be considered pseudonymous only when the author is deliberately identified by a name other than his own. …

Girls who wore black: women writing the beat generation

Girls Who Wore Black recovers neglected women writers who deserve more attention for their writing and for their historical role in the mid-century arts scene. This collection of essays reopens and revises the Beat canon, Beat history, and Beat poetics; it is an important contribution to literary criticism and history.-Jennie Skerl, author of A Tawdry Place of Salvation: The Art of Jane Bowles Johnson and Nancy Grace have done an invaluable service for students of American literature: their collection begins with an essential essay about the three generations of Beat women and then provides fine contributions by critics Anthony Libby, Linda Russo, Maria Damon, Tim Hunt, and others. The value of this book is so clear one must wonder why it wasn't available much earlier.-Linda Wagner-Martin, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill What do we know about the women who played an important role in creating the literature of the Beat Generation? Until recently, very little. Studies of the movement have effaced or excluded women writers, such as Elise Cowen, Joyce Johnson, Joanne Kyger, Hettie Jones, and Diane Di Prima, each one a significant figure of the postwar Beat communities. Equally free-thinking and innovative as the founding generation of men, women writers, fluent in Beat, hippie, and women's movement idioms, partook of and bridged two important countercultures of the American mid-century. Persistently foregrounding female experiences in the cold war 1950s and in the counterculture 1960s and in every decade up to the millennium, women writing Beat have brought nonconformity, skepticism, and gender dissent to postmodern culture and literary production in the United States and beyond. Ronna C. Johnson is a lecturer in the departments of English and American Studies at Tufts University. Nancy M. Grace is an associate professor in the department of English and director of the Program in Writing at The College of Wooster in Ohio. She is the author of The Feminized Male Character in Twentieth-Century Literature.

The Cornell school of rhetoric: Idiom and institution

The revival of rhetorical studies in early twentieth‐century higher education was based largely in emerging departments of public speaking, speech, and speech & drama. The founding generation of the discipline that now identifies itself as speech communication ‐ and increasingly as communication ‐ established regional and national associations, such as those now called the Eastern Communication Association and the National Communication Association, and they created departments and graduate programs across the country. At Cornell University, a group of young scholars founded a department and developed what came to be known as the Cornell School of Rhetoric, a geographically dispersed and intellectually diverse group of rhetorical scholars. The institutional base of the Cornell School of Rhetoric was the Cornell University Department of Speech and Drama, which flourished until the middle 1960s, when the university abolished the Speech half of the department and closed its graduate program in rhetoric and public address.

George Washington Reconsidered

George Washington, heroic general of the Revolution, master of Mount Vemon, and first president of the United States, remains the most enigmatic figure of the founding generation, with historians and the public at large still arguing over the strengths of his character and the nature of his intellectual and political contributions to the early republic. Representing the finest recent scholarship on Washington, these thirteen essays by the leading scholars in the field strike a balance in their focus between Washington's personal life and character and his public life as a soldier and political figure. Editor Don Higginbotham provides an introduction about Washington and his treatment by historians and an afterword devoted to how the American people have viewed Washington, including the 1999 commemorations of the bicentennial of his death. With three essays written specifically for this volume, George Washington Reconsidered is the first collection of its kind to be published in over thirty years.

Labor History on the World Wide Web: Thoughts on Jumping onto a Moving Express Train

The World Wide Web has undergone remarkable expansion of late and this growth poses challenges to all historians. In an article published recently in the Journal of American History, Roy Rosenzweig offered a variety of measures of that growth: the Online Computer Library Center, for instance, reported a Ž vefold increase in unique web sites between 1997 and 2000, estimating some 7.1 million sites in October 2000; the Search engine Google indexed some 1.3 billion web pages, a Ž gure that now exceeds 1.6 billion as this article is being written (November–December 2001); and searchable databases on the World Wide Web, not accessible to conventional search engines, by some estimates total 550 billion web pages.1 As historians we are all used to some version of the information explosion, but this is really too much! What sense can labor historians make of the vast new resources now accessible on the World Wide Web, and how can we best draw on these resources for our research and teaching? It is difŽ cult to climb up on a moving train, but climb on this express we must. And while no one can claim to “keep up” with the rapidly changing state of the World Wide Web, it is important to take stock of some of the more important resources available on the Web and to consider strategies for keeping abreast of this information explosion. In this article, I offer a sketch of resources currently on the World Wide Web that should be of interest to labor historians. As Labor History begins this issue with new editors and a new Mission Statement, it seems an opportune moment for this sort of stock-taking. That statement re ects the ways that the Ž eld of labor history has changed in the more than 40 years since this journal Ž rst appeared. Topics that play a larger role in labor history in 2002 than was the case in 1960 include the representation of work and an emphasis on labor systems. The expanding interest in issues of gender and the domestic sphere in the social reproduction of labor also might surprise the journal’s founding generation. The Cultural Turn has had its impact on labor history, as in all Ž elds, and so the cultural dimensions of class are increasingly a focus. And Ž nally, the expansion of the geographical range of the journal to include Canadian and Latin American history re ects the increasing importance of global and comparative approaches within the historical discipline. In this survey of recent developments on the World Wide Web, I will try to cast my net as widely as the journal’s new Mission Statement. As a fast moving target, the web demands strategies to deal with its constant transformation. Consider the fate of a survey of the web published in this journal a little more than two years ago. John H. Summers wrote a Ž ne essay exploring “American