Formation Of Political Communities Research Articles

The phenomenon of the Z-Telegram in the coverage of events in Ukraine

The purpose of the study is to identify and describe the phenomenon of Z-Telegram channels against the background of the general state of the information field with the theme of a special military operation. The subject of the study is the image of a politician or authority formed by Z-channels. The authors focus on the concept of Z-channels, the features of their content, as well as the factors of the appearance of these channels. The key features of the Z-channels were the concentration on combat operations, the assessment of the politician through the prism of combat operations and criticism of the command and authorities. The differences between Z-channels and traditional media are studied in detail. The prospects for the formation of political communities based on Z-channels are considered. The article analyzes the reasons for the popularity of Z-channels and their role in covering a special military operation. The article examines the influence of the personality of the author of the channel on the attitude towards the key actors of the special military operation. Special attention is paid to the differences in the subject of the channels. The method used was the method of content analysis of the collected material, which includes posts in these most famous Z-channels during the winter of 2022-2023. The scientific novelty of the research lies in the study of the phenomenon of Z-channels in the Telegram as an alternative to traditional media, as well as the consideration of Z-channels as a prototype for the formation of a new type of political opposition to the current political system. The results of the study, presented as conclusions, showed that Z-channels can form a common agenda independently of each other, while having similar views. So, all channels broadcast a negative image to the official representatives of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation, and at the same time broadcast a moderately positive image to Prigozhin. This allows us to conclude that for a number of reasons discussed in the study, Z-channels on the Telegram social network can form and broadcast their own agenda, including one that differs from the official one, and also have a very large audience.

Affective terrains of Assyrian heritage under Daesh

ABSTRACT The construction and destruction of cultural monuments has long been used by those who hold – or seek to hold – power as a tool to cultivate historical narratives that support their political agendas. Drawing on analysis of Daesh propaganda and semi-structured and oral history interviews with members of the Assyrian community, this article investigates the affective politics of heritage sites and how they have been employed in the governmentality of place and space during conflict. Building on scholarship on landscape and critical heritage studies, it highlights the intersection of temporalities embodied in heritage and how memories and emotion contained in these spaces shape human action. By focusing on the ties between heritage and identity, and how this is exerted and formed within and without state borders in the construction and maintenance of societies, this article explores how heritage extends beyond bounded localities to examine how relationships to heritage cross time and space in the formation of political communities.

“Asking as a Citizen”: Navigating Ambiguity in the Interests of Community

This article will explore a question about when the tensions of difference inherent in Latinx heterogeneity are part of the ambiguous and contingent process of political community formation and when they instead disrupt the potential power of a newly forming political community. It brings an anthropological perspective to a political question as it examines the intersection of Latinx racial identifications and class relations with both place-of-origin and place-making in Orlando, Florida. In contrast to Cuban Miami, in Orlando Puerto Ricans make up the overwhelming majority of Latinxs. Using the example of the 2011 redistricting process in Orange County, where Orlando is located, the article unpacks the language and technologies of redistricting and finds evidence of how relations marked by dominance and subordination can be reproduced in a combination of the conscious deployment of power by those who have it and the unconscious inability of others to see the mechanisms of injustice at work.

Trump therapy: Personal identity, political trauma and the contradictions of therapeutic practice

The election of Donald Trump as US President in 2016 has been felt by many as a political trauma. In response, this trauma has been worked through using therapeutic talk and practice. In this article, we examine the media representations of these responses across a wide range of news sources in order to understand the way that attitudes and values regarding the politicisation of therapy are captured, reinforced and shaped. It is shown that therapy provides a legitimate ground for self-management of feelings of political hurt; that this is seen as valuable for the formation of political communities of action and resistance; and that it then comes under attack from the right precisely because of this community-forming function. Criticism of therapeutic engagement emerges as a rhetorical means of disrupting solidarity and silencing political dissent. It is concluded that these representations need to be situated within the contradictory character of a therapeutic culture that heals and empowers individuals as it situates subjects within medicalised and neoliberalised structures of power.

Formación de comunidades políticas afines y disímiles en Twitter durante la campaña electoral a la alcaldía de Manizales en 2015

En el campo de la comunicación política, las redes sociales se han convertido en los últimos años en una herramienta indispensable en las campañas electorales. Además de abrir canales de comunicación y diálogo no disponibles en otros espacios mediáticos y públicos, estas plataformas promueven el surgimiento de comunidades en línea que generan conversaciones e intercambio de opiniones políticas. Sin embargo, la participación democrática en la era digital puede suponer la superación de ciertos obstáculos, pero también su profundización. Esta investigación aplicó un análisis de contenido a los mensajes publicados durante los últimos veinticinco días de campaña en las cuentas oficiales de Twitter de los cuatro aspirantes a la alcaldía de Manizales de 2015, con el objetivo de determinar si los seguidores de estas cuentas confrontaron sus puntos de vista con perspectivas disímiles o si los expresaron únicamente frente a usuarios políticamente afines. Los resultados hablan de una diferencia central entre las dos cuentas con mayor participación de los ciudadanos en cuanto a la formación de comunidades políticas: en solo una se propicia el encuentro entre voces políticamente opuestas, pero son voces que apelan al agravio, a la hostilidad y a la descalificación del otro como legítimo portador de una opinión. Pero las dinámicas de las dos cuentas plantean una misma consecuencia: la fragmentación de la esfera pública, la polarización y la disolución de la esencia de la democracia deliberativa.

Combined Authorities and material participation: The capacity of Green Belt to engage political publics in England

The aim of this paper is to consider the passions aroused by Green Belts in their urban containment function as a political accomplishment that has the capacity to orient publics around new spaces of governance. The paper addresses what it identifies as a problem of relevance in the new Combined Authorities in England where public identity and belonging may be more firmly rooted in other places and settings. It draws on the literature on material participation to locate the capacity to foster public belonging in objects, things and settings, and considers the environmental planning designation of Green Belt as an assemblage of the human and non-human which has the power to connect and contain. In a case study of plans for Green Belt reduction in the Greater Manchester Combined Authority, the paper evidences the power of the non-human to mobilise public engagement and to foster territorial identity. The paper concludes by setting out an approach to public participation that foregrounds the importance of material interests and affective relations with objects and things in the formation of political communities.

Friends in the State of Nature: John Locke and the Formation of Security Communities

This article explores an overlooked element of Locke’s international thought, namely that political communities emerge out of human sociability, friendship, and trust. The argument developed here diverges from both the dominant, modernist-realist interpretation of Locke, which sees him as crypto-Hobbesian, as well as the liberal-legalist tradition, which sees Locke portraying states as voluntarily complying with a set of normative requirements qua international law. While I think the liberal legalists are on the right track, their approach reduces international agreement to something that is merely rational-deliberate. The way Locke speaks about the formation of political communities is reminiscent of what we now call “security communities,” a term popularized by Karl Deutsch in the 1950s. Even though Locke was writing in less favorable geo-political conditions—prior to the emergence of mature security communities—the trajectory of his thought points to the possibility of integrated global communities based on friendship and trust.

Football, the Beast, and the Sovereign: The Politics of Joking Relationships in Spain

ABSTRACTAs of 2017, Spain is facing the greatest challenge to its post-Franco unity as Catalonia prepares to unilaterally declare independence in spite of a constitutional ban. The crisis of European sovereignty due to state–region antagonisms emerges forcefully in culture. A key domain for the contestation of power relationships is mockery and joking through the use of animal imagery. In particular, the jeering of the Spanish sovereign and the national anthem at football games catalyses spectacular debates over state–region relations, the freedom of expression, and the formation of political communities. The anthropological study of joking relationships in western urban societies helps problematise the concept of sovereignty and domination, vindicate the liberating and democratising potential of mockery, and identify some of their carnival spheres. Joking relationships cultivate a culture of resistance and have community making potential as they draw antagonistic parties into the kernel of a relationship.

Liminality and Missing Persons

In many armed conflicts, forced disappearances and hiding the bodies of victims of mass atrocities are used strategically. This article argues that disappearances are powerful weapons, as their consequences reach from the most intimate relations to the formation of political communities. Consequently, political projects of forced disappearances leave difficult legacies for post-conflict reconciliation, and they give rise to a need to address individuals’ and families’ needs as well as relations between national and political groups implicated in the conflict. Based on ethnographic fieldwork, this articles explores the question of missing persons in post-1992 Bosnia. The processes of identification and practices of remembering and commemorating the missing are analyzed through the concept of liminality. The article argues that the future-oriented temporality of liminality gives rise to numerous practices of encountering the enigma of the missing, while the political atmosphere of postwar Bosnia restricts possibilities of communitas-type relationality across ethnonational differences.

Remembering Abuela: Memory, authenticity and place in Puerto Rican Orlando

This article is one piece of a larger work that looks through the case of Puerto Ricans in Orlando, Florida, to examine heterogeneity and political presence in an emerging Latino diaspora community in the US Sunbelt. At issue is the tension between the political appeal to “sameness” as a basis for collective action and the reality of difference. Through an examination of a series of Puerto Rican cultural representations, the article looks at Puerto Rican and Latino political community formation in the Orlando area, and in particular, at the challenges posed by: (i) the racial and class-based lines of exclusion implied in the distinction between island-born and diaspora-born Puerto Ricans, and (ii) the pressure to adopt a whitewashed, middle-class version of Hispanidad, which emerges from Orlando’s post-civil rights era neoliberal multiculturalism.

A tremendous thing: friendship from the Iliad to the Internet

did you do all this for me? Wilbur asked. I don't deserve it. I've never done anything for you. “You have been my friend,” replied Charlotte. “That in itself is a tremendous thing.” —from Charlotte's Web by E. B. White Friendship encompasses a wide range of social bonds, from playground companionship and wartime camaraderie to modern marriages and Facebook links. For many, friendship is more meaningful than familial ties. And yet it is our least codified relationship, with no legal standing or bureaucratic definition. In A Tremendous Thing, Gregory Jusdanis explores the complex, sometimes contradictory nature of friendship, reclaiming its importance in both society and the humanities today. Ranging widely in his discussion, he looks at the art of friendship and friendship in art, finding a compelling link between our need for friends and our engagement with fiction. Both, he contends, necessitate the possibility of entering invented worlds, of reading the minds of others, and of learning to live with people. Investigating the ethics, aesthetics, and politics of friendship, Jusdanis draws from the earliest writings to the present, from the Epic of Gilgamesh and the Iliad to Charlotte's Web and “Brokeback Mountain,” as well as from philosophy, sociology, evolutionary biology, psychology, and political theory. He asks: What makes friends stay together? Why do we associate friendship with mourning? Does friendship contribute to the formation of political communities? Can friends desire each other? The history of friendship demonstrates that human beings are a mutually supportive species with an innate aptitude to envision and create ties with others. At a time when we are confronted by war, economic inequality, and climate change, Jusdanis suggests that we reclaim friendship to harness our capacity for cooperation and empathy.

Internet Freedom and Human Rights

This article considers whether the Internet has become so significant, for the provision of, and access to, information and in the formation of political community and associated questions of participation, that it requires further human rights protection beyond of expression. In short, should Internet be configured as a human right? The article begins by considering the ubiquity of the Internet and its significance. A wider historical view is then taken to understand Internet in terms of its lineage and development from earlier debates over of expression and the to communicate, through to the recognition of the significance of an information society and the need for Internet regulation on the international plane. The current debate over Internet is then analysed with particular focus given to Hillary Clinton's speech on Internet and its subsequent articulation by Special Rapporteur Frank La Rue. The concluding part introduces the critical work of Evgeny Morozov and Jaron Lanier to an international law audience in order to deepen the debate over Internet and to point to the concept's limitations and dangers. It is too early to say whether a right to Internet freedom has achieved universal recognition, but this article makes the case that it is worth taking seriously and that Internet may need its own category of protection beyond of expression.

Review of J&K Language Policy in the Perspective of the Nehruvian Language Policy

Political community is the basis of modern polity. In federation, two polities and their respective political communities are related according to the constitutional structure. Political community is constructed through mass education and its medium. Common mass education though a common language inculcates common values among peoples differing in their habitations, mother tongues and strata. Nehru’s visionary language policy defused centrifugal forces and strengthened centripetal forces in the process of Indian political community formation. Political community formation in Jammu and Kashmir began in the reign of Pratap Singh with the adoption of Urdu as the official language and the medium of mass education. The process was communalised in 1920s when the Urdu–Hindi controversy began. The communalised political communities were further broken into contesting ethnic communities after independence due to faulty language policies of successive governments. One polity with multiple political communities has become the biggest hurdle for integration of J&K with India.

The Principle of Proximity

How should we think about, how should we model the basis of political community. To the extent that it is a matter of choice, what should be the basis on which the people of the world divide themselves up into distinct political communities. This paper seeks to cast doubt on the proposition that it is a good idea for people to form a political community exclusively with those who share with them some affinity or trust based on culture, language, religion, or ethnicity. I want to cast doubt on that proposition by articulating an alternative approach to the formation of political communities, which I shall call the principle of proximity. People should form political communities with those who are close to them in physical space, particularly those close to them whom they are otherwise like to fight or to be at odds with. This principle is rooted in the political philosophies of Hobbes and Kant. The suggestion is that we are likely to have our most frequent and most densely variegated conflicts with those with whom we are (in Kant’s words) “unavoidably side by side”, and the management of those conflicts requires not just law (which in principle can regulate even distant conflicts) but law organized densely and with great complexity under the auspices of a state. The paper outlines and discusses the proximity principle, and the conception of law and state that it involves, and defends it against the criticism that it underestimates the importance of pre-existing trust in the formation of political communities.

Toward a Social Ecology of Scale: Collective Action, Design for Health, and Landscape Praxis

Alliances among public health, planning, and design disciplines illustrate the use of scale-based approaches to mobilize actors across space and time. Obesity prevention efforts demonstrate the use of strategies across organizational and geographical boundaries to change policies and environmental determinants that affect the level of physical activity in community settings. One framework for landscape praxis based on a social ecology of scale centers on three interrelated processes: place imaginaries, place narratives, and place polities. This trialectic highlights the possibilities for transdisciplinary practice that: (1) creates social imaginations to produce identities and give meaning, (2) produces discursive framings to legitimize particular imaginaries and identities, and (3) facilitates the formation of political communities where project identities are formed, negotiated, and mobilized toward specific goals. The obesity prevention program of the Pennsylvania Advocates for Nutrition and Activity (PANA) draws attention to social ecological approaches sensitive to various scales of social and spatial production and the possibilities for professional engagement ranging from design to policymaking.

James M. Brophy . Popular Culture and the Public Sphere in the Rhineland, 1800–1850.(New Studies in European History.)New York : Cambridge University Press . 2007 . Pp. xvi, 365. $99.00.

The Rhineland holds a special place in German history as the region in which its national political culture received early liberal and democratic impulses. From the influence of the French Revolution in the 1790s through the democratic tumult of the Hambach Festival of 1832, the Rhineland and the neighboring Palatinate evidenced a degree of politicization and radicalism in stark contrast to the Prussian east and the Bavarian south. The forms of political organization that took shape in Rhenish cities and villages throughout the 1840s were a harbinger of both the 1848 Revolution and the further development of Germany's national party-political landscape. James M. Brophy's new book explores what he calls the “prehistory” of the 1840s by analyzing the role played by non-bourgeois and non-elite actors in the formation of political communities and politicized subjectivities during the first fifty years of the nineteenth century. When looking at the making of the public sphere, he asks, how did “peasant proprietors, tenant farmers, day laborers, artisans or the urban underclasses participate in this transformative process” (p. 19)?

Mexican New York

Rob Smith's book, Mexican New York: Transnational Lives of New Immigrants, makes an important contribution to a growing body of work examines migration from a transnational perspective. He offers read ers an extended case study, based on over 15 years of field work in the small town of Ticuani in rural Mexico, illuminates the formation of political community, the negotiation of gender, and the simultaneous incorporation and homeland engagement of the second generation across space. He brings to light lived experiences and processes and the ways local and global forces, structures, and actors influence each other over time. Transnational life, Smith writes, includes those practices and rela tionships link migrants and nonmigrants to their home countries, that have significant meaning and are regularly observed, but are also embodied in identities and social structures help form the life world of immigrants and their children and is constructed in relations among people, institutions, and places. Thus, a transnational optic brings into view the social and the cultural, as well as the political and economic; it includes people who migrate and their children, as well as those who stay behind. This book is valuable for several reasons. First, it draws on extensive ethnographic work carried out in at least two of the sites of the transna tional social field in which Ticuanenses are embedded. It has the feel of earlier ethnographies of urban life (i.e., Sidewalk by Mitch Duneier, The Code of the Street by Elijah Anderson, or In Search of Respect by Philippe Bourgois) with the added virtue the street extends across space. Over time, the interaction between these places produces new forms

Apology Accepted: A Possibility of Global Governance

City of Gold: An Apology for Global Capitalism in a Time of Discontent. By David A. Westbrook. New York: Routledge, 2004. 400 pp., $97.95 cloth (ISBN: 0-415-94,539-9), $27.95 paper (ISBN: 0-415-94,540-2). The rapid pace and unpredictable direction of social and political change in our world seems to be forcefully undermining the established terms of political life. It appears to be more and more difficult, if not impossible, to think of politics solely within the national context. Such terms as the “nation-state,”“national identity,” and “national economy” have been loosing their explanatory power. The increasing interconnectedness of societies has made the national context more vulnerable and exposed to global, regional, and local pressures. Political globalization, for example, is giving rise to the increasing importance of global, regional, and local actors in the formation of political community, thereby undermining and limiting the ability of the nation-state to maintain its status as the main and sovereign locus of governance. Economic globalization—that is, the globalization of capital—is challenging the authority of nation-states by creating a borderless, supranational, global market place. Cultural globalization is rendering the idea of national identity problematic by giving rise to local reactions in the form of ethnic, religious, and cultural identities, which have recently paved the way for the emergence of alternative conceptions of modernity and a new politics of recognition. Yet, a quick glance at the last two decades reveals a mixed picture in terms of the impact …

Come Fly with Me: Frank Sinatra, the Old Left, and thePax Americana

Frank Sinatra has always been a contradictory figure. Biographers have often commented on the paradoxical nature of Sinatra's personality, attempting in vain to reconcile the sensitivity, subtlety, and stark emotionality demonstrated by one of the 20th century's foremost interpreters of popular song with the image of the violent, boorish, and insensitive thug that denned his offstage persona. The more politically minded of his biographers have also commented on his radical political swing from fellow traveler of the Communist Party to right-wing ideologue over the course of his 50-plus-year career (though whether one wants to count the last twenty years or so of it as a defensible “career” rather than an extended exercise in ill-advised self-indulgence is another matter). They have attributed this shift either to Sinatra's fury at being first courted and then slighted by the Kennedy administration, which after the 1960 presidential election smartly distanced itself from Sinatra's mob ties, or to his visceral hatred of rock 'n' roll and, by extension, the counterculture for which it provided the sound track and of which it was a partial expression. While these explanations are convincing on the level of psychobiography, they miss the larger cultural scope of the political contradictions that shaped Sinatra's career — contradictions that lend his career an allegorical significance in charting the expressions and transformations of political community formation in the mid-20th-century United States. That this allegorical significance extends beyond the caprice of the cultural studies analysis that follows is suggested by Sinatra's enduring popularity as a national icon.

Democratic place–making and multiculturalism

Multiculturalism has become a defining characteristic of late modern societies. For some, multiculturalism is at the forefront of democratizing processes, and for others, it undermines the possibility of democratic political community. Normative political theory offers several models of the democratic, and these models differ significantly in terms of the role given to culture. These models also suggest ideal geographies that become evident when considering democratic political community formation and multiculturalism as a form of place–making.