Forms Of Social Order Research Articles

Staying in Control? Youth Reformatories, Social Fears and Social Change Under Francoism

This article explores continuity and change in Spain's reformatories. Looking at legal and normative documentation, we could argue, on the one hand, that the Franco dictatorship (1939–1975) found little need to change how the reformatories worked. The juvenile court system, on which they depended, displayed strong similarities to those operating elsewhere in the West, and my empirical study of 2,300 personal and administrative records indicates that the reformatories were always characterized by archaic practices and were chronically underfunded throughout Francoism. On the other hand, after analysing the evolving profiles of adolescents confined under Francoism, we can see the connections with both specific processes of regime-sanctioned change from the end of the 1950s – in particular massive, accelerated, internal rural-to-urban migration – and the goal of the dictatorship of preserving a particular form of social order by maintaining tight control of those sectors of the population it considered a danger (i.e., predominantly marginalized, male adolescents living on the edges of Spain's cities – in the shanty towns ( chabolas) or poor suburbs ( banlieues)). The article also looks at how families from different social classes interacted with the reformatories to achieve their own goals, which overlapped with the dictatorship's while remaining partly distinct.

Topical Issues of the Organization of Public Services within the Framework of a Social Order, Taking into Account Regional Practice

Within the framework of the organization of the social order, the economic and legal form of the implementation of social programs and projects to solve social problems at the federal and regional levels of executive power is being improved, contributing to the formation and functioning of an optimal model of interaction between the executor of the state social order and the social customer in a specific area of economic activity. In this regard, the study of the mechanisms of the organization of public services using the form of social order is a very urgent problem. The purpose of the scientific article is to study the state of the mechanisms used for the organization of public services in the light of the implementation of regional practices for the execution of a social order. The analytical usefulness of the article is due to the consideration of approbation of approaches to the implementation of the social order in the pilot regions. The article substantiates the preliminary results of testing the social order at the level of regional coordination platforms. The organizational mechanisms of servicing the population in the regions were studied in the following areas: the provision of palliative care, the provision of sanatorium-and-spa treatment and the maintenance of the processes of development of the tourism industry in the constituent entities of the Russian Federation. For the purposes of the study, approaches to the implementation of the regional policy for the provision of services of state (municipal) significance in the social sphere are formulated.

Communication towards the Vehicle of Community Interaction (Analysis of Sociology of Contemporary Communication)

Sociology of communication, a branch of social science, discusses the process of social interaction as a forum for conveying ideas in society in modern times. The long form of social order is the result of social interaction carried out by social groups, this order is formed because of the relationship between one human being and another human being. This type of qualitative research is the researcher himself, humans have constructivism sensitivity that is generative in nature to understand the meaning of what is learned. Data collection techniques namely in-depth interviews with informants, observation, document review. The results show that communication as a forum for interaction in social life for the delivery of constructive information and ideas is carried out as follows: When carrying out social communication in society, mass communication and influence in contemporary society, Development of cross-cultural communication, information society, and the use of social media in parts of the world contemporary.

The internal morality of markets and artificial intelligence

Friedrich Hayek made an important point when he said that markets permit us to promptly use the knowledge of the circumstances of time and place. Decentralization is often efficient, as opposed to a central planner. But we now face the possibility of an even more efficient economic system based on artificial intelligence. The extraordinary potential of AIs is their ability to produce cheap prediction. This ability may lead to a new form of social ordering, which we call the “coeusian order”. The argument of this paper is that AI brings in an alternative way to organize the economic realm at the cost of some of the features of our current system. It is, therefore, important to take note of the choice of forms of economic organization we have. Any efficiency gains an AI order can bring must be balanced with its encroachment on the privacy and autonomy of the people as well as its likely promotion of price differentiation without self-selection. The important point is that we have a choice of how knowledge is to be used. We can choose a less efficient system, and we often do because we care about more than just efficiency.

\xa1A Nosotros, nos Tienen que Respetar! (They Have to Respect us!): Gangs, Inter-Generational Conflict, and Graduated Governance in Urban Nicaragua

Gangs are often associated with violence and chaos, but they can also be institutional vectors for the imposition of particular forms of social order, based on their members’ status as locally hegemonic “violence experts”. This “gang governance” is often exclusive and volatile, however, and its underlying logic can easily change. Instances of the latter are frequently connected to generational turnovers within gangs. An obvious question in this regard is how old and new gang members interact with each other, especially in circumstances where the rules and norms upheld by the latter become detrimental to the former. Drawing on longitudinal ethnographic research in barrio Luis Fanor Hernández, a poor neighbourhood in Managua, Nicaragua, this article explores the conflicts that emerged between different generations of gang members following the gang’s transformation from a vigilante self-defence group to a predatory drug-dealing organisation, and what these might mean for the notion of gang governance.

Immigration Raids and Racist State Violence

This article develops an analysis of contemporary immigration raids in Britain, arguing that they operate ideologically as well as institutionally to sustain the material and political conditions of what is a vastly unequal form of social order (that is also a form of racial order). It suggests that immigration raids are located within and develop understandings of a racial state in contemporary Britain. Drawing on ethnographic work at a migrant charity organization, it explains the raid process and its impact on individuals and families. Raids are rationalized as facilitating removal and more broadly operate as part of attempts to generate fear and encourage people to leave “voluntarily.” However, this is not achieved in many cases, and this article suggests that the real purpose of raids is to dominate and oppress illegalized migrants and those who may be vulnerable to immigration control, as well as reproducing the justification for immigration enforcement. Raids can be understood as inflicting harms and as a form of state-sanctioned racist violence which is utilized to try severing solidarities between communities. Enforcement leads to resistance and the conclusion reflects on resistance to raids, demonstrated for example by the 2021 Kenmure Street protest in Glasgow, and the solidarities such resistance ferments and sustains.

Private Law Theory: The State of the Art

This essay reviews four recent English-language essay collections, each of which proposes a vision of private law theory – that is, of how private law appears in the light of a wider understanding of the world. It concentrates on how each collection gives some sort of shape to the emerging discipline. Discussion of the shape, meaning and significance of private law is of course nothing new; but the recent massive outpouring of theory, and the issues which have been treated as important, require some discussion of the intellectual climate which has led us to this place. For the most part, this essay argues, the discussion has been governed by the increasing obsolescence of classical private law concepts, which the more progressive writers have taken as a call to develop new concepts, and the more traditional writers have taken as a call to defend what is valuable about them; over time, this has increasingly pushed the traditionalists to a position where they can describe some (though hardly all) of what we all see, but which is largely impotent in justifying it – that is, in explaining why it is worth retaining. Meanwhile, the terms of debate have become increasingly narrow, as continuity is privileged over change, the lawyer’s point of view privileged over that of other community members, and national court-based law is emphasised over the many other forms of social ordering. Yet there are now also welcome signs of a broader approach, by which different perspectives are seen as complementing one another rather than as rivals, and there is (sometimes at least) genuine enquiry into what is really universal and what is merely a local present-day peculiarity. And we might be approaching – to put it no higher– the time when private law theory is a genuine conversation rather than as a mere cacophony of voices.

Transnational Law, With and Beyond Jessup

This chapter serves as the introduction to an edited collection of original essays first presented at an international conference at the Transnational Law Institute, King’s College London. The conference had as its focus the commemoration of the 60th anniversary of the publication of Philip Jessup’s landmark study, “Transnational Law”, published in 1956. Jessup’s slim book is often associated with having launched an investigation into the role that law can play in the context of border-crossing human and institutional relations. Whatever the relationship between cause and effect, such an investigation is still continuing. But, the context in which Jessup wrote – as an international lawyer, an arbitrator and economic lawyer – is a different one today. And, that is true also for the disciplines that have taken an active interest in what is and isn’t transnational law. The chapter places Jessup’s main findings into a context of global geopolitical change and domestic state transformation. Both render the interdisciplinary investigation into law’s role in a global context ever more crucial. That “transnational law” – as label, concept or methodology – occupies an important place in this undertaking should be seen less as a marker of a new, self-standing doctrinal legal field, than as an important opportunity to think about the foundations of law today in a volatile, deeply divided world. This forms the backdrop for transnational law as a methodological laboratory in which to study law’s relation to other forms of social ordering, its sources and norms, its actors and processes, its regulatory aspirations and democratic (and, other) infrastructures.

Bhutan’s Dream City of Thimphu

Buttressed by the philosophy of Gross National Happiness (GNH), Bhutan’s development policies are inherently grounded in balancing material and spiritual well-being, while Bhutan’s capital city, Thimphu, has over the past few decades experienced phenomenal growth and urban transformation. This article builds on the notion of socio-spatial dialectic to examine the new forms of social ordering in the urban space of Thimphu. Critiquing the idealisation of Thimphu as a dream city for all, it endorses instead the development of regional growth centres and small towns. This underlines the potential of stimulating regional economic development, as a better strategy for inclusive growth and actualisation of Bhutan’s philosophy of GNH.

FOOD NOT BOMBS (FNB) SEBAGAI GERAKAN PROTES TERHADAP AKSI MILITERISTIK NEGARA-NEGARA DUNIA

This study aims to determine the Food Not Bombs (FNB) movement as a movement protesting militaristic actions of the states of the world. Through qualitative research methods with analytical descriptive research types and the frameworkof the concept of social movements and international structures as well as the concept of diflusion, FNB action can be identified and explained in its protest against the militaristic actions of world states. The author found the protest action of the FNB was motivated by world states that were too focused on the military field with the fulfillment of military spending, where states were competing to increase the military expenditure so that other sectors were not maximally fulfilled. This has become an established order and the FNB is trying to change that order revolutionarily with the values of pacifism. So the FNB Movement in the international structure have three forms of interaction with the structure itself, first the state system where the FNB is counter to the militaristic system of the states of the world. Second, an international society in which FNB forms solidarity. Third, the world society where FNB is transforming a new form of social order. In this interaction, the FNB carried out its protest actions against the militaristic actions of the states of the world in the form of direct and indirect diflusion. Direct diflusion namely FNB took to the streets in voicing their protest actions and indirect diflusion namely FNB using mass media.

Democracia como Antiutopia

O objetivo do artigo é estudar concepções da democracia como uma antiutopia. Pretendemosobservar o estatuto das relações estabelecidas entre cidadãos e o poder político para mostrar como estasversões rebaixam as expectativas quanto às promessas do bom governo ou das ficções políticas. Nãose trata aqui de fazer o recenseamento das democracias contemporâneas. Pretendemos destacar duasacepções para diferenciá-las das ficções políticas ideais e dos modelos utópicos. Na democracia, acondução do poder político e a ordenação do todo social é demarcada por interrupções e desajustesconstantes. Seja para negar a dominação desmedida do poder político sobre os cidadãos, seja paraafirmar a pertinência dos conflitos, democracias como antiutopias se afastam do ideal de uma sociedadereconciliada e estática. As mudanças, os impasses e a superação de desafios não demarcam avançosnecessários ou recuos definitivos. A sua trajetória histórica não descreve um percurso teleológico comvistas a atingir o bem superior. A passagem entre momentos históricos não ocorre como resultado deuma acumulação de resultados do passado que mira a transição para a redenção definitiva de mazelaspolíticas. Partimos da questão: em que sentido a democracia como forma de ordenamento social e deestrutura do poder político é um modelo antiutópico? Nossa hipótese é que as acepções mencionadasa seguir advogam em favor de um realismo filosófico político, apresentando a democracia comoexperiência política que demanda a constante indagação e reformulação acerca dos limites da liberdadedos cidadãos.

СПОРТИВНА ТЕОРІЯ ПОХОДЖЕННЯ ДЕРЖАВИ Х. ОРТЕГИ-І-ГАСЕТА

The theory of sport of H. Ortegi-y-Gasset, its ont-epistemological and socio-historical principles is interpreted. The sports theory of the origins of the state of Ortega is an element and justification of the concepts of rationalism and perspective. The origin of the state is interpreted by the Iberian ambivalently – as a result of irrational passion, the awakening of the creative and erotic enthusiasm of young men who have devoted themselves to the sporty-aristocratic type of life and sustainable socio-economic processes, a certain historical maturity of the people, and the maturity of the people. The process of state formation took place in an agony – a spontaneously competitive atmosphere of self-improvement of all participants in the struggle. Agon is characterized by cruelty and the desire for institutional unity, which laid the foundation for a new social order – a heterogeneous state, where the individual had greater autonomy and freedom than in the past homogeneous hordes. The formation of the state also accompanied the formation of new, worldviews, which opened a new level of rationalization of social life and cultural and military expansion and became the basis for the formation of social harmony (concordia) between the "age classes", between men and women, between blood relatives and related tribes. connections. Moreover, in order to preserve the new form of social order and prevent a state of misunderstanding, break the consolidation of social units (discordia), all social strata had to maintain the social elasticity and militaryhierarchical structure, which is headed by a representative body of the old generations and representative. The newest ideas were fixed by the mythological tradition, festive rituals and the principle of state violence. Also, the formation of the state formed a new anthropological type – women agreeing to their abduction, submit to the ruler and willingness to be the sole owner of the house – a private, and a man – an ascetic warrior, the owner of a woman and the creator of a new form of family (monogamous), with her cell – home. With the formation of a new form of family, the emergence of the institute of private property and the state, man reached the newest horizons of freedom – he was given freedom from the old blood-related control, a relative social opportunity to independently determine their future, and therefore the future of their people.

Hyenas/hustlers: An Afrosur/realist reading of Touki Bouki (1973)

Abstract Using Amir Baraka's conception of Afrosurrealism as a black aesthetic form that is imbricated with 'lived life', this article proposes an Afrosur/realist reading of Djibril Diop Mambéty's Touki Bouki ('The hyena's journey') (1973). I explore the trajectory of the iconic lovers Anta and Mory and their recourse to petty criminality as a means of escaping to Paris. I first consider how petty criminality or 'hustling' can be read in relation to Abdoumaliq Simone's notion of 'people as infrastructure' or a realistic reproduction of the African urban. I then turn my attention to Membéty's surrealist portrayal of Anta and Mory as 'hyenas' – or the archetypal figure of the stranger who poses a threat to the city's social order. Central to my analysis of the surreal as an expression of desire is the filmic reproduction of post-independence Dakar on-screen. I pay attention to place-identity, and the filmic depiction of nodes and modes of mobility as sites of potential disruption to the city as a form of social order. The article thus subverts and complicates the dichotomy between the real and the surreal as cinematic forms that reproduce the postcolonial African urban as both lived and imagined.

Dimensions and antinomies of modernization in the globalized world

Existing theoretical interpretations contend that modernization is a global but diverse and multidimensional process. Yet, a systematic analysis of multiple forms of modernity and modernization ‘is the major challenge to current social and political theory’ (Wagner). The paper aims at revealing limitations of current theoretical interpretations of modernization and demonstrating systematically essential features of modernity. I describe the crucial criteria of modernization and suggest an integrated approach within which the most influential theories are simultaneously applied as coherent explanations. Such a synergic application allows identifying concomitant dimensions of modernity and modernization. The proposed approach significantly differs from a prevailing theoretical discourse on modernity and modernization. It demonstrates universal features of modernization along with civilization variability and uniqueness of cultural programs, antinomic emancipation trends, permanence of change and innovations, increase of efficiency, competitiveness and the quality of life. All these dimensions relate to a set of consistent interpretations of a complex multi-effects phenomenon, which minimizes the existing conceptual contradictions. The elaborated model supports the notion of modernization as a continuous transition to novel forms of social order which respond to emerging challenges and global competition while an invariant criterion of modernization is the boost in the capabilities of people to make their choices.

Strategies for Recuperating the Competence of Informal Land Delivery Channels

There is a mounting accord in study that informal land has contributed the bigger part of urban land for housing stipulation. The informal land system as flexible as they appear have a process via which transactions are carried out. These processes through which household owners access land for housing are not accidental but are structured and regulated by some form of social ordering. Notwithstanding, despite their major contributions to providing residential housing, several shortcomings such as tenure insecurity, uncoordinated development etc, are some of the resultant outcomes of the system. This paper therefore, with the aid of data obtained through primary and secondary sources which were analyzed, and presented in matrixes explains the strategies that are required to improving the workings of informal land institutions in Karu the gate city as a reference to other Nigeria cities. 310 questionnaires were distributed amongst household owners using Likert scale. This paper identified legal recognition of the informal land delivery sector, introduction of local land managers at district levels, guided development, transparency and accountability and assessment. Despite some shortcoming associated with informal land delivery, this paper has established that with the strategies proposed such challenges can be checkmated. However, the paper concludes that state should not be seen as the sole umpire in charge of controlling urban land markets but alternative institutions, in this case, formal and informal be allowed manage and regulate urban land market to be supported by law

Corruption, patronage and illiberal peace: forging political settlement in post-conflict Kyrgyzstan

This article engages critically with recent literature on political settlements through a case study of inter-ethnic conflict in southern Kyrgyzstan. The case study traces how a new political settlement emerged in the aftermath of conflict, despite a rejection of international proposals on conflict resolution. Instead, local elites constructed an exclusionary form of social order, forged through dispossession and violence, maintained by informal institutions of patronage and clientage. The article explains why this new political settlement appeared remarkably resilient, despite its failure to address traditional liberal concerns regarding transitional justice and minority grievances. The case study highlights two major problems with the political settlements literature. First, it contests a widespread conceptualisation of political settlements as indicating a cessation of conflict, instead pointing to how a political settlement can be initiated and maintained through different forms of violence. Second, it questions notions of inclusivity in political settlements, noting that many political settlements combine logics of both inclusion and exclusion. In many cases, they are marked by exclusionary, authoritarian practices that together constitute a form of ‘illiberal peace’. These findings caution against a simplistic use of political settlements theory to inform policies aimed at resolving internal conflicts.

AFTER LATE MODERNITY: POSSIBLE SCENARIOS FOR FUTURE SOCIAL CHANGES

Contemporary society is currently undergoing milestone transformations. Many are the signs that modernity is moving into the background, no longer the dominant form of social order. This phase of decline is connected to numerous problems: a sense of uncertainty, a normative crisis, or, in other words, a state of anomie. The question therefore arises as to what comes next. If anomie is perceived as an illness, then three further scenarios are possible: the end of the world, crisis as a permanent state of affairs, or a healthy “recovery” which would entail the emergence and stabilization of a new type of society. This article presents all three of these variants: a society scattered across a network form of social order, a social order based upon a new type of community, and an order which, on a broad scale, incorporates nonhuman objects within human societies.

Policy and quasi-policy in Russia: vectors for a possible transformation

The reality of Russia confirms the relevance of studying the specifics of the historical form of policy prevalent in the country. In order to analyze the nature of the existing order of power in post-Soviet Russia, different analytical categories are required compared to democracy or authoritarianism. This warrants using approaches and methods which lie at the border between political science and sociology. Such approaches allow for examining politics as a process and a result of not only the elites’ doings, but also a group of actors, which is not only not outlined, but, on the contrary, isn’t really limited. The author of this article offers an authentic policy typology, starting with its ideal variety, being institutionalized, based on universal trust rather than force and on competition between projects and decisions aimed at common benefit, conducted within an indefinite circle of free citizens. Compared to true policy, the main distinctions of other phenomena is a lack of institutionalization in the case of “under-policy”, lacking principles of unrestricted participation and alignment towards common good in the case of “pre-policy”, and the use of unlawful violence in the case of “anti-policy”. These phenomena can be described using the collective term “quasi-policy”. “Under-policy” and “pre-policy” are inherent to people’s “natural state”, and can be used as a means to adjust public life and the circulation of resources, while “anti-policy” is a perverse form of social order which arises from not knowing any non-violent solutions to various problems. Based on the empirical data, the author shows that “pre-policy”, which is becoming ever less effective, is prevalent in Russia, while also considering possible trends for its subsequent transformation. “Pre-policy” is characterized by syncretism of the governmental, economic and legislative domains of public life, being an archaic phenomenon by default. However, the degree of “pre-policy’s” archaism varies. In Russia’s case it is quite high. In Russia we see a high degree of integration on the social level within situational informal groups (cliques), combined with a low degree of trust on the societal level, which leads to there not being ideologically manifested political differentiation. The tendencies when it comes to the transformation of Russia’s “pre-politics” are multidirectional and conflicting: together with amplified “pre-policy” by means of increasing archaism, we can also observe pre-political actors occasionally resorting to certain principles of “under-policy” and “anti-policy”, when “pre-policy” is unable to help said actors solve the problems that they face.

Constituent crises. The power of contingency

Drawing on the systemic concept of contingency that considers the actualized structure of the world as a possibility among others, the article argues that major social crises release systems from reiterative patterns of selectivity that transform contingent options into necessities. As long as crises deconstruct a particular social order and recombine both elements and relations into an alternative form, they are constituent crises that reestablish the contingency of the world. The article briefly reviews the evolutionary role of constituent crises as an expression of the power of contingency in four fields: the collapse and reorganization of ancient societies, the legal revolutions giving rise to modernity, the crises in modern complex social systems, and the transnational and supranational pressures on contemporary constitutional States. It concludes that the modern, multilayered, and polyarchical architecture of world society seems to be more open than earlier periods of social evolution to contingent, self-constituting forms of social order. Yet, operative and normative polyarchy also means more complex crises.

What is Meant by Freedom?

In 1955, in a neglected article in the Harvard Law Review entitled Freedom—A Suggested Analysis, Lon L. Fuller provided a framework for the basic definition of freedom. More importantly, he tendered a question about the conditions of a free society: “How can the freedom of human beings be affected or advanced by social arrangements, that is, by laws, customs, institutions, or other forms of social order that can be changed or preserved by purposive human actions?” This is the critical question this Article addresses through constructing a comprehensive definition by first, considering etymology and then establishing the various modalities in which freedom operates. These modalities include the space defined by the rule of law and various antithetical non-rule-of-law states, the role of democracy and representative government in disparate levels of society, the importance of rights as trumps on power, and the challenges posed by social justice. Finally, Fuller’s question raises the issue of “laws, customs, institutions [and] other forms of social order,” all of which luminaries such as John Stuart Mill saw as unfortunate, but necessary, evils when considering freedom. Rather than necessary evils, this article will consider the productive role ascribed to law and institutions by Scott Shapiro, who views law as a form of social planning that effectuates choices, thus enhancing freedom.