Mexico's Foreign Research Articles

Foreigners in Mexico

Foreigners in Mexico

Expulsion of foreigners in Mexico: a commentary on the new “administrative procedure of exclusion” proposed by President Enrique Peña Nieto under the reglementary act of article 33 of the Constitution / Expulsão de estrangeiros no México:...

Expulsion of foreigners in Mexico: a commentary on the new “administrative procedure of exclusion” proposed by President Enrique Peña Nieto under the reglementary act of article 33 of the Constitution / Expulsão de estrangeiros no México:...

Presencia española en Puebla, siglos XVI-XX

This book contains 20 chapters that emerged from an academic conference on the Spanish presence in Puebla, held by the Instituto de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades of the Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla in 1995. All the chapters present a broad panorama of a historical process that seems evident in the area of central Mexico. The subject of foreigners in Mexico has been the source of important research, but this research has been focused on describing the legislation and legal problems concerning immigration; the case studies that do exist have typically focused on the presence of foreigners in Mexico City. One of the most important contributions of this book is that it digs into a problem that has received little attention: the presence of foreigners in the Mexican countryside. Furthermore, it looks at a region of the countryside that is near the capital city, an area located along the most important transportation route in New Spain and that maintained this role during the republican period, therefore allowing us to discover new possibilities for keeping foreigners in its reach.The editors seek to touch on the entire time span of the presence of one group of foreigners — Spaniards — in the Puebla region, from the first settlers who came from far-away Brihuega up through the fiasco of the retention of exiles from the Spanish Civil War during the 1930s. This goal is important, because the contributions do succeed in covering this span, but it’s clear there are gaps. These are not the fault of the book, but rather prove that within the scholarship on foreigners in Puebla, there are gaps in the research on certain periods.Like all edited volumes, the topics and methodological approaches are varied. It is evident that research on the colonial period is concentrated primarily on individuals — in general, merchants and successful military personnel who are portrayed in terms of the power networks they established and the mobility they enjoyed, as much in the social sense as in the spatial one. This is demonstrated in the lives of Diego de Anzures and the conde de Orizaba. To this we can contrast the life of the family members of Luis Eraso and of the famous poet Gutierre de Cetina. In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries the studies pick up the topic of families or specific regional groups that came from Spain. These topics, and the way they are researched, are a clear demonstration of the recent approaches that have been used to study foreigners in Mexico. These approaches make it possible to propose new research perspectives: for example, to study the life of workers, peasants, and small-scale merchants who did not meet with great success, or teachers who were placed in educational institutions. The methodological proposals made in the book’s contributions could be used to approach such topics.From the first chapter to the last, we can see clearly the continuity across time of a process such as the presence of Spaniards in Mexico, but we can also see evidence of the difficulty in putting together an edited volume. That is, the contributions are uneven; some texts offer preliminary approaches to a topic and others are the result of extended research. Even though the editors attempted to unite the studies put forth, reading the entire collection gives a sense of unevenness.Reading this collection allows us to think about all the demands that life in the countryside must have presented to foreigners who arrived in a country such as Mexico in various points in its history. These are topics that have been little studied in Mexican historiography. Reading these studies reveals a great deal of complexity and also the limitations that exist within the study of foreigners in Mexico.

Cuba and Haiti in Mexico's Foreign Policy

The principles of Mexico's foreign policy remained essentially unchanged during the Cold War and into the early post-Cold War period. The most vigorous discussion concerning change-or even rupture-in Mexican foreign policy were prompted by the negotiations for the North American free trade agreement (NAFTA), and Mexico's internal political opening towards the end of the 1990s. This paper will examine Mexican policy towards Cuba and Haiti to assess the extent of change and continuity in Mexican foreign policy in a post-Cold War and post-September nth context.For some time during the 1990s, Mexican governments resisted international trends towards the active promotion of democracy and human rights, although they enthusiastically endorsed goals such as economic liberalization and free trade. In time, however, Mexican governments recognized they could no longer ignore the importance of democracy and human rights, not only because of the influence of the international agenda, but also because of rapid social and political transformations domestically. Thus, as President Vicente Fox took office in 2000, the promotion of democracy and human rights became a key element in Mexico's foreign policy and the discussion about Mexican foreign policy change deepened. As a country that had traditionally defended the principle of non-intervention and the right to self-determination, Mexico was now taking forceful positions in favour of democracy and respect of human rights everywhere in the world. The two cases examined here, Cuba and Haiti, are related to Mexico's attitude towards international politics. The promotion of democracy and human rights was a consideration in Mexican policy towards both Cuba and Haiti, and yet its approach differed significantly in each case. With respect to Cuba, Mexican policy changed significantly from what it had been since 1959 by including an explicit position in favour of the adoption of democracy and the protection of human rights in Cuba. In other words, the Mexican government has taken a stand for political change in Cuba, thereby leaving aside principles such as non-intervention and the right to self-determination. This policy, coupled with Cuba's resistance to change, led to a deterioration in bilateral relations not seen since the Cuban revolution.The Haitian case, on the other hand, illustrates the limits of Mexico's support for democracy and human rights abroad. The Mexican government agreed on the need to encourage democracy and the protection of human rights in Haiti through multilateral mechanisms, but rejected the use of force and refused to join United Nations efforts to stabilize Haiti. Thus, the Cuban case illustrates change in Mexican foreign policy whereas the Haitian case reflects continuity. In both cases, Mexico acted in accordance with a regional agenda that privileged democracy and human rights but, as this paper will argue, only when domestic circumstances benefited from it.REGIONAL SECURITY, DEMOCRACY, AND THE UNITED STATESThe 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks have been taken as the end of the post-Cold War era and the beginning of the antiterror era. Although they did not mean a complete rupture in the international structure and dynamics-international politics is always composed of a series of continuities and changes-the terrorist attacks did give a more specific meaning to the idea of a security threat in US foreign policy.As US foreign policy did not have a clear regional enemy or security threat once the Soviet bloc disintegrated and Nicaragua and El Salvador joined most Latin American countries in embracing democracy, issues such as drug trafficking and organized crime were given an important position in the US foreign policy agenda, and were even considered security threats not only to the United States, but to the region as a whole. This did not occur in a straightforward way, however, with all hemispheric countries agreeing on a new security agenda. …

Cuba and Haiti in Mexico's Foreign Policy

Cuba and Haiti in Mexico's Foreign Policy

Michael P. Costeloe. <italic>Bonds and Bondholders: British Investors and Mexico's Foreign Debt, 1824–1888</italic>. Westport, Conn.: Praeger. 2003. Pp. xxii, 359. $69.95

Michael P. Costeloe. Bonds and Bondholders: British Investors and Mexico's Foreign Debt, 1824–1888. Westport, Conn.: Praeger. 2003. Pp. xxii, 359. $69.95 Get access Costeloe Michael P.. Bonds and Bondholders: British Investors and Mexico's Foreign Debt, 1824–1888. Westport, Conn.: Praeger. 2003. Pp. xxii, 359. $69.95. Edward Beatty Edward Beatty University of Notre Dame Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar The American Historical Review, Volume 109, Issue 4, October 2004, Pages 1278–1279, https://doi.org/10.1086/ahr/109.4.1278 Published: 01 October 2004

Reviews of Books:Bonds and Bondholders: British Investors and Mexico's Foreign Debt, 1824-1888 Michael P. Costeloe

Reviews of Books:Bonds and Bondholders: British Investors and Mexico's Foreign Debt, 1824-1888 Michael P. Costeloe

Mexico between Hitler and Roosevelt: Mexican foreign relations in the age of Lazaro Cardenas, 1934-1940

Mexico between Hitler and Roosevelt: Foreign Relations in the Age of Lazaro Cardenas, 1934-1940. Friedrich E. Schuler. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998. In the introduction Shuler sets up his approach: by viewing Mexico from the inside looking outward rather than through the European and U.S. perspectives of viewing Mexico from the outside in, one can understand how Mexico under Cardenas was able to exploit the weaknesses of the great powers. Chapter 2 documents the role of technocrats as central to the development and execution of foreign policy, but who were surprisingly independent from the president. professionalization of Mexico's Foreign Ministry led to the creation of an effective diplomatic organization that acquired and assessed critical information with regularity and with great speed. At the same time Cardenas worked to reorganize the national economy and prepared for the European conflict was seen as inevitable. In the third chapter Shuler assesses the diplomatic environment and the growth of U.S.-Mexican commerce, the Good Neighbor Policy, the Silver Purchase Act of 1934, and Roosevelt's personal interest in Mexico. Next, Shuler discusses The Watershed of Cardenismo (1934-1936), an era of economic and social experimentation, followed by a bleak 1937 as Mexico struggled for survival, while 1938 was characterized as calculating when the expropriation of foreign-owned petroleum properties was planned and implemented. In December 1936 Mexico expropriated and redistributed foreign-owned cotton-growing lands in northern Mexico. Although the economy was in a state of severe crisis because of a strike by petroleum workers fuel shortages, Cardenas risked the expropriation in March 1938. Chapter 5, Mexican Economic Self-Defense in a Closing International Market (1938-1940), views expropriation as an attempt to rescue Mexico's domestic economy and stabilize the government. Mexicans hailed the expropriation with enthusiasm and nationalism, while the British, Dutch, and U.S. petroleum companies could not present a united front against the government. Germany, Italy, and Japan negotiated separate oil-for-goods barter agreements with Mexico, but Schuler points out correctly that Mexico did its best to avoid dealing with the fascists. Cardenas-Roosevelt relationship is evaluated in the sixth chapter, Mexican Diplomatic and Propagandistic Self-Defense on the Eve of World War II (1938-1940). Mexico's diplomatic successes, Schuler concludes, were due to three factors: ( 1 ) a long-term evaluation based upon the state of the petroleum industry before expropriation; (2) experienced bureaucrats who controlled negotiations with the oil multinationals and diplomacy; and (3) the fact that the Western powers' diplomatic bureaucracies were slow and ineffective. Roosevelt, Secretary of State Hull, Undersecretary Welles, and Ambassador to Mexico Daniels disagreed on many issues. Readers would like to know more about the contents of the Roosevelt-Cardenas personal correspondence about the oil issue and the effect these had on diplomacy. Roosevelt became convinced that Mexico was not pro-Nazi or was falling under Axis influence. Chapter 7, The Modernization of the Military under Cardenas (1934-1940), documents changes in Mexico's military, the relationships with U.S. military planners, the national security concerns of both nations, and Cardenas's attempt to establish a Latin American defense force. Shuler examines a number of issues in chapter 8, From Cardenas to Avil Camacho: Rise of a Conservative Development Strategy, Almazan Rebellion, and the Presidential Inauguration of 1940. technocratic-induced expropriations (railroads, cotton lands and petroleum companies) and the beginning of World War II fashioned the conservatism of the Camacho regime and the defeat of rightist candidate Juan Almazan. Schuler comments that and U. …

Mexico's Foreign Policy in 1990: Electoral Sovereignty and Integration with the United States

Mexico's Foreign Policy of 1990 was marked by an acceleration of trends that began a few years ago, producing a pattern of relationships that would have been almost unimaginable only a decade ago. On the one hand, its most obvious characteristic — begun during the de la Madrid sexenio and heightened during Salinas's first year in office — was that economic recovery became the focal point of government strategy: i.e., there was an “economization” of foreign policy. On the other hand, and reflecting the weight given to economic issues, the movement toward integration with the United States — a trend already apparent in the previous administration — picked up speed and acted as a direct complement of the development strategy. This move became more concrete as preliminary talks got under way preparatory to signing a joint free trade treaty.

Agricultural Trade between the United States and Mexico: The Impacts of Mexico's Foreign Debt

The potential for enhancing agricultural trade between the United States and Mexico is attested to by the large historic share of agricultural trade between the two countries. In 1988, Mexico was the second largest source of U.S. agricultural imports with $1.9 billion of commodities and the sixth largest recipient country of U.S. agricultural exports with commodities valued at $1.7 billion (table 1). Two related macroeconomic and international phenomena-Mexico's foreign debt burden and Mexico's apertura (literally opening) or liberalization of foreign trade policies-make this a particularly appropriate time for examining issues of agricultural trade between the United States and Mexico. Mexico's foreign and domestic debt clearly constrain the range and magnitude of policy options regarding agricultural development and trade. Yet, Mexico's recent proposals to liberalize trade (it agreed in 1986 to enter the GATT) may provide new opportunities for agricultural commodity and factor trade between the two countries. With one of the largest foreign debts of any Latin American country, two presidential administrations in Mexico have been saddled

Mexico's Foreign Policy as a Middle Power: The Nicaragua Connection, 1884-1986

The field of international relations and foreign policy in Latin America is presently experiencing tremendous institutional and intellectual growth. These developments are increasingly emphasizing economic and political determinants at the national and international levels over the traditional focus on diplomacy and international law. This article will address one of the major theoretical issues in the study of international relations: can structural theories provide anything more than very general predictions of international politics? In addition, because most work using this perspective focuses on great powers, I ask whether structural theories can explain the behavior of lesser powers.

Some Thoughts on Mexico's Foreign Indebtedness

Some Thoughts on Mexico's Foreign Indebtedness

National Development and Mexico's Foreign Policy

National Development and Mexico's Foreign Policy

National Development and Mexico's Foreign Policy

National Development and Mexico's Foreign Policy

Mexico's Foreign Policy—Indeed a Foreign Policy?

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Mexico's Foreign Trade and Economic Development.

Mexico's Foreign Trade and Economic Development.

Mexico's Foreign Relations

Mexico's Foreign Relations

Mexico Labor Controversy, 1936—1938. Memorandum on the Controversy arising out of Mexico's impositions on Foreign Oil Companies in Mexico leading up to the Expropriation Decree of March 18, 1938. 226 pp. - Mexico: Expropriation of Foreign-Owned Oil Properties, 1938. Memoranda, Letters and Diplomatic Notes dealing with the expropriation of Agricultural land and Oil properties of Foreigners in Mexico. 144 pp.

Mexico Labor Controversy, 1936—1938. Memorandum on the Controversy arising out of Mexico's impositions on Foreign Oil Companies in Mexico leading up to the Expropriation Decree of March 18, 1938. 226 pp. - Mexico: Expropriation of Foreign-Owned Oil Properties, 1938. Memoranda, Letters and Diplomatic Notes dealing with the expropriation of Agricultural land and Oil properties of Foreigners in Mexico. 144 pp. - Volume 7 Issue 1

Designation of foreigners in Mexico

Designation of foreigners in Mexico

Designation of foreigners in Mexico

Designation of foreigners in Mexico