Trends In Foreign Policy Research Articles

The Republic of Korea and the Republic of Türkiye: A Comparative Analysis of the “Brotherhood in Spirit”

Introduction. The choice of Korea and Türkiye to analyze the behavior model within the framework of the changing international order is primarily due to such facts as maintaining close ties with Washington since their formation and their reference to each other as “brothers in blood”. Nevertheless, the historical paradigm of building the foreign policies has shown that there are some common directions that should be marked as “brotherhood in spirit”. The comparative analysis given in the article identifies the modern behavioral models of “the land of morning calm” and the Republic of Türkiye towards a changing geopolitical reality. The purpose of the study is to analyze the common points of intersection in the political processes of the two republics from the moment of their formation to the present days, also to identify the role of the “middle powers” during the Ukrainian crisis. Materials and Methods. The methods of induction and deduction, the method of content analysis, the method of comparison and analysis, and the statistical method as well as the civilizational approach were used in the research process. Due to the methods used, the authors of the article have managed to conduct a comparative analysis in these planes. The information base was made up of materials presented in news sources, statistical materials of international organizations, publications of scientists and experts. Results. A comprehensive country comparative analysis of states’ foreign policy trends in the XX and XXI centuries has been carried out, as well as their interaction with the “West” and the “westernization” of their course at the present stage – “brotherhood in spirit”. Also, the researchers have carried out main conclusions on their role of middle powers and regional actors due to the ongoing tectonic shifts in the international paradigm. Discussion and Сonclusion. Analyzing their “brotherhood in spirit” during the Ukrainian events, it is noted that Türkiye, in comparison with Korea, pursues a more independent course from the West, taking into account its own interests, while both are characterized by a “two-track” policy. Both states are taking a wait-and-see position in the conditions of the emerging political conjuncture of global interaction. The practical significance of the work is the analysis of the behavior of two countries – Korea and Türkiye – as “middle powers” in a changing world order. The obtained results can contribute to further study the role of this type of state in the “West–non-West” relationship.

THE MAIN IDEAS AND DIRECTIONS IN THE FORMATION OF THE FOREIGN POLICY OF THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN

We all know that the sharp changes that took place during the transition from competition to conflict in recent years affected the structure of the world order and its governance standards, the behavior of states, and their interactions within the international system. In the article, the author discussed the main ideas and trends in the formation of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the current modern international relations, its position towards the countries in the region, in particular, the relations with the state of Israel, the unilateral actions of the United States, current trends in foreign policy, as well as the priorities of Iran's foreign policy.

Soviet Medicine in the Cold War: the Experience of International Cooperation and Geopolitical Influence (Second Half of the 1940s — 1970s)

The article is devoted to the transformation of Soviet medical science and practice under the conditions of the development of international relations after World War II. The main attention was placed on the study of scientific and social medical projects, which were implemented by the USSR during the Cold War under the influence of foreign policy trends and priorities. The analysis of foreign, Soviet and Russian historiography shows that researchers have made serious progress in the study of medicine in the sphere of international relations. At the same time, the Soviet medical global project has not been sufficiently examined, which is due both to the source base and to the lack of a sociopolitical context in these works. The main documents for this article are recently declassified materials held in the fonds of the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History, the Russian State Archive of Social and Political History, the State Archive of the Russian Federation, and the Russian State Archive of Economics. The authors analyze the development of Soviet medical projects during the period of “late” Stalinism, in the 1950s and 1960s, and in the 1970s. The authors conclude that the Soviet global medical project constantly sought to expand. Thus, the first postwar years provided the foundations for the sustainability of the Soviet project within the socialist bloc, in the 1960s it would begin to spread to the Third World, and in the 1970s it would compete in the leading countries of the world. An important component of the Soviet medical project was the fight against epidemic and infectious diseases in post-colonial countries, the prevention of socially significant diseases and non-communicable diseases, as well as intensive scientific-medical and medical-technical exchanges through bilateral and multilateral partnerships. The Soviet medical project made possible not only competition between the two superpowers, but also cooperation in such important areas as the fight against smallpox or cooperation in shaping the international public dialogue on denuclearization. In general, the authors believe that an analysis of Soviet medicine during the Cold War allows us to show its role in the Soviet geopolitical construct, thus evaluating its ideological and applied components.

Key foreign policy vectors of the Republic of Korea at the turn of the XX – XXI centuries

The decades since the end of the Cold War, the foreign policy of the Republic of Korea has undergone multiple changes; besides the traditional commitment to maintain and develop relations with its military and political ally – the United States – the new vectors have emerged. . The Korean government turns attention to such directions as: international status of the country; its authority on the world stage; as well as autonomy combined with globalism and autonomy through neutrality. The subject of this research is the foreign policy of the Republic of Kazakhstan at the turn of the XX – XXI centuries. The object is the main foreign policy trends. As a result of the conducted research, the author determines the vectors in foreign policy of the Republic of Korea: orientation towards alliance with the United States; globalism with intention to form new alliances; pursuit of cooperative autonomy; and acquisition of autonomy through neutrality. The article reveals cyclicity in the shift of attitudes depending on the political affiliation of the leader of the country: conservative presidents aim to maintain the alliance, while democratic presidents strive for autonomy. Although, the recent foreign policy vector of the Republic of Korea, which suggests acquisition of autonomy through neutrality, seems impossible due to the existing responsibilities, it remains relevant.

МАРКАЗИЙ ОСИЁНИНГ ГЕОСИЁСИЙ МАВҚЕИ

This article discusses the current trends of foreign policy of the regional powers towards Central Asia at the present stage. It also discusses new initiatives that involves Central Asia in the global space and its advantages to strengthen military-political and energy cooperationwith regional powers

Германия и трансформационные процессы в сфере безопасности: подход Родериха Кизеветтера

The paper continues a series of studies on current approaches to transforming security in the Federal Republic of Germany. The novelty of the study is to analyze the views of R. Kiesewetter, a politician (CDU), member of the Bundestag, on the problem. It is hypothesized that many CDU members do not understand current trends in foreign policy and security policy as a part of a future-oriented system that makes it difficult to dialog with the CDU at the international level. The research focuses on all available speeches deliv-ered by R. Kiesewetter in the German par-liament from November 2017 to March 2019. The author refrains from the theoretical analysis of the subject matter and practical advice since the approach of R. Kiesewetter is one possible future option.

ІНСТИТУТ ПРЕЗИДЕНТСТВА ЯК СУБ'ЄКТ КОНЦЕПТУАЛЬНОЇ ВЛАДИ В ДЕМОКРАТИЧНИХ ПОЛІТИЧНИХ СИСТЕМАХ

Formulation of the problem: The features of model of presidencialism in modern terms, possibility of application of presidencialism in democracy are analysed in the article. Analis of concept: politics, decision of political conflicts. The political factors of political strategies of presidencialism are considered, of institute of the president, as subject of conceptual power and democratic political system, as its object is investigated. It is shown, that the real model of political system contains oligarchic and antiolygarchic components, each of which can become prevailing. Purpose of the research: The purpose of the article is to carry out a theoretical and methodological analysis of the essence of the presidency as a subject of conceptual power in democratic political systems, to identify the structure of conceptual power, its role and place in the political system of society, to identify trends and to analyze the role of the processes of oligarchization in the functioning of democratic political systems, to uncover conceptual functions of the institution of presidency in western democratic political systems. The conceptual management of political system, preservation its of democratic definiteness, is a major task of presidential power. Using theoretical models D. Easton, E. Sedov, theory of needs A. Maslow and theory of social mobility of P. Sorokin has allowed to reveal static and dynamic parameters of political system, which optimization enables to support evolutionary character of political development.There are several alternative concepts of democracy. At the same time, one of them is legally codified and reigns. That is why political power is usually forced to act in an anti-democratic way on an alternative concept. Institutions of state power, thanks to sustainability, mobility and resource intensiveness, can support and even impose those norms and goals that are not entirely in the interests of society as integrity, or vice versa – the interests of individual, usually the most active individuals and social groups are not taken into account and even sacrificed in general. There is a significant imbalance of interests that threatens the existence of a democratic social system. Consequently, the task arises to develop objective indicators, which should be guided by the head of state, in order to assess the favorable or unfavorable tendencies in the political system.The purpose of the article and the task. Research methods: The following research methods were used to address the issues set in the article: general scientific methods – descriptive, hermeneutic-political, systemic, structural-functional, comparative, institutional-comparative; general logical methods – empirical, statistical, prognostic modeling and analysis; special methods of political science. The preference was given to the method of political-system analysis, by which the common and distinctive characteristics of the basic components of soft power strategies were identified, reflecting existing political, public, information and other challenges and global development. For empirical research, the factual basis was used, which was compiled by an expert survey of Ukrainian specialists-political scientists. Practical and systematic methods were used to analyze the system of relations from four perspectives: influence presidents power. Functional and general historiographical methods were also used. Methods of analysis and synthesis allowed exploring the features. In order to implement these methods, such methodological techniques as analogy, comparison, generalization and extrapolation were used. The method for analyzing the situation (studying documents, comparing, etc.) was used to study international and political processes in the USA, exploratory methods (in particular, content analysis) for the analysis of high-level documents and speeches, which in turn helped identify and outline the trends in foreign policy of the countries of the region. Conclusions. The experience of western (Western, liberal-democratic) political systems suggests that the function of supporting the democratic model of the political system is the responsibility of the president. In this case, the president plays the role of either the head of the executive (political manager of the higher rank), or the formal head of state, or these functions combine. In the context of the political crisis, the president takes steps to preserve the democratic system of society. The complex of these activities includes the function of supporting the democratic nature of the political system.

IMPACT OF GEOPOLITICAL DEVELOPMENT FACTORS ON THE POST-SOVIET STATES

The basic formatting and reformatting factors of the geopolitical post-Soviet space and its features are considered. Based on the consideration of the theoretical contribution of H. Mackinder, J. Chellen, K. Haushofer it is indicated that the formation of the main foreign policy trends of the European states. The evolution of socio-political system transformation, economic development and foreign policy of states, which are collectively accessible by the territory is traced. The attention is focused on the development of geopolitical doctrine. The ripening of the very idea of uniting Europe and the first attempts to implement it, indicating that further changes in the geopolitical configuration after the Second World War of the European states is considered. It is proved that the very fact of the European Union functioning and existence is a powerful geopolitical mechanism for the post-Soviet states. The historical, economic and civilizational reasons for such choice for the post-Soviet states (in the context of Russia, the Baltic countries, Belarus and Moldova) are highlighted. The prospects for cooperation with the EU, prospective EU cooperation programs, accession to the EU are examined. It is concluded that there are two powerful policy-makers: the EU and the Russian Federation as the most important geopolitical factors of the post-Soviet states.

Uganda Foreign Policy Trends

The article explores the tendencies of foreign policy trends of Uganda after declaration of independence in 1962. Special attention is paid to the contemporary period that has begun since Y.K. Museveni came to power in 1986: the country has become a more active agent in the world and regional politics. Lately, Uganda has been under influence of “soft power” of the Chinese foreign policy as well as of the Indian one. Nowadays, those countries have quite noticeable positions in the Ugandan economy. The country’s elite considers that cooperation with them is more acceptable for Uganda than that with the Western countries since neither China nor India put any pre-conditions in regard to political or legal norms. Besides that, the article exposes the history of Ugandan-Soviet relations and characterizes the development of Ugandan-Russian links at present.

«М’ЯКА СИЛА» ЯК ХАРАКТЕРНА ОЗНАКА ПОЛІТИЧНОГО ВПЛИВУ ВЕЛИКОЇ ДЕРЖАВИ ЗАУМОВ БАГАТОПОЛЯРНОГО СВІТУ В ЛАТИНОАМЕРИКАНСЬКОМУ РЕГІОНІ

«М’ЯКА СИЛА» ЯК ХАРАКТЕРНА ОЗНАКА ПОЛІТИЧНОГО ВПЛИВУ ВЕЛИКОЇ ДЕРЖАВИ ЗАУМОВ БАГАТОПОЛЯРНОГО СВІТУ В ЛАТИНОАМЕРИКАНСЬКОМУ РЕГІОНІ

The Russian Society: Facts of Collective Consciousness

The article discusses the current state of the collective consciousness of the Russian society that explains domestic and foreign policy trends of the Kremlin. Methodologically the study is based on the theory of social facts developed by Durkheim, according to which social facts consist of representations and actions. The empirical data produced by a number of surveys, including the surveys conducted by the Levada Centre, constitute an empirical base of this article. Data analysis suggests that the collective consciousness of the Russian society consists of the following facts: 1) «tyranny love», or an irrational admiration of «hardliners» who tend to favour a hawkish approach to foreign policy; 2) «freedom phobia», or a set of attitudes corresponding to the concept of «escape from freedom» coined by Fromm that leads to a systematic failure of any democratic reforms; 3) «Westernophobia», or a negative attitude towards the West or any country that adopts Western values, including Ukraine that has allegedly betrayed its ex-ally; 4) «aggressive narcissism», or the idea of Russia’s superiority that justifies the «rogue state’s» behaviour, including imperialist policies practiced by a number of countries over the past centuries. Social facts pertaining to the collective consciousness result in a distinctive civilisational marker that highlights the differences between Russia and the West, assists with the differentiation between the Russian and the Ukrainian societies, and explains the root causes of war against Ukraine.

The Role of Social-Identity Beliefs in the Trends of Foreign Policy of Iran

AbstractValues and elements of popular culture play an important role in shaping and implementing the foreign policy of Iran. In this paper, using content analysis and after explaining the characteristics of Iranian identity, the author seeks to investigate the implications of Iranian social beliefs on foreign policy. In other words, the author sets out to explore whether the perceptions and attitudes of Iranian identity at different historical periods have been the basis according to which Iranian politicians have followed the same model or not? For this purpose, three major components, the influence in the regional area, xenophobia, and conspiracy theorythat are complementary in nature, have been selected. Research findings illustrate that the long history of societies like Iran has been the raison d'etre for the recurrence of social beliefs and values in various political eras of such societies.

Dimensiones de política exterior en América Latina según juicio de expertos

La literatura de Ciencia Política sobre política exterior en América Latina es extensa y rica en estudios de casos, pero débil en teoría y trabajos con extensos. Esto ha limitado sensiblemente la comparación entre países y ha reducido la capacidad para identificar en la región regularidades, tendencias y patrones de política exterior. Así, se cuenta con buenas historias, ricas en detalles, pero con pocos datos sistemáticos para construir explicaciones robustas acerca de la política exterior en América 
 Latina. Buscando corregir este déficit, nuestra investigación se dirige a examinar las orientaciones de política exterior en América Latina entre 1980 y 2014 en diecinueve países de América Latina. A partir de juicios, expertos sobre posiciones de política exterior de presidentes de América Latina estimamos las posiciones de los presidentes en cuatro dimensiones de política exterior: estilo de política exterior, orientación geopolítica, orientación económica y relación con los Estados Unidos de América. En este texto presentamos el estado de la cuestión, la metodología utilizada y los primeros resultados 
 estadísticos agregados.

BRICS: LATINAMERICAN PROJECTION

The paper analyses recent trends in foreign policy of Latin-American countries, in particular their approaches to the cooperation with BRICS. The main attention is paid to the analysis of Brazilian policy towards BRICS. Brazil is the only country which represents Latin-American continent in BRICS and has excellent possibilities to enter “the club of the Great Powers”.

Turkish Foreign Policy Trends Since 2002

In recent years, the Turkish new foreign policy has caused a lot of debate in the field of politics as many researches and analysis centres have kept busy discussing the new Turkish policies. It has also drawn the attention of the big countries that are concerned about the changes in the region as they may affect their interests in it, especially when Turkey has gone with full power and capability towards the East trying to play a vital role. It is worth mentioning that Turkey has attempted over many years to enter the European Union and fulfilled most of the required conditions for that purpose. However, such attempt still encounters many obstacles with regard to joining the European Union. Due to such difficulty, Turkey has directed its political and diplomatic attention towards the region in an attempt to restore its leadership position through playing an essential role in the regional conflicts and initiating solutions and suggestions for peace. The new policy is based on the theory of zero problems raised by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dr. Ahmed Oglu, thus it strives to end the territorial disputes with neighbouring countries to achieve greater stability and focus attention and activity on stabilizing the foreign relations. Turkey has also struggled to overcome the internal problems that limit its outward growing role. DOI: 10.5901/mjss.2015.v6n4s1p400

Ripples of Change in Chinese Foreign Policy? Evidence from Recent Approaches to Nontraditional Waterborne Security

Although debate persists over the precise extent to which the foreign policy of the People's Republic of China (PRC) has actually changed in recent years, it is clearly evolving.1 Outside of the near seas, where China is largely perceived as increasingly assertive in its pursuit of core national interests, are Chinese foreign policy approaches becoming more flexible?2 Some related discussions focus on the PRC's voting behavior on UN resolutions involving humanitarian intervention as well as its contributions to international security.3 Its actions in waters abroad have also generated high levels of domestic and international interest, given their connection to Chinese politics, economics, military development, and diplomacy. Yet there is relatively little systematic analysis of whether Chinese foreign policy behavior is becoming more flexible with respect to nontraditional security challenges in the aquatic domain.4 This makes it difficult to address questions about how Beijing's behavior here is related to broader Chinese foreign policy trajectories. Specifically, are Chinese approaches to nontraditional waterborne security indicative of a larger shift in the country's foreign policy toward greater flexibility and idiosyncratic dynamism?This article offers two case studies on Chinese participation in nontraditional waterborne security since 2008: the Gulf of Aden and the Mekong River.5 These cases have presented critical tests for Beijing, not only operationally but also in terms of policy and symbolism. The Gulf of Aden and Mekong River differ fundamentally in their geographic characteristics and proximity to China, China's relative regional position, the degree to which Chinese foreign policy interests are threatened, the nature of China's involvement in operations, and the legal opportunities and constraints. These disparities are precisely why examining the cases together is helpful for understanding Chinese foreign policy trends. China's behavior vis-a-vis these two regions illustrates that Beijing is exploring flexible foreign policy tactics responsive to manifold factors in order to protect its interests. Addressing security challenges in these regions offers China opportunities to protect its economic interests abroad; allows Chinese military, paramilitary, and security forces to accrue experience and improve operationally; enables China to enhance its political image by performing successful missions and engaging in friendly diplomacy with other states before, during, and after operations; and lets China participate meaningfully-if thus far modestly-in the construction of a 21st-century architecture for nontraditional security governance that is commensurate with the country's relative power in a given region. Dynamic approaches to nontraditional waterborne security provide vital flexibility for a Chinese regime facing complex internal and external pressures while the PRC continues its ascent from a developing country to a global power. China will continue to expand the ability of its military and security infrastructure to perform nontraditional waterborne security missions outside China without necessarily altering the core framework of global maritime governance. This development should be welcomed by other states in the maritime commons. Further, while admittedly a small sample, China's security contributions in the Gulf of Aden and Mekong River demonstrate that the country's foreign policy approaches to nontraditional waterborne security are potentially compatible with, rather than inherently threatening to, existing security frameworks.China's international economic, political, and social connections are unprecedented. The PRC relied on foreign trade for just under half of its 2012 GDP.6 People flows are an outgrowth of economic interdependence: over 80 million Chinese citizens now travel abroad annually, a figure that is expected to rise to over 100 million by 2015.7 China's workforce abroad, estimated at over 5 million in 2012 but likely substantially higher, is also expanding rapidly. …

Analysis of Smart Grid Technologies and Domestic and Foreign Policy Trends

스마트그리드는 기존의 전력망에 IT기술을 접목시킨 것으로 전력공급자와 소비자가 실시간으로 정보를 교환함으로서 에너지 효율을 최대화시킬 수 있는 지능형 전력망이다. 국내에서 스마트그리드 도입을 추진하는 목적은 새로운 신성장동력산업의 창출과 에너지 비용의 감소, 그리고 스마트그리드의 수출 산업화 전략과 국제경쟁력 강화를 통하여 국가경쟁력을 확보하는 데 있다. 본 논문에서는 스마트그리드에 대한 주요 선진국들과 국내의 기술동향과, 정책동향의 분석을 통해서 국내에서 추진하고 있는 스마트그리드 정책의 문제점과 해결방안을 제시하였다.

Continuity and change in the foreign policies of South Africa's De Klerk and Mandela governments, 1989–1999

The issue of continuity and change in foreign-policy analysis is one that receives scant scholarly attention, and South Africa is no exception. Even though the country is now almost two decades past the transitional period, and a good 14 years since Nelson Mandela stepped down as the first democratically elected President of South Africa, important lessons could still be drawn from the foreign-policy trends of this era. The foreign policies of South Africa's two governments during the transition, from 1989 to 1999, show features of both continuity and change, protestations to the contrary notwithstanding. Continuity and change often co-exist as a mixture or as dialectical opposites, making prediction of the future very uncertain. Continuity is often at play when it is least expected; and change can occur in the most unexpected of contexts.

Perspectivas de cambio de la poítica exterior paraguaya

The overthrow of Stroessner, the great surprise of international society in 1989, signifies a substantial change in Paraguay. Thus the first obstacle to a change in the foreign policy of this country was eliminated. The action of the old regime was marked by the president's own will and by a foreign ministry clinging to the schemes of the Cold War. In this paper, what happened after the coup is described and the existing distrust in national sectors and in international society for the transition process is expressed. It is argued that the international policy of the new government could be defined as conservative democratic. In this framework, relations with Brazil, Argentina and the United States are analyzed, some foreign policy trends are listed and it is concluded that a new approach goes through a process of modernization of the country and by consensus.

Measuring Democratic Commitment

Reviewed by: Measuring Democratic Commitment Thomas O. Melia Defending Democracy: A Global Survey of Foreign Policy Trends 1992–2002. By Robert G. Herman and Theodore J. Piccone, eds. Democracy Coalition Project, 2002. 244 pp. Copyright © 2003 National Endowment for Democracy and the Johns Hopkins University Press