Foreign Policy Principles Research Articles

Limits of India–US Relations: Balancing Through Strategic Autonomy and Multi-alignment

The India–US relationship has often been described as a defining partnership. But the nature of the friendship in actuality is yet to assume depth. Despite convergences at multiple levels, it falls short of a true strategic partnership or deep friendship. The India–US relationship is neither a trusted nor an assured economic or security partnership. It is often tested by the vagaries of real-time issues, especially involving other great powers. That is why, despite signing the civilian nuclear deal, foundational agreements, being members of the QUAD and Indo-Pacific Economic Forum, and with the common objective of containing the rise of China, they are unable to work closely together on myriad bilateral, international and regional issues. There are differences over matters of primary interests and the type of partnership that each wants to establish. The United States was insensitive to Indian concerns in its abrupt drawdown from Afghanistan in 2021, sub-continental security threats emanating from the China–Pakistan axis and its continued military support to Pakistan. India’s neutral stand (read in the United States as being pro-Russian) in the Ukraine crisis marked by its abstention from voting against Russia in the UN and purchase of Russian oil despite strong objections from the US-led Western camp are cases in point. We argue that India’s US policy is a case of limited balancing dictated by compulsions and lacks depth. For rising India, a continued desire for strategic autonomy and multi-alignment—the post-non-alignment foreign policy principles—guides its foreign policy orientation. For Washington, a deeper relationship would imply India abandoning its visions of strategic autonomy and joining more formally in Washington’s orbit. These core national objectives of the two countries limit the level of partnership they can forge.

Indonesia’s ambivalence in the Russia-Ukraine war: Balancing equal sovereignty norms with a familial approach

ABSTRACT This article examines Indonesia’s position during the Russia-Ukraine war, highlighting the tension between its traditional foreign policy principles and pragmatic approach to international conflicts. Indonesia’s support for UN resolutions condemning Russia, compared with its avoidance of directly naming Russia as the aggressor, reveals an ambivalence rooted in the paradox of upholding equal sovereignty norms while promoting a ‘familial’ approach to conflict resolution. This paradox is evident in Indonesia’s simultaneous support for Ukraine’s territorial integrity while calling for peace negotiations, which equates the aggressor with the victim. The study explores the historical context of Indonesia’s foreign policy, emphasizing sovereign equality and non-alignment, and how these principles are challenged by the current geopolitical landscape. Through qualitative content analysis of official statements, public opinion and media narratives, the article argues that Indonesia’s ambivalence in the Russia-Ukraine war reflects a tension between its normative commitments to sovereignty and pragmatic needs to peacefully end conflict.

Tolerance as a Legitimation Strategy in Oman’s Political Discourse: From Religious to Foreign Policy Principle

ABSTRACT In the past few decades, the concept of tolerance has gained a central place in Oman’s political discourse and foreign policy. It is often attributed to the country’s national identity, which in turn is interpreted as deriving from Oman’s Ibadi tradition, the cosmopolitan character of its maritime history and its strategic geographic location. Despite greater attention being paid to the constructive nature of Oman’s identity, including its connection with Ibadism, however, a careful reflection on how the concept of tolerance developed from a religious to a foreign policy principle is still missing. A Discourse-Historical analysis of speeches directed towards a domestic and international audience highlights how the political discourse on tolerance, by reinforcing identity-engineering efforts, supported the Omani government’s legitimation and status-seeking purposes at home and abroad.

Stosunki niderlandzko-rosyjskie w kontekście inwazji na Ukrainę

The Kingdom of the Netherlands is the only Western state, a member of the European Union, which has tense relations with Russia comparable to Polish-Russian ones after 2010. They have collapsed because of air disasters on the Russian controlled territories. Although the way they were played by politicians of both countries in a different manner, the final results were similar – close to zero. In the years 2011–2014, bilateral relations were going well, and their climax was reached during the winter Olympics in Sochi. The annexation of Crimea in 2014 worsened them. The Netherlands joined the sanctions announced against Russia. The collapse of the relations of the Kingdom of the Netherlands with Russia took place at the end of May 2018. It was the result of the shooting down of the Malaysia Airlines passenger aircraft (code: MH-17) over the Donetsk region on its route from Amsterdam to Kuala Lumpur route. It caused the death of 298 people on the board. The international investigation team found Russia guilty of this barbarian act. As a result of the trial, the Dutch courts ruled the fault of three people and sentenced them to life imprisonment.Diplomatic relations of the Netherlands with Ukraine were established in 1992. Since the Russian invasion of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, the policy of supporting Ukrainians in the fight against the invader has been consistent. The Dutch government favors a hard approach to Russia. The Netherlands participates in the economic sanctions of the European Union towards this country. The Dutch government offers Ukraine significant humanitarian, military and financial assistance. In 2024 it will reach an amount of around 2 billion Euro. The resignation of the government of Prime Minister Mark Rutte in September 2023 will not change the principles of foreign policy of the state, regardless of the composition of a new cabinet, almost all parties still want to continue the support of Ukraine.

The KMT’s Shifting Approach to the Outside World during the 1920s: A Reinvention of Chinese Confucianism

Through a Confucian lens, this research explores the transformation of the Kuomintang’s (國民黨; KMT) foreign policy during the 1920s. It examines the shift in the KMT's foreign policy from Sun Yat-Sen’s 孫逸仙 (1866-1925) “Allying with Soviet Russia” (lian’e 聯俄) stance to Chiang Kai-shek’s 蔣介石 (1887-1975) prioritization of Western relations around 1927. The study highlights the reintroduction of Confucianism in the KMT's foreign policy during this period, considering the conventional Confucian education of KMT leaders. Unlike previous studies analyzing this shift from political or historical perspectives, this study provides a chronological analysis that centers around the change to Confucianism. It addresses a significant research vacuum in the existing literature and uses archival analysis to examine the evolution of the KMT’s foreign policy. The study examines primary sources such as Sun’s speeches, Chiang's diary, and contemporaneous memoirs. The study comprises three chronological sections. The first section (1920–1924) explores the influence of Confucianism on Sun’s alignment with Soviet Russia due to commonalities between Confucianism and Communism. The second section (1924-1927) examines how Confucianism shaped the KMT’s Western-oriented shift. The third section (1928–1930) delves into the philosophical basis of the Treaty Revision Movement (Gaiding xinyue yundong 改訂新約運動) and the adoption of ‘keeping good faith and pursuing harmony’ (Jiangxin xiumu 講信修睦) as the foreign policy principle. This research concludes that Sun, inspired by Confucian-Communist parallels, initially aligned with Soviet Russia but that later, under Chiang’s leadership, the KMT used “The Confucianisation of the Three People’s Principles” (Sanminzhuyi 三民主義) in its consolidation of a power shift towards the West and adopted Confucian principles to further legitimize its rule by promoting the New Treaty Movement.

CONTINUITY IN POLITICAL AUTHORITY OF THE PRC: FEATURES OF THE FIRST GENERATION FOREIGN POLICY

The issue of succession to political power in the People's Republic of China is a frequently discussed topic in academic research. The fifth generation of Chinese power, the Xi Jinping administration, without opposing the political views of previous generations, continues its political course adhering to the basic foreign policy principles since the time of Mao Zedong. Therefore, the issue of continuity of China's foreign policy concepts is of particular interest. The main goal of the work is to consider the conceptual foundations of the foreign policy of the first generation of Chinese power and its evolution of development associated with changes in international relations of that time. The novelty of the study lies in the fact that foreign policy concepts formed during the time of Mao Zedong create optimal conditions for rationalizing the foreign policy of today's China. Objectives include assessing certain historical events in Chinese foreign policy and diplomacy and determining how they influenced the subsequent development of Chinese foreign policy. The research topic was considered based on the theory of political realism using methods of historical-comparative, structural, content analysis, and systematization methods. These methods helped to consider the problem and systematize the research results comprehensively. The results of the study provide an opportunity to deeply understand the issues of succession of Chinese political power and China's current foreign policy positions in a historical context. In addition, the results of the study can be widely used in research in the field of international relations, political science, Chinese studies, and history.

When political liberalism meets a communalist worldview: John Rawls and African view of human rights

Since the publication of his A Theory of Justice (TJ), John Rawls has revolutionized political philosophy in many ways, including the understanding of human rights. His theory of rights in TJ is drawn from a comprehensive liberal doctrine and is limited to the domestic society. However, his account of human rights developed in his last major work, The Law of Peoples, claims to be politically free standing, following the model of his Political Liberalism. For Rawls, human rights are necessary conditions for social cooperation. They are meant to serve as one of the principles of foreign policy of the reasonable liberal peoples, in their relations with non-liberal societies. Rawls believes that his category of human rights cannot be rejected by non-liberal peoples as parochial or particular to the Western tradition, because they are not based on any comprehensive doctrine. On the other hand, however, many African scholars have dismissed the current international human rights regime on the account of being too liberal, and not corresponding to the African communalist worldview. It is in that regard that The African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights and subsequent African human rights instruments were adopted to dress a list of human rights that take into account African history, civilization, and values. Thus, in three main sections, this article examines whether the Rawlsian account and the African view of human rights can enrich each other, or whether they are completely opposed.

ჩინეთის საგარეო პოლიტიკის ევოლუციის ძირითადი ისტორიული ეტაპები

Formation and evolution of the foreign policy of the People's Republic of China is examined. The historical stages of China’s foreign policy and the dynamics of its interaction with the leading international actors is analyzed. During the seventy years of the PRC’s existence, four main stages of foreign policy have been distinguished. In particular, the revolutionary diplomacy of Mao Zedong, the development-oriented diplomacy of Deng Xiaoping and his strategy of Maintaining Low Profile continued by his successors Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao, and finally, Xi Jinping’s the Major Country Diplomacy. The international, domestic and historical context of each stage is presented, the analysis of the evolution of China's relations with the key international actors is provided, and the concepts and guiding principles of China's modern foreign policy is examined, as well as its main course, priorities and goals.

We Are Brothers but Not Allies: The Sino-DPRK Alliance Revisited

It is widely noted that China maintains a "special relationship" with North Korea, which is best epitomized by the Sino-DPRK Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Assistance that the two countries signed in July 1961. However, in the post-Cold War era, the raison d'être of this alliance treaty has been challenged. Against this backdrop, this paper traces China's evolving interpretations of the Sino-DPRK friendship treaty. By investigating the process behind the signing of the treaty, it argues that Beijing signed an "alliance treaty" with Pyongyang to win over the latter in the context of the Sino-Soviet split. However, as China sought to improve its relations with Western powers, the Sino-DPRK friendship treaty became increasingly burdensome to Beijing. Thus, Beijing began to dilute the alliance nature of the treaty by no longer publicly affirming its security obligation toward Pyongyang. After Deng Xiaoping came to power in China, the treaty was found to be incompatible with Beijing's newly promulgated foreign policy principle of non-alignment. To address this problem, Beijing ultimately reformulated the nature of Sino-DPRK relations and reinterpreted the Sino-DPRK friendship treaty—that is, China is not an ally of North Korea, and the Sino-DPRK friendship treaty carries only symbolic meaning without casus foederis. Based on these analyses, this paper claims that the security obligation of the Sino-DPRK friendship treaty is no longer functional.

Endorsing Annexation? The Whitlam Government's De Jure Recognition of the Soviet Baltic States

In August 1974, the Australian Labor Party Government under Prime Minister Gough Whitlam announced it had recognised the incorporation of the Baltic states into the Soviet Union de jure. Historical writing around this diplomatic recognition is scarce and sheds little light on why the policy was enacted. Using previously unavailable archival evidence, as well as other sources including testimony from Government and public service workers, this article demonstrates that the recognition was induced primarily by Whitlam, the Department of Foreign Affairs, and Sir James Plimsoll, Australia's ambassador to the Soviet Union. These actors were motivated by varying considerations. These included an adherence to realist foreign policy principles, concerns regarding Australian–Soviet bi‐lateral relations, convictions around the legitimacy of Baltic self‐determination, and ethnic prejudice against Australians of Baltic descent.

Analysis of the Role of Indonesia's Active Free Diplomacy in Resolving the Rohingya Conflict

The conflict between the Myanmar government led by a military junta and the Rohingya Muslim tribe is one of the most tragic and heartbreaking human tragedies. The suffering experienced by the Rohingya tribe certainly hurts security in the Southeast Asia region. This research aims to find out how Indonesian diplomacy based on the principle of free and active foreign policy can resolve the Rohingya conflict in Myanmar. The humanitarian conflict affecting the Rohingya ethnic group in Myanmar has raised deep concern among the international community, including Indonesia. Diplomacy is an important instrument in implementing a country's foreign policy. Successful diplomacy can add value to a country and improve its image in the eyes of the world. This research uses a qualitative approach with a literature study method. The data sources for this research are books and journals related to analyzing the role of Indonesia's free and active diplomacy in resolving the Rohingya conflict. The results of this research indicate that to increase the success of Indonesian diplomacy in resolving the Rohingya conflict, more intensive and comprehensive efforts are needed. Indonesia needs to work together with other countries at various levels to encourage the Myanmar government to resolve the conflict peacefully and fairly by human rights principles.

The turning point: new foreign policy concept of Russia

The avalanche processes in the world have clearly confirmed the need for a holistic inventory, significant correction and, in many cases, a radical reassessment of the previous version of the 2016 Foreign Policy Concept of Russia. The dynamics of world politics is so rapid that many of them, no longer fit into the previous schemes. A fundamentally significant matrix in understanding and rethinking the doctrinal and practical-political experience of Russian diplomacy has become the approval by President V.V. Putin on March 31, 2023 of the new Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation (hereinafter: FPC-2023). FPC-2023 marks an unprecedented turning point in the conceptualization of attitudes of Russian diplomacy. A clearly defined continuity has been preserved with respect to the fundamental principles of Russia's foreign policy. FPC-2023 is a new geopolitical premises for the positioning of Russia in the global space and in its relations with the world. The basic system components of Russia's national-state interests have been elaborated in a comprehensive integrity and linkage. FPC-2023 is a convincing answer to those Western politicians who stubbornly consider Russia a semi-peripheral zone in the global space. From FPC-2023 it clearly follows that the strategically “unprofitable” search for a balance between the possible and the impossible has ended. It fully takes into account the negativism of the predominant part of the Western political establishment towards Russia, which has sharply increased in connection with the special military operation in Ukraine. The new Concept takes into account the destructive features of today's crisis geopolitics, but does not block constructive paths to a more optimistic future of international relations.

An Analysis of Bülent Ecevit’s Policies, Decisions, and Attitudes Towards the European Union Membership Process of Türkiye

This study focuses on the analysis of the EU membership policy of Bülent Ecevit and scrutinized his attitudes through the lens of continuity and change, seeking to trace the imprints of influential factors and dynamics in the decision-making process. In this way, this study contributes to the scholarly literature by not only revealing the limited influence of leaders on Türkiye's EU accession process but also explaining the effects of Ecevit's ideological orientations on the course of Türkiye-EU relations. As a result, it is understood that Ecevit's stance on the EU was shaped by various internal and external factors, such as economic crises in the country, the attitudes of EU leaders, and individual factors such as ideological inclinations. Nevertheless, it is claimed that Ecevit's decisions regarding the EU generally followed the fundamental principles of Turkish foreign policy.

Indonesia’s South China Sea Policy: The Limits of Hedging

This paper discusses Indonesia's hedging policies towards China, especially in the South China Sea issue. In line with a free and active foreign policy principle, Indonesia seeks a middle way by establishing cooperation with the United States and China, two major powers with different interests in the South China Sea issue. This research is qualitative research using a case study approach. In this study, I carried out two data collection techniques, namely interviews and literature studies. The political elite decides to hedge within a government, so it is motivated more internally than externally. Hedging is a tactic that demands a low commitment to a country that does not represent friend or foe. However, in line with the increasing competition between the two, Indonesia's hedging strategy may fail due to external pressure to join one side. Therefore, in maximizing the hedging strategy, Indonesia seems to need to increase its defense capabilities to increase its bargaining position and deter threats from external parties

2007 RE-OPENING OF MALAWI'S DIPLOMATIC MISSION IN NEW DELHI UNDER PRESIDENT BINGU WA- MUTHALIKA: DISCUSSING THE CRITICAL JUNCTURES

Malawi and India improved their bilateral ties during the presidency of Bingu wa Muthalika that run from 2004 to 2012. Thus in 2007 Malawi opened its resident mission in New Delhi, followed by the re-opening of Indias diplomatic mission in Lilongwe in 2012. Several critical junctures pushed Bingu wa Muthalika, president of Malawi then, to resurrect diplomatic engagement with India. The notable critical junctures being the lust for accelerated economic growth and the weaning off of trust by the western traditional donors due to registered human rights violations that engulfed his regime. Bingu chose India for the enhanced relations because India had allowing principles of foreign policy that included policy of non-intrusion and policy of solidarity with the third world countries, which looked welcoming to Bingus interests and desires. Needless to say, Bingus strategic interest with India was that of aid to finance flagship developmental projects for his political survival and legacy, the same way the first president of Malawi, Kamuzu Banda manoeuvred by benefiting economically from the apartheid South Africa and Israel. The study used library research, employing secondary data sources in form of journal articles, books, newspapers and You Tube videos to collect content for analysis. Individual level of analysis in International Relations was favoured to adequately examine the character of Bingu wa Muthalika. KEY WORDS: Aid, Critical Juncture, Principles of Foreign Policy, Path Dependency, Strategic Interests

Rethinking Indonesia's Response to the Sino-U.S. Competition through the Lens of Constructivism

Abstract
 The emergence of China as a major power in the world has provoked turmoil among countries, particularly in the Asia-Pacific region. This situation was then responded to by the Western major powers, especially the United States and the United Kingdom, which carried out various maneuvers to counter China. Facing this situation, Indonesia has consistently conducted a middle-ground policy by not siding with one of the conflicting parties. Some scholars name this policy as a hedging strategy. Notwithstanding, existing research limits the explanations of the economic and security factors influencing Indonesia's position while overlooking non-material aspects. Against this background, this article seeks to fill this gap by analyzing Indonesia’s policy using the constructivist approach and explanatory qualitative research method. This research found three ideational aspects that shape the Indonesian government in issuing foreign policies related to major power competition in the Asia-Pacific, namely principles, values, and state identity. The concerned values and principles highlight that Indonesia adheres to Pancasila and “free and active” foreign policy principles which are primarily influenced by past colonialization and the struggle for independence. Meanwhile, identity refers to the international situation in which Indonesia has been exercising a vital role as the leader of global south countries.
 Keywords: China, constructivism, hedging strategy, Indonesia, the United States

THREE POINTS FOREIGN POLICY AGENDA: AN APPRAISAL OF PRESIDENT MUHAMMADU BUHARI’S FIRST TERM FOREIGN POLICY AGENDA

On assumption of office on May 29 2015, President Muhammad Buhari outlined three cardinal issues his administration will place a premium on Economic Development, the Fight against terrorism and the Fight against Corruption. These three issues have also continued to guide the administration’sforeign policy. This paper aims to appraise how the administration has performed in its first term from 2015-2019 with regard to these three cardinal foreign policy principles. Using secondary data sources from journals, books, newspapers, and government reports, the research found that President Buhari's trips across the world capital are in tandem with the administration’s foreign policy goals for the implication on national development. Considerable effort has been made towards the fight against insurgency by raising a multinational coalition to tackle the menace of terrorism, which had negatively affected Nigeria’s image on the International scene. This was made possible with collaboration with Chad, Cameroon and Niger to form Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) which played an important role in degrading Boko Haram Insurgency. As for economic development, the president's trip to China has brought about considerable infrastructural development and Foreign Direct Investment from other world capitals, which help the government in exiting the recession. The paper concludes that there is a need for the administration to follow up on agreements signed during this foreign trip to engender national development effectively.

Environmental rights protection in the European Court of Human Rights

A relevant issue of environmental law in Ukraine is the total violation of environmental human rights and the lack of guarantees for their restoration, as well as the imperfection of the procedure for bringing violators to justice. Since Ukraine is an active participant in international relations in the field of environmental protection, and the basic principles of foreign policy are enshrined in the Constitution of Ukraine, an appeal to the European Court of Human Rights may be a way to defend the violated rights to a clean environment. The study aims to examine the issue of environmental rights protection in the European Court of Justice. The study is based on the following methods of scientific cognition: formal legal, dogmatic, and comparative legal. The author analyses international legislation in the field of environmental rights protection. The author notes that environmental problems are borderless, and therefore, their overcoming requires all countries to join forces and share experiences. As stated, the issue of environmental protection and environmental security is becoming geopolitical in nature, given the international cooperation in the field of environmental protection which began more than 100 years ago. The author shows the signs of ensuring the implementation of the environmental rights of citizens both in Ukraine and abroad. Examples of effective international cooperation in the field of environmental protection are given. The author analyses the judgments of the European Court of Human Rights in cases related to the subject matter of the study. It is determined that when making a decision, national courts should adhere to the criteria set out by the European Court of Human Rights; find out how a certain situation arose; whether the State knew and should have known that the danger or harmful effect would affect the applicant’s private life; to what extent the applicant contributed to the deterioration of the situation and was able to remedy it without excessive costs. The practical significance of the study lies in the possibility of using its results in specialised classes, as well as in the preparation of scientific texts

The Impact of Sino-Soviet Relations on the Evolution of China’s Foreign Policy (1945-1956)

“Sino-Soviet relations were pivotal in the diplomatic history of the PRC after its establishment. On one hand, the CCP received significant economic assistance and political support. However, like any alliance, it revealed conflicts between collective ideology and national interests. These tensions even drew the PRC into Korean wars that might have otherwise been avoided. Concurrently, the PRC developed a self-reliant and peaceful diplomatic policy soon after forming the Sino-Soviet alliance. The mutual relations between the CCP and CPSU closely influenced the emerging PRC’s foreign policy.This study aims to research how these ties between the CCP and CPSU impacted the evolution of the PRC’s foreign policy from 1945 to 1956. Such research is essential for understanding the formation of the PRC’s foreign policy through the lens of inter-party diplomacy, explaining the enduring principle of an independent foreign policy focused on peace. This study employs historical research methods and archive analysis, drawing from declassified historical archives and primary and secondary sources, while critically analysing international relations theories based on historical facts.The findings reveal that the USSR’s primary concern was its national interest, while the CPC idealized it as a revolutionary party. As a result, the CCP developed an independent and self-reliant diplomatic approach based on different foundations.

US – China trade war: economic and legal aftermaths

The China-US trade war, which was the result of differences in the production structure of the two countries, systemic contradictions in foreign economic policy principles and the struggle for global leadership, has a significant impact on global trade flows and market conditions. The article aims to identify the key beneficiaries of the trade war, to assess the situation in individual industry markets, as well as global legal effects, which remain out of academic discourse. US pharmaceutical companies and manufacturers of electronic integrated circuits, diodes, transistors, semiconductors and other high-tech components are the main beneficiaries of the trade war, while US consumers are facing rising import prices. Chile, Malaysia, Argentina, Brazil, Canada are external beneficiaries due to the growth in the supply of agricultural products and metals. Malaysia, Vietnam, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea and Japan win in electronics, while Vietnam, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Cambodia, as well as India get additional advantages in textile production. The United States aimed at ousting China from the world rare earth metals market, forming an investment coalition consisting of Australia and Japan. The systemic spread of sanctions and trade restrictions is shifting the trade disputes resolution from the global level towards the US legal system, which seems to be relatively more efficient in resolving trade disputes.