Foreign Policy Perspective Research Articles

ALEVİ SİYASALLAŞMASI VE DIŞ POLİTİKA: ALEVİ SİYASİ PARTİLERİNDE KİMLİK-ULUSLARARASI POLİTİKA BAĞLANTISI

The foreign policy and international relations perceptions of sub-state groups have recently begun to be discussed in the literature. The central role of the state is eroding and non- and sub-state actors are emerging as influential factors in international politics. Identity is the most dominant factor in the foreign policy perspectives of these actors. This study examines Alevi politicization in Turkey in relation to foreign policy and identity. The politicization of Alevism in Turkey has accelerated since the 1950s with the urbanization of Alevis and their rapprochement with leftist ideologies. The tension between Alevism and the state since the Ottoman period has also fed this process. As a result of this politicization, the Unity Party (1966-1980) and the Peace Party (1996-1999) were established as Alevi parties. The relationship that both parties established with their Alevi base, their perception of domestic politics and their interpretation of international developments influenced their identities. This study examines the relationship between Alevi identity and foreign policy based on the parties' programs. The study aims to contribute to the literature by making three claims. The first is that sub-state entities can also make foreign policy. Sub-state identities formulate their own foreign policy concepts independently of governments and successfully integrate domestic and international developments into their political programs. Second, domestic and international developments have a transformative impact on the politicization of Alevis. The birth of the Alevi political movement following urbanization and its subsequent ideological transformation with leftist politics illustrates this. As a result, there has been a rupture between the Alevi political movement and its traditions and institutions. Third, Alevi politicization in the 1960s and 1990s followed different paths. The first was the process of individual Alevi politicization in the bipolar order of the Cold War conditions, which shrouded micro debates, while the second was the emergence of an Alevi political movement as a result of the increased emphasis on identity after the end of the Cold War.

Rethinking Nigeria's External Relations: A Critical Evaluation of Foreign Policy Perspectives and Imperatives

This paper provides a comprehensive analysis of Nigeria's foreign policy and its implications for the country's domestic development and global engagements. Drawing upon a range of scholarly works and empirical evidence, the study examines the historical trajectory of Nigeria's foreign policy, highlighting its active participation in peacekeeping missions and diplomatic initiatives across the African continent. The research underscores the necessity for Nigeria to reevaluate its foreign policy orientation, emphasizing the need for a more strategic alignment with the country's economic interests and internal developmental priorities. Moreover, the study underscores the importance of Nigeria securing a more robust and equitable representation within key international organizations, such as the African Union, to effectively advocate for its interests and priorities on the global stage. The findings of this study highlight the critical role of a well-aligned and proactive foreign policy in advancing Nigeria's economic growth, regional stability, and global influence. The paper concludes with key recommendations aimed at fostering a more holistic and economically-driven foreign policy framework that bolsters Nigeria's resilience and autonomy within the international community.

Laos-China Cooperation in the Construction of High Speed Railway: A Perspective of Foreign Policy

This article addresses Laos' motivations for working with China on their proposed high-speed train and railway projects. Due to its lack of access to land channels, Laos chooses to conduct its commercial and tourism cooperation with China through the BRI initiative, which is China's foreign strategy in establishing relations with ASEAN nations. We use the theory of foreign policy (FPA) to address several justifications for Laos' participation in China's high-speed rail and fast train projects. We found five reasons why Laos should join China: First, China's location allows for communication with landlocked Laos through the construction of the Laos High Speed Railway; second, China's demographics can help Laos become more prosperous; third, Laos relies on China's natural resources to match the Lao population's consumption level; fourth, China's political system has improved bilateral ties with Laos giving Laos hope that long-term collaboration may be created with China through the construction of transportation infrastructure in the form of the China-Laos High-Speed Railway; and fifth, Laos's economic prowess can assist with commerce and provide funding for growth between Laos and China.

Nigeria’s Foreign Policy and Insecurity: Addressing the Missing Links and Reoccurring Issues

Insecurity is the biggest problem in Africa and nothing meaningful has been done by several sovereign states in Sub-Saharan Africa to stem the tide and its effects on nations all over the region. To this end, security has risen to be the dire need to be considered through the lens of foreign policy as an integral part of public administration and governance in Nigeria. Therefore, this paper specifically explored the missing links that gave rise to the problem of insecurity from foreign policy perspective; and the reoccurring issues that the ebb and flow of her foreign policy posed to Nigerian public space with major focus on Buhari’s Administration. Secondary data was employed to analyse the broad and specific objectives of this paper through a descriptive and explanatory method. The missing link in Nigeria’s foreign policy and security challenges spotted in the analysis are political ideology, globalization, poorly unchecked borderlands, and high rate of migration of criminal elements. The paper discovered some reoccurring issues in Nigeria’s foreign policy and security challenges. The paper concluded that all is not well with the country, because while the protectionist policy under President Buhari to a great extent blocked foreign trade, it left security of borderlands at the mercy of corrupt security personnel. Based on this, all hands must be on deck to exterminate the current tide in the wave of insecurity ravaging the country at all costs.

To Take The Bull by The Horns: The Possibility of An Islamic Unity Under Turkey’s Leadership in The Foreign Policy Perspective of Necmettin Erbakan

Necmettin Erbakan modern Türk siyasetinin ve yüz yıla yaklaşan Cumhuriyet tarihinin en önemli siyasal aktörlerinden bir tanesidir. Erbakan aktif siyasette bulunduğu süre boyunca Millî Görüş geleneğinin dış politika perspektifini gün ışığına çıkarmaya dönük kavram ve teklifler üretmiştir. Söz konusu dış politika yaklaşımı içerisinde “İslam Birleşmiş Milletler Teşkilatı”, “İslam Ülkeleri Ortak Pazarı ve Ortak Para Birimi”, “Müslüman Ülkeler Arası Askeri İş Birliği” ile “Müslüman Ülkeler Kültür İş Birliği Teşkilatı” gibi uluslararası kurumların birer proje olarak teklifi dikkat çekmektedir.
 Erbakan’ın muhayyilesinde sözü edilen projelerin merkezinde sahip olduğu tarihsel ve kültürel derinliği ile Türkiye’nin liderliği ön kabulü olmazsa olmaz bir figür olarak kurgulanmaktadır. Türkiye’nin liderliği hem tahayyül edilen İslam Birliği için bir gereklilik hem de bizzat Erbakan tarafından varlığı iddia edilen “Batı-merkezli siyasal ve ekonomik sömürü düzenine karşı” “dağı yerinden oynatmaya dönük” topyekûn bir mücadele verebilmek adına bir zorunluluktur. 
 Bu çalışmada Necmettin Erbakan liderliğindeki Milli Görüş hareketinin dış politika yaklaşımının temelini oluşturan İslam Birliği’nin teşekkülü meselesinin felsefi kodları ve gelecek projeksiyonu bağlamında Türkiye ile Müslüman toplumlara atfedilen roller bizzat Erbakan tarafından kaleme alınmış olan kitaplar, kendisi ile yapılan röportajlar ile yine kendisi tarafından muhalefette ve iktidarda bulunduğu dönemlerde yapılmış konuşmalar analiz edilerek Türkiye merkezli İslam Birliği idealinin imkânı sorgulanmaya çalışılacaktır.

Examining Turkey's Relations with Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan from a Foreign Policy Perspective in the Post-Soviet Period within the Context of the Belt-Road Initiative

Bu çalışma, Orta Asya – Kafkasya ülkelerinin Sovyetler Birliği’nin dağılmasından sonraki süreçte Türkiye ile ilişkilerini incelemek hedefiyle yazılmıştır. İkili ilişkilerin çok boyutluluğu kurumların faaliyetleri ve yeni girişimler üzerinden aktarılmaya çalışılacaktır. Bu nedenle Kazakistan ve Azerbaycan örnekleri üzerinden gidilerek, Rusya Federasyonu’nun bu iki ülke üzerindeki etkisi ve bu ülkelerin Türkiye ile coğrafi yakınlığının ikili ilişkilerin gelişmesine etkisi konuları üzerinden bir dış politika analizi yapılma hedefi ile ilerlenecektir. Ayrıca Türkiye’nin 1991-2000 yılları arasında izlediği dış politika üzerinden birtakım tahliller de yapılacak, devamında ise özellikle 2000 yılı ve sonrasında kurulan oluşumlar ile ulaşım ve alt yapı gelişmelerinin ilişkilere etkisi incelenecektir.

India’s ‘Act-East’ Responses to the Strategic Realities in the Indo-Pacific Region: A Review

The geopolitical standpoint of India’s foreign policy has focused on soft power dynamics, cultural rejuvenation, and political connection with the diaspora. With the intent to pursue a good neighborhood policy, to promote regional economic cooperation and to revitalize the essence of regionalism India articulated a liberal foreign policy perspective under the guidance of Inder Kumar Gujral during his tenure as Foreign Minister and Prime Minister in 1996-98. The approach gained considerable acceptability and relevance among Gujral successors. Both Vajpayee of the Bharatiya Janata Party, or BJP and Manmohan Singh of the Congress Party supported the rationale of the so-called Gujral Doctrine. As the Indian economy began to accelerate, the pursuit of integrating the region received a pragmatic dimension. Regional institutions like the ASEAN (Association of South -East Asian Nations) play a pivotal role in facilitating the development of regional identity in the world’s most economically vibrant region. It was apprehended that incompetence on part of India to cultivate relations with its neighbors would lead to further Chinese penetration to the zone of India’s natural hinterland and traditionally an exclusive sphere of influence. India’s apprehensions about Chinese ingress were so strong that New Delhi actively worked to include Western powers into an observer role in the regional forum of SAARC, when Pakistan and Bangladesh urged for a more formal Chinese role in the subcontinent. The Indian foreign policy establishment emphasized the attributes of building a peaceful periphery rendering greater access to the Indian market through unilateral economic concessions if necessary, and focused on the Indian relevance to make its neighbors feel amicable in their collaboration with India with a view to strengthen India’s strategic links with the neighbors rather than merely protesting to their defense ties with Beijing. This study aims to focus on the relevance of India-ASEAN collaboration in addressing to the strategic realities of the Indo-Pacific region.

Many Narratives or a Single Voice? The Role of Historical Policy in EU–Russia Relations

The purpose of the article is to analyse the process of change in Russian historical policy from a foreign policy perspective. The article hypothesizes that the historical policy can be considered as an indicator of changes in Russia’s foreign policy, allowing to infer the direction of its future development, playing both an ‘integrative’ and ‘disintegrative’ role. Using the example of the EU, the impact of Russia’s historical policy on the EU’s historical narrative is examined. While in the analysed context the new Russian historical narrative signalled a growing distrust and a more confrontational stance towards the EU (a disintegrative role), its unintended side effect was the construction of a common European historical narrative (an integrative role) pushed by the Central and Eastern European states in response to Russia’s aggressive rhetoric on historical issues, the interpretation of which few years earlier had divided the ‘old’ and ‘new’ member states.

Indonesia's Foreign Policy Post-Reform in the United Nations Security Council

Indonesia has a national interest in carrying out the constitutional mandate in terms of maintaining active involvement to affirm that independence is the right of all nations and colonialism is contrary to the arguments of humanity and justice. Therefore, through United Nations Security Council, Indonesia rejects all forms of colonialism, including issues between Israel and Palestine. This research focuses on Indonesia's foreign policy and its capacity as a Non-Permanent Member of the UN Security Council. The method used is a qualitative method with a literature study that is validated through an explicit confirmation process at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, while the analytical framework used is a comparative foreign policy perspective to map the factors that influence the process of making Indonesian foreign policy in different terms of office, that is president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono 2007-2008 and Joko Widodo 2019-2020. The findings of this study indicate that consideration of enacting Indonesia's foreign policy on Palestine is a sustainable policy with the roots of the constitutional mandate and Indonesia's commitments in the past, that’s why almost no major changes can be found even though they have gone through the presidential transition process. Palestine also can be has a vital position for Indonesia considering that Palestine is the only conflicting country that has always existed in a formal discussion of Indonesian state documents. The difference can be found in how each reign reacts to external factors such as the invasion or blockade that Israel has done.

Human Security Today from the Japanese Perspective

The COVID-19 pandemic and at the same time, the largest number of violent conflicts since 1946 are causing record-high numbers of people to be forcibly displaced from their homes. That includes the Israeli-Hamas conflict and war on Ukraine, which is not only causing immense human suffering but is also playing a role in precipitating a global food, energy, and financial crisis. As a result, the world now faces its worst cost-of-living crisis in a generation. This paper sets out the human security today from the perspective of japanese foreign policy.

The Impact of Economic Sanctions on Oil Industry: A Case Study of Libya Using the Synthetic Control Method

This study assesses the impact of economic sanctions on oil exports and economic growth through case studies of Libya. By setting up a synthetic group method that reproduces the oil exports and economic growth of the case study before the imposition of economic sanctions, we compare the oil exports and the economic growth of the Synthetic and the actual for each period. We address a crucial gap in the literature of sanction in a petrostate case study using the synthetic control approach. Our analysis found that both petroleum exports and economic growth were lower with economic sanctions. This research is integrated into the comparative and international landscape of international influence relations with the domestic economy. Economic sanctions, the results show, are the key driver in fluctuations in oil exports and economic growth that might be represented in the oil curse. We believe that our empirical research can contribute to domestic and international policy formation by sanctioned countries. Overall, the findings confirm that sanctions may be imposed on Libya as another channel of the resource curse from the global and foreign policy perspectives.

"Period of Strategic Opportunities": the Chinese Foresight Experience and Beijing’s Foreign Policy Perspectives

This article examines one of the established ideologemes of the post-Deng era, the "period of important strategic opportunities." It is concluded that this concept is at the center of contemporary Chinese strategic culture, as it is related to the PRC leadership’s medium- and long-term goal-setting. The concept is analyzed in the historical retrospective from the moment of its introduction in 2002 to the present day, and the factors determining the evolution of this concept under Xi Jinping are scrutinized. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, there were two sources of China’s confidence that the coming twenty years would pass without turmoil for China – first, the state of its own economy, whose growth would be ensured by the dynamism of reforms and deeper integration into the global economy, and second, the long-term stability of its external environment, postponing for a long period the need for China to "come out of the shadows." Under Xi Jinping, the "period of strategic opportunities" is closely aligned with the core idea – "great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation." Created in the traditional abstract manner of Chinese "highest instructions," the concept acquires the features of a scenario approach, where the worst-case scenario for the nation is not excluded and is definitely taken into account. Today’s China faces incomparably greater pressure from its competitors, and the number of uncertainties affecting China’s rise has grown immeasurably. This determines the shift in the strategic thinking of the Chinese elite, which, along with a greater emphasis on ideology, will shape Chinese foreign policy.

Artificial intelligence and EU security: the false promise of digital sovereignty?

ABSTRACT EU Digital Sovereignty has emerged as a priority for the EU Cyber Agenda to build free and safe, yet resilient cyberspace. In a traditional regulatory fashion, the EU has therefore sought to gain more control over third country-based digital intermediaries through legislative solutions regulating its internal market. Although potentially effective in shielding EU citizens from data exploitation by internet giants, this protectionist strategy tells us little about the EU’s ability to develop Digital Sovereignty, beyond its capacity to react to the external tech industry. Given the growing hybridisation of warfare, building on the increasing integration of artificial intelligence (AI) in the security domain, leadership in advancing AI-related technology has a significant impact on countries’ defence capacity. By framing AI as the intrinsic functioning of algorithms, data mining and computational capacity, we question what tools the EU could rely on to gain sovereignty in each of these dimensions of AI. By focusing on AI from an EU Foreign Policy perspective, we conclude that contrary to the growing narrative, given the absence of a leading AI industry and a coherent defence strategy, the EU has few tools to become a global leader in advancing standards of AI beyond its regulatory capacity.

Russian Orthodoxy during the Soviet-Axis War

Russian Orthodoxy is presented in the article as a multidimensional system of church institutions, clergy and laity. The Russian Orthodox Church of Moscow Patriarchate was only one of the elements of this system, which undoubtedly dominated in the confessional aspect within the USSR. The historiography of the problem of the role and place of the Church in World War II East Front is examined, and the source base of the issue is presented. The state-dependent position of the Russian Orthodox Church of Moscow Patriarchate in the prewar years is analysed. The attitude of the hierarchy of the Russian Orthodox Church Abroad towards the start of the Axis aggression against the USSR is personalised. The patriotic vector of the ministry of Moscow Patriarchate during the war years is considered. The anti-Christian nature of the ideology of Nazism, designed to create a quasireligion of the German nation, is revealed. The reasons for the change in state-church relations in the USSR during history's most horrifying war are identified, the most important of which includes the foreign policy perspective of the use of the Russian Orthodox Church of Moscow Patriarchate and confessional policy in general in the context of international activities of the USSR.

Applicability of International Law in Cyberspace: Positions by Estonia and Latvia

The study focuses on applicability of international law in cyberspace, particularly on the global processes at the United Nations Committee on Disarmament and International Security and analyses whether and how Estonia and Latvia understand and explain the application of international law to the states’ conduct in cyberspace. The aim of the study is to provide qualitative and comparative analysis on what national positions Estonia and Latvia have on applicability of international law in cyberspace and how these opinions are reflected in their national cybersecurity strategies and national statements. The article assesses the efforts by Estonia and Latvia to promote understanding on how international law applies in cyberspace. These efforts are analysed from foreign policy perspective. The article also argues why it is crucial to promote such an understanding; however, it does not discuss or interpret legal concepts. The article concludes with a comparison of the cases of Estonia and Latvia. The result of the research indicates that Estonia has been more active than Latvia in terms of defining and promoting its official position on applicability of international law in cyberspace. Latvia has not yet provided detailed positions on applicability of international law in cyberspace. Keywords: cybersecurity, cyberspace, international law, international security, international society

Waves Larger than Bilateral Relations. The Albanian Greek Maritime Border Dispute

The maritime border dispute is one of contentious issues between Albania and Greece as the delimitation of the continental shelf at the Ionian Sea has been of strategic priority for both countries. Bilateral relations hit rock bottom after the Constitutional Court of Albania nullified the initial agreement (2010), and it took more than a decade to (publicly) relaunch the process of having the maritime borders demarcated. A new agreement–even as a verdict by the International Court of Justice–would bear the parties with mutual benefits: Albania would avoid a possible veto over its EU accession from Greece, while Greece, amid growing tensions with Türkiye over the Aegean, would delimitate (and possibly extend) its maritime borders with Albania. The rivalry between Athens and Ankara over the East Mediterranean, the economic potentials (fossil fuels) of the sea as well as the race for influence in the Western Balkans supplement this border dispute with additional foreign policy perspectives that go beyond Albanian–Greek bilateral relations.

Green Deal a Zielona Agenda dla Bałkanów Zachodnich

This article deals with the important topic of the Green Agenda for the Western Balkans and its place in the perspective of the so-called Green Deal of the European Union. The author discusses the issue of the green deal and agenda from the perspective of the Union's foreign policy and the process of adaptation of the Balkans in the integration process. The topic of the participation of the Western Balkans in the pro-ecological activities of the European Union is based on a collective document presented in 2019 by the European Union as the Green Deal, setting new directions for the development of EU policy. The countries of the Western Balkans have dealt with this issue extensively in the document entitled "Sofia Declaration for the implementation of the Green Agenda for the Western Balkans". Their activities in this area are related not only to the fulfillment of assumptions regarding environmental protection but also in the context of the potential enlargement of the European Union and the willingness to join the group of Member States. In this regard, the Balkan states perceive the Green Agenda as a broader spectrum of their functioning in united Europe and the possibility of appearing on the European arena by fitting into the pan-European trend. The complexity of these processes is extremely large and covers several aspects, the implementation of which is possible not only with the support of the European Union but above all as part of the development of regional cooperation.

Ethiopian Foreign Policy: A Weak State or a Regional Hegemon?

When foreign policies of states are examined, pride of place often goes to what are called high politics: the politics of diplomacy and war. However, for most developing nations, especially those in the region of sub-Saharan Africa, economic foreign policy, or low politics, may be as, or even more, important. In fact, the foreign policies of African nations are often seen as an extension of strategies to consolidate domestic political power. African leaders routinely place themselves in charge of foreign policy as a means of controlling these resource flows as well as to create some autonomy from competing domestic political forces. This is not to say that external state forces do not impinge on the ability of leaders to stay in power; however, in sub-Saharan Africa, this has been less of a priority, perhaps with the significant exception of Ethiopia. This paper seeks to show that the general foreign policy perspectives of Ethiopia from 1991 to the present have been an extension of the leaders and ruling elites trying to obtain significant sources of financial resources by exploring the general trends of how Ethiopia has engaged in international flows of resources. Examining Ethiopian foreign policy on three levels—international, regional, and domestic—this paper explains how, despite being a potential regional hegemon, Ethiopia has significant problems stemming from domestic issues of poverty and legitimacy. Moreover, the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam will be highlighted as a case to explore how it affects, and is impacted by, all three levels.

Approaching the national security of the Republic of Moldova from the perspective of foreign and defense policy

The European Union is a stabilizing factor, important for the national security system that is why the Republic of Moldova is working to advance the European integration process. Accession to the European Union will strengthen the country’s security, with the Republic of Moldova becoming a beneficiary and a source of stability and security. In this regard a special place in the security context is also Moldova’s participation in global, regional and subregional efforts to promote international stability and security through cooperation within the UN, the OSCE, as well as NATO. The defense is a fundamental and distinct area of national security, which is in a relationship of interdependence with the processes of state development. Since the proclamation of independence, the Republic of Moldova has undergone a comprehensive process of strengthening the institutional capacities of the national defense system, a process that continues so far. Generalizing, this scientific research is intended to identify, strengthen and combine the efforts of institutions with their powers in the implementation of security and defense policies, as well as to effectively coordinate their actions.

Ku modelowi polskiej paradyplomacji

The aim of the article is to trigger the debate and set the theoretical basis for further research on a framework of Polish paradiplomacy. It is also an invitation to a discussion on desirable vision of local diplomacy, from the perspective of Polish foreign policy. The analysis focuses on the institutional dimension of Polish paradiplomacy, which was shaped into a local and civic dimension of Polish foreign policy (LCD), in 2012. Sources consist mainly of official documents and communications. The author preliminarily verifies a hypothesis stating that the withdrawal of the LCD mechanism after 2015 influences negatively the development of Polish paradiplomacy and the implementation of Polish foreign policy in general. Two aspects of Polish local diplomacy are elaborated: position in priorities of foreign policy and practice. In conclusion, the author shows a possible scenario of development and places Polish paradiplomacy within theoretical frameworks.