Foreign Policy Initiatives Research Articles

The role of the United States in shaping youth mental health advocacy and suicide prevention through foreign policy and media in conflict zones

This article explores the significant role of the United States in shaping youth mental health advocacy and suicide prevention through its foreign policy and media initiatives in conflict zones such as Iraq, Syria, and the Israeli-Gaza War. The U.S. has actively contributed to improving mental health outcomes by supporting humanitarian programs, facilitating mental health services for displaced youth, and funding initiatives aimed at addressing trauma caused by war. The paper highlights how U.S. foreign policy, through diplomatic efforts and peace-building interventions, has promoted human rights and stability in these regions, providing essential aid to vulnerable populations. In addition, the United States remains a global leader in promoting peace and safety, advocating for the protection of civilians, and upholding international standards of human rights. By working with international organizations, the U.S. has played a key role in ensuring that mental health and suicide prevention programs are integrated into post-conflict recovery efforts, creating safer environments for youth affected by war. Media coverage of U.S. efforts has also helped raise global awareness of the mental health challenges faced by young people in these conflict zones, further amplifying the need for continued advocacy and international support. This paper aims to demonstrate the United States' commitment to fostering global peace and ensuring that young populations have the resources they need to recover from the impacts of conflict, thereby strengthening mental health advocacy on a global scale.

Regions of Italy in Context of Italian-Chinese Relations in 21st Century

This study examines the development of transregional relations between the regions of Italy and those of China, including the Special Administrative Regions of Hong Kong and Macau. It highlights the interplay between centrifugal and centripetal tendencies within the framework of Italy’s ‘center — regions’ relationship system. The analysis provides insights into the normative foundations of international and foreign policy activities of Italy’s territorial communities, grounded in the national Constitution and relevant legislation. The findings demonstrate that Italian regions possess very limited capabilities for independent foreign and economic policy initiatives, a restriction stemming from the Italian Constitution, which permits regional cooperation only in the realms of economy and culture. In contrast, among the regions of China, only Hong Kong and Macau exhibit the capacity for autonomous external activities. Furthermore, it is revealed that Chinese migrants in Italy play a significant role in fostering Italian-Chinese interregional ties, maintaining connections with their homeland. The study concludes that Italian regions are notably less active internationally compared to regions in other EU countries.

Rethinking Human Security Through Feminist Lenses

At the beginning of the 2000s, the increased salience of the concept of human security was a welcome development both in academic and policy circles. Problematizing the state's central role as the principal object of security allowed human beings' security needs and concerns to be put in front and center, at least in theory, if not necessarily in practice. The increasing traction the concept got also allowed several non-traditional security threats, such as environment, health and migration, to be approached through security lenses and put on security agendas. Despite the burgeoning literature and the notable frequency at which the concept of human security got incorporated into policy discussions, it has lost, at least partially, its analytical traction and policy saliency. The lack of a clear definition as well as vague and tactical use of the concept by policymakers have raised concerns about the human security concept turning into an empty signifier. While the human security concept was welcome by some feminist approaches, it is also criticized by others. This article aims to discuss the human security concept through different feminist perspectives and understand its adaptability in the field based on a comparative interpretive analysis of feminist foreign policy initiatives by Sweden, Canada, Mexico, France, Germany, Spain, Chile and Luxembourg. To realize this aim, we analyze the conceptualization and implementation of feminist foreign policies and how they put the human security approach into practice. We seek to problematize how feminist foreign policies tackle the ambiguities and limitations within the human security framework, and to what degree these policies confront or maintain current power dynamics and state-centered security models. We argue that feminist foreign policies do highlight the problems related to gender equality and contribute to their solutions, but do not challenge patriarchy and the power relations behind it. As such, while they contribute to better implementation of human security as a guiding principle for foreign policy, conventional foreign policy concerns limit the change they can create on the ground.

Revival of China and the United States Strategy to Contain at Indo-Pacific Region (From Rebalance to Offshore Balancing)

Chinese foreign policy initiative has turned out to be a negative reaction from the United States of America (USA) and its allies, as it is perceived to contain the agenda for territorial expansion in the sense of an expanding political influence covered by infra structures and trade investment activities. Along with the darkening of a OBOR (one belt, one road) map followed by the interests of China to secure the Silk Road through the presence of its military force. A number of countries in Southeast Asia, such as the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, including Indonesia have expressed their complaints regarding China's claims to the South China Sea. China has already positioned as regional power that "challenges" a vis-a-vis the United States as a superpower that maintains a status-quo continuity in the Indo-Pacific hemisphere. This research used qualitative research method, data collected through interviews with informants to be able to dig up information so that accurate information can be obtained in accordance with the theme of this study. The selection of informants was determined using a purposive technique. While secondary data collected from various relevant documents. This research analyzes that The United States' foreign policy to stem the rise and expansion of China's impact in the Asia-Pacific region, harmonizes with concerns from several countries in the region for the rise of China with its foreign policy judged assertive. Setting out from the policy to stem the China influence, it can be said, the United States of America refers to its experience in the cold war as it stemming the expanding influence of the Soviet Union through the Containment Policy. Only this time has the United States been confronted with such vastly different conditions. These conditions that the United States is unable to "brace" for, so containment policy repetition through some of its implementation such as rebalance, free and open indo-pacific to offshore balancing still test its effectiveness.

The growing U.S.-Chinese rivalry and foreign policy initiatives of the Biden administration in Latin Caribbean America

The growing U.S.-Chinese rivalry and foreign policy initiatives of the Biden administration in Latin Caribbean America

Russian humanitarian policy: problems and solutions

The article examines some problems of Russia’s humanitarian policy and humanitarian cooperation. According to the author, domestic humanitarianism does not go beyond the boundaries established by the Helsinki Final Act. The formulation of tasks and directions of domestic humanitarian policy contained in strategic planning documents is reduced only to a description of the methods and conditions of communication, leaving the specifics of humanitarian activities and humanitarian instruments outside the scope of strategic planning documents, thereby complicating its institutionalization. The author believes that the goal of humanitarian cooperation may be the formation of a global structure of support for domestic foreign policy initiatives, representing a dense network of interactions that provides ripple effects, expanding Russia’s influence and forming new dependencies. But achieving such a goal is impossible without putting forward a clear alternative to the modern world order, which will reflect not only the interests of Russia, but also of countries that disagree with the Western-centric world order.

REASSESSING MIDDLE POWERS: A CASE STUDY OF ESTABLISHED MIDDLE POWERS AND THE IMPERATIVE FOR CONCEPTUAL REVISION

This paper critically reassesses the concept of middle powers in the context of evolving global dynamics, including the recent recognition of Kazakhstan as a middle power. Traditionally associated with specific behavioral traits such as seeking multilateral resolutions and adopting compromise positions, middle powers face a disconnect between theoretical frameworks and their dynamic behaviors. The waning influence of the U.S.-led order and the persistence of outdated descriptors underscore the imperative for reconceptualizing middle power theory. Analysis of traditional and emerging middle powers, including Canada, Australia, Japan, South Korea, Brazil, India, and Kazakhstan, exposes a disparity challenging current perspectives. The UAE, with its strategic location and growing influence in regional and global affairs, also presents an intriguing case study in the evolving landscape of middle power dynamics. Despite its relative ly small size and recent emergence on the global stage, the UAE has rapidly established itself as a significant player in various spheres, including diplomacy, trade, security, and developme nt assistance. Drawing on theoretical frameworks of middle-power diplomacy from the UAE's foreign policy initiatives, this study highlights the unique characteristics and contributions of the UAE as a middle power in shaping regional and global dynamics. By analysingitsstrategic alliances, economic diversification efforts, and soft power projection, this article provides insights into the evolving role of middle powers in contemporary international relations.The paper advocates for a comprehensive revision that embraces modern realities, dynamic assessment, inclusive perspectives, global cooperation, and contextual sensitivity. By incorporating the experiences and actions of diverse middle powers into a revised framework, scholars and policymakers can better understand the nuanced roles and contributions of middle powers in shaping international relations. This reconceptualization aims to capture the complexities of contemporary international relations, providing a valuable analytical tool for understanding the roles and contributions of middle powers in an ever-changing world.

Explaining sender–receiver gaps in signalling: Australia’s ‘Pacific Step-up’ and Solomon Islands’ multi-alignment

Amid growing strategic competition, regional powers have intensified their engagement with Pacific Island Countries. This article examines Australia’s ‘Pacific Step-up’, a signature foreign policy initiative of the Scott Morrison government (2018–2022), from a signalling perspective. Through the Step-up, Australia sought to affirm its resolve to be partner of choice for Pacific Island Countries. This was not cheap talk but led Canberra to invest substantially in its ties with the region. Despite this and significant prior Australian engagement leading to a bilateral security pact, Solomon Islands’ government signed an additional security agreement with China in 2022. How can we explain this sender–receiver gap? I argue that close attention to the agency of domestic actors on the receiver side and the context in which such agency occurs – in this case, an extended history of insecurity in the Pacific country – provides us with analytical leverage when examining concrete instances of signalling.

ЗОВНІШНЯ ПОЛІТИКА ДЖ. КЕННЕДІ: ОСОБИСТІСНИЙ ЧИННИК У СПІВПРАЦІ ПРЕЗИДЕНТА ТА ДЕРЖСЕКРЕТАРЯ Д. РАСКА

The proposed article is devoted to the figure of Secretary of State Dean Rusk during the presidency of John F. Kennedy in 1961–1963, with special attention to the interpersonal relationship between him and the president. The purpose of the work is to emphasize the importance of studying the interaction between the president and the secretary of state, which often plays a key role in the formulation and implementation of the foreign policy of the United States of America. The ability of the president and his secretary of state to listen to each other and communicate effectively can determine success or failure in implementing foreign policy initiatives and managing crisis situations. The research methodology is based on a critical analysis of scientific literature, as well as on the application of problem-chronological and systemic approaches. The basic principles of the article are the principle of historicism, objectivity and scientificity. Comparative, historical-systemic, historical-genetic methods are used for scientific understanding of the proposed problem. The scientific novelty of the article consists in drawing the attention of researchers to the figure of Dean Rusk, as well as in offering a different point of view on Dean Rusk’s place in the relationship with President J. Kennedy. Contrary to the prevailing view of Dean Rusk’s insecurity, mysteriousness, and modesty as the key to his failure as the president’s foreign policy advisor, we argue that these aspects became «victorious» in interaction with the president, acting as a certain «balancing factor» of J. Kennedy’s activism. Conclusions. The relationship between John F. Kennedy and Dean Rusk was complicated and occasionally strained. J. Kennedy and D. Rusk had different views on foreign policy issues. J. Kennedy often avoided the opinions of D. Rusk, did not always fully trust him, or did not consider his opinion reliable. Wanting to be the main initiator of the foreign policy of the United States of America. The crises that the US faced in the early 1960s were partly the result of the politics of interpersonal attitudes: both Dean Rusk and J. Kennedy were individuals who did not correspond to the essence of America in the late 1950s and early 1960s (in the context of a globalized understanding of foreign policy), however, it is unlikely that Kennedy would have been able to find a better candidate for the position of Secretary of State than Dean Rusk (in the context of interpersonal relations).

The Economic Security of Ukraine and the European Union in the Context of a Military Crisis

Year 2022 brought increasing uncertainty and new challenges around the world, including in the European Union (EU), mainly related to the Russian aggression against Ukraine and its direct and indirect effects for all EU Member States. Europe finds itself in a difficult situation which provokes reflection on the current shape of the EU’s security policy and the need to rethink and structure its stipulations. Faced with Russian aggression against Ukraine, the EU has implemented a number of new foreign policy initiatives and measures to support both the economy of Ukraine and of its member states. This article explores the issue of EU and Ukrainian economic security in the context of the financial and economic intervention measures taken by the Union to maintain sustainable development in the region. The EU support is helping Ukraine to survive, while on the other hand the EU has certain demands regarding Ukrainian reforms and certain aspects of its policies. These sensitive issues regarding the inadequacy of the EU’s role in relation to recent challenges are topical in the debate in Ukraine.

South Korea’s Engagement with ASEAN: A Study of Foreign Policy Initiatives

South Korea’s Engagement with ASEAN: A Study of Foreign Policy Initiatives

“This is Not A Song, It’s An Outburst”

Challenging traditionally-conceived narratives surrounding the dialectic of Apartheid, many Afrikaners became facilitators of in-state resistance alongside their black peers after becoming disillusioned with the South African regime’s foreign policy initiatives during the 1970s and 1980s. Afrikaner men were conscripted to fight in their country’s dirty wars in Rhodesia and Angola, which destabilized the regime’s legally-enshrined white privilege and fueled resistance expressed through musical movement. This idea connects to tactics used by the American government to assert racialist sovereignty as a tenet of stratifying South Africa’s domestic society through soft power. This paper demonstrates through semantic and musical deconstructions how and why Paul Simon’s “Graceland” project and the Voëlvry punk movement worked to dismantle tenets of racial governance at the grassroots level in South Africa. From the usage of the English language to the usage of Western instrumentation with “reclaimed” rhythm, these cases show a broader yet calculated transgression from mediatic expressions of Apartheid through moral entrepreneurship.

Belt and Road Initiatives (BRIs): Understanding China’s Intentions Behind It

BRI is regarded as the most aspiring foreign and economic policy initiative of President Xi’s legacy. At the same time, Beijing has the overarching objective to achieve its geopolitical goals by economically binding China’s neighbouring countries through this initiative. Some Scholars are cynical regarding the success of BRI as planned by President Xi’s administration, urging caution for both China and the countries involved. President Xi’s exceptional overt emphasis on protecting China’s national interests that transpired into their newly formed foreign policy approaches has demonstrated that China’s commitment to peaceful development is not without conditions. China’s commitment to a peaceful rise will also be further conditioned by the many externalities, namely international and regional interest, domestic priorities, security dilemmas, power conflict, and conflicting core national interests from participating members, which in turn can be reciprocated with antagonistic strategies by others. Consequently, President Xi’s administration will have to tackle formidable challenges in the implementation era of BRI.

FOREIGN POLICY INFLUENCE OF CASIMIR AND BOLESLAW II ON THE ESTABLISHMENT OF KNYAZ POWER IN KYIVAN RUS’: A HISTORICAL ANALYSIS

This article delves into the foreign policy maneuvers of Casimir and his successor Boleslaw II, prominent rulers of Poland, as they influenced the formation of Knyaz power within the realm of Kyivan Rus’. Anchored in a meticulous analysis of contemporary chronicle sources, this study underscores the intricate interplay of political strategies enacted by these Polish monarchs vis-à-vis their relations with Kyivan Rus’. Of particular interest is the intricate web of Polish-Rus’ interactions, elucidating the motivations behind the intensification of dynastic unions between the Piast and Rurik ruling families. The research sheds light on several pivotal questions that underpin the nuanced interplay between the Piasts and the Ruriks: To what extent did the tenure of Iziaslav Volodymyrovych as Knyaz of Kyiv rely upon the support and machinations of Boleslaw II, and how instrumental was Poland in shaping the landscape of potential contenders for the Kyivan throne? Furthermore, what catalyzed Boleslaw II’s abstention from aiding Iziaslav Sviatoslavich in his adversarial struggle against his sibling, Sviatoslav Yaroslavich? The study also probes into the origins of discord between Rus’ and Poland during their joint military campaign against the Czechs, while simultaneously analyzing Poland’s role in mediating the reconciliation between Iziaslav and Vsevolod. A pertinent investigation delves into the interplay of Rome’s geopolitical strategies and its contribution to bolstering papal influence within Kyivan Rus’. Meticulously examining chronicle sources, this article evaluates the efficacy of Casimir and Boleslaw II’s foreign policy initiatives directed at Kyivan Rus’. Central to this investigation is the assessment of the role that dynastic alliances between the rulers of Rus’ and Poland played in shaping these policies. The outcomes of this rigorous analysis converge upon the conclusion that Casimir engineered a comprehensive policy framework aimed at fostering amicable and collaborative relations with the Ruriks. This objective was substantiated by the reinforcement of kinship ties between the ruling families, underscored by matrimonial bonds. Notably, both Casimir and his heir, Boleslaw II, entered into marriages with members of the Rurik lineage, thereby forging familial bonds that transcended mere blood relations. The significance of these alliances is further exemplified by the marriage of Iziaslav Yaroslavich, Knyaz of Kyiv, to Casimir’s sister, a union that granted Iziaslav a lifeline to reclaim his Kyivan throne after his expulsion. Furthermore, the article examines Boleslaw II’s cautious restraint during the internal power struggle between his maternal uncle, Iziaslav, and his father-in-law, Sviatoslav, deliberately refraining from intervening. The outcome of Boleslaw II’s neutrality led Iziaslav to seek assistance from the German Kaiser, an endeavor that proved fruitless, compelling Iziaslav to subsequently turn to the Pope for support. A comprehensive scrutiny of the mishaps within Boleslaw II’s joint military campaign with Oleg Sviatoslavich and Volodymyr Vsevolodovych highlights the root cause as a deficiency in strategic coordination, which failed to encompass the entire spectrum of potential military scenarios. Moreover, the role of Boleslaw II as a peacemaker, instrumental in the reconciliation between Iziaslav and his brother Vsevolod following Sviatoslav’s demise, is underscored. Taking a panoramic view of Poland’s overtures towards Kyivan Rus’, a consistent and purposeful policy trajectory emerges, initiated by Casimir and subsequently upheld by Boleslaw II. This policy pursued amicable relations, buttressed by dynastic concord, aiming to preclude the formation of an alliance between Germany and Rus’ and to mitigate the joint adversarial stance of the latter against Poland. To this end, Poland stood ready to extend military assistance to the Grand Knyaz of Kyiv, thereby bolstering his standing. In summation, despite certain instances of deviation, the pursued policy demonstrated a commendable degree of success.

Cooperation in the Field of High Technologies: New Stage of Integration of Russia and South Ossetia

The article discusses the main aspects of digital interaction between the Russian Federation and the Republic of South Ossetia. Based on the analysis of statistical data and the synthesis of scientifi c research, an assessment was made of Russia’s contribution to the creation of innovative IT projects in South Ossetia, including the development and phased implementation of the state program for the development of the digital economy and the allocation of signifi cant funds from the Russian budget for its implementation. The possibilities of increasing the dynamics of further cooperation between Russia and South Ossetia in the IT fi eld were considered. The main advantages of using digital technologies in the fi eld of state and municipal services are described. According to the author, despite some negative aspects of digitalization, in general, digital transformations related to public administration, healthcare, construction, tourism, education and many other areas have a positive impact on the formation of a favorable investment climate, increase the productivity and effi ciency of business processes, strengthen national security, improve the well-being of the inhabitants of South Ossetia. The results obtained and the author’s generalization can be of value in terms of qualitative changes in constructive cooperation between states and the further implementation of specialized scientific and foreign policy initiatives in the digital sphere.

China’s Belt and Road Initiative: An Analysis

Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a signature foreign policy initiative by China’s President Xi Jinping, is the largest global infrastructure undertaking, surpassing the Marshall Plan. Chinese banks and companies have invested billions in funding and building infrastructure in numerous countries. Two significant initiatives are related to and referred to the BRI. One is the Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB) and the 21st-century Maritime Silk Road (MSR). However, with the commencement, the initiative has attracted enormous global attention. Background information about SREB and the MSR and its implementation have been discussed in this article. This article highlights China’s strategic considerations for the BRI and its significance to the country. This article additionally concentrates on the progress of BRI and how the West and China’s neighbours view it and offers insight into the recently unfolding criticisms. Keywords Belt and Road Initiative, Silk Road Economic Belt, Maritime Silk Road, Xi Jinping

TÜRKİYE-INDONESIA RELATIONS IN THE FRAMEWORK OF TÜRKİYE’S SOUTHEAST ASIA POLICY

Turkish foreign policy increasingly focused on the Southeast Asia region in the post-Cold War era. Türkiye realized the necessity to follow active policy towards the regions that Türkiye had limited access during the Cold War era. Southeast Asia region has been defined as a rising region of the post-Cold War world. The region’s economic development and opportunities made Turkish foreign policy makers instigated new foreign policy initiatives towards Southeast Asian countries and regional organizations. Türkiye became sectoral dialogue partner of ASEAN and signed Free Trade Agreements with some regional countries. Türkiye declared Asia a New Initiative in 2019. Türkiye’s trade volume with Southeast Asian countries has substantially increased. Among Southeast Asian countries, Indonesia has special importance with its strategic position and population for Turkish foreign policy. Türkiye-Indonesia relations reached the level of strategic partnership and the two countries’ cooperation in defense industry cemented bilateral relations. Türkiye-Indonesia relations created atmosphere that both countries could work together on important regional and global issues, which includes from struggle against Islamophobia to regional economic development.
 
 In this article Türkiye-Indonesia relations will be evaluated in the framework of Türkiye’s Southeast Asia policy. It is argued that Indonesia deserves more attention in Turkish Southeast Asia policy. Closer Türkiye-Indonesia relations would provide more opportunities for both countries and Turkish-Indonesian relations will become even more important for Türkiye’s Southeast Asia policy.

Transgender Ukrainians and the Need for LGBTQIA+ Inclusion in National and International Refugee Policies

Over 7 million Ukrainians have become refugees since Russia's invasion of Ukraine. As a result, countries around the world have opened their doors and invited Ukrainians to seek refuge from the ongoing conflict. However, not all Ukrainians have experienced this conflict equally, with queer and transgender Ukrainians facing increased risks of gender-based violence, discrimination, and difficulties crossing borders due to inaccurate gender markers on their identification. This policy brief focuses on the unique challenges LGBTQIA+ Ukrainians have faced while fleeing the conflict. I provide an analysis of the persistent exclusion of LGBTQIA+ people within sexual and gender-based violence policies and refugee policies (like the Women, Peace and Security agenda and Feminist Foreign Policy initiatives) due to marginalization and systemic discrimination. This paper argues that the Government of Canada can address this issue, not just for Ukrainian refugees but for all refugees, by implementing LGBTQIA+ inclusive policies to address the gaps in Canada's current system. It should be noted, this policy brief examines the conflict from February 2022 to April 2022. Given that this is an ongoing conflict, some statistics may have changed, however, the lack of support for LGBTQIA+ refugees in national and international refugee policy remains a pressing issue.

Strategi Indonesia Dalam Menangani Pandemi Covid-19 Melalui Foreign Policy and Global Health Initiatives Tahun 2020

<p><em>Health diplomacy is carried out by various countries in the world to overcome the Covid-19 pandemic, especially Indonesia through Foreign Policy and Global Health (FPGH) Initiatives by 2020. The concept of global health diplomacy and health security is used to analyze the research problem. The method used in this research is descriptive qualitative using three stages of data analysis, namely data condensation, data presentation, and conclusion drawing and verification. The results shows that the diplomacy carried out by Indonesia through FPGH in 2020 aims to create affordable health access and ensure the availability of vaccines as one of the steps to accelerate the pandemic. Covid-19 consciously increases the ability of countries to collaborate in dealing with the impact of inequality and gap by involving multilateral cooperation as the main factor in realizing health security. These activities are demonstrated through international meetings such as the UN General Assembly, WHO, WHA, and ASEAN and involve the COVAX Facility to ensure fair and equal distribution of vaccines.</em><em></em></p>

The “CNN Effect” and Its Influence on US Foreign Policy Decision-Making

The “CNN effect” is a term that has been used to describe the influence of 24-hour news coverage on foreign policy decision-making, particularly in the context of the United States. The term was coined in the early 1990s following the Gulf War, during which CNN's live coverage of the conflict was widely credited with shaping public opinion and influencing US foreign policy decisions. Since then, the concept of the “CNN effect” has been the subject of much debate and analysis in the field of media and foreign policy. The aim of this paper is to examine the impact of the 'CNN effect' on US foreign policy, with a specific focus on its role in shaping public opinion and influencing policy outcomes. Through a case study of US foreign policy initiatives in Somalia, this study analyzes the relationship between media coverage and policy decisions. The methodology used in this study involves conducting an in-depth analysis of media coverage and policy decisions in the selected cases. A combination of primary and secondary sources, including news reports, government documents, and academic literature, was used to develop a comprehensive understanding of the “CNN effect” on US foreign policy decision-making. The findings of this study suggest that the “CNN effect” is a real phenomenon that has had a significant influence on US foreign policy decision-making. Media coverage can create pressure on policymakers to take action by generating a sense of urgency and demand for response among the public and other stakeholders. In addition, media coverage can shape the international community's response to a crisis or conflict, which can further influence policymakers. However, the impact of media coverage on foreign policy decisions is complex and multifaceted, as decision-makers must balance the information presented in the media with other factors, such as strategic interests and long-term goals. This paper contributes to the understanding of the relationship between media coverage and foreign policy decision-making, highlighting the importance of considering the influence of media in policy outcomes. Understanding the “CNN effect” can inform the strategies of policymakers, journalists, and the general public in shaping the discourse and decisions of US foreign policy.
 
 Received: 05 May 2022 / Accepted: 18 May 2023 / Published: 20 May 2023