Foreign Policy Dynamics Research Articles

Changing Dynamics of Foreign Policy in the Emerging Multipolar World – An Objective Study of Pakistan’s Foreign Policy

Within the ever-changing context of modern international relations, Pakistan's foreign policy manoeuvres take place in the middle of a multipolar global order. This paper explores the subtleties of Pakistan's strategic adjustments, looking at how changing world power dynamics influence its diplomacy. With a focus on the relationship between regional stability, global influence, and national sovereignty, Pakistan manages a wide range of alliances and relationships. Pakistan's foreign policy history exhibits both continuity and adaptability, ranging from historical alliances with the United States during the Cold War to strategic diversifications including China, Russia, and other regional organizations. This paper provides a thorough examination of Pakistan's diplomatic methods, emphasizing their diversity and the need of diplomatic adaptability in handling international issues. Pakistan's foreign policy becomes an important factor in determining regional dynamics and global stability as it asserts its geopolitical relevance through projects like the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and participation in multilateral forums like the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). With the goal of shedding light on Pakistan's changing place in the multipolar international order, this article attempts to explain the strategic thinking that goes into the country's foreign policy choices.

İSMAİL CEM: A UNIQUE IMPRINT IN TURKISH FOREIGN POLICY

The 1990s marked a significant turning point in international politics and Turkish foreign policy. İsmail Cem served as Türkiye's longest-serving foreign minister from 1997 to 2002 during this period of great change and transformation. Cem's historical perspective and realistic approach, which was peaceful but also based on interests, stood out from the first day he took office. He aimed to change the static structure of traditional Turkish foreign policy. During this period, İsmail Cem's vision shaped Türkiye's relations with its neighbours and allies, and this multidimensional foreign policy approach became a key motivation for Türkiye's post-Cold War foreign policy. This study will examine the foreign policy dynamics during İsmail Cem's tenure and his intellectual influence on Turkish foreign policy. It is argued that Cem aimed to create a multidimensional and realistic understanding of foreign policy, but his vision of Turkey's post-Cold War geopolitical posture differed from other visions, such as “neo-Ottomanism” or “Eurasianism”, which excluded the West.

Screening sovereignty: Cold War mediations of nationhood in USIA motion picture operations in the SWANA region

This article explores how visible constructions and perceptions of sovereignty in the motion pictures of the United States Information Agency (USIA) factored into the dynamics of US Cold War foreign policy amidst the rise of the Non-Aligned Movement. Specifically, it focuses on agency films about and circulating within the Southwest Asian and North African (SWANA) region – such as the locally produced Iraq al-Youm newsreels (c.1956–58). By mapping the different policy contexts of the Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations onto the USIA films’ aesthetics and themes, the article illustrates continuities in the United States’s attempts to expressively leverage images and evocations of sovereignty to sell and consolidate its policy interests in the region.

Analysis of the Social Policy Organization in Post-Soviet Russia in the Context of International Experience

Relevance. The organization of social policy was significantly modified in Russia during the post-Soviet period, due to the transformation of the economic system. Many foreign countries at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st centuries also changed their approaches in the field of social policy, introducing market elements following the example of the United States, as well as responding to demographic changes and economic difficulties. Studying the features and dynamics of domestic and foreign social policy is valuable for consideration of the best practices and problems, for the development of political science and for making decisions.Purpose: show how the preservation of the goals of social policy in Russia after the collapse of the USSR was ensured when its instruments were changed, compare the domestic system with foreign ones.Objectives: to show what challenges did the social policy system face in Russia and abroad, how approaches to solving problems in the social sphere have changed, show the formation and functioning of pensions, the healthcare system, unemployment protection and other social policy measures in Russia and foreign countries.Methodology. The article relies on comparative historical approach, analysis of legal documents, institutions, organizational features and statistical data. The article is based on reports from government departments and analytical companies.Results. Economic and demographic problems at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st centuries create similar challenges for Russia and other countries, but in Russia the impact of these problems was stronger, and Russia also faced administrative challenges. In the post-Soviet period, Russia attempted to reorganize social support along the lines of insurance, but a universalist approach, which involves financing from taxes. The system of social policy in modern Russia does not fall behind foreign analogues in its architecture, scale and efficiency. Its weaknesses are a lot of duplicating benefits, outpacing rates of indexation of social payments and low financing of the healthcare system.Conclusions. Russia managed to preserve the most important achievements of the Soviet period in the field of social security, namely pensions, free education and health care.

The changing foreign policy dynamics of GCC States: a study through the lens of positive interdependence

Foreign policy behaviour of the GCC members is changing. The countries are embracing discussion and diplomacy rather than focusing on contention and opposition. They are looking beyond traditional partners and are diversifying their support base within the region as well as outside while expressing interest in being part of multilateral institutions. GCC countries have recognised that securing economic interests is of paramount interest and political leverages and geo-political maneuverings are secondary in the changing world and to that end are engaging with the Asian, African and Latin American economies. Further the countries have understood the significance of non-traditional issues of energy, food, water and environment security along with waste management. The paper is an attempt to study this shift through the lens of positive interdependence. Embracing positive interdependence, the states focus on mutual dependence with an intention to achieve growth and prosperity and propagating one’s national interests without intending to sabotage the interests of the other party.

China and Mongolia: The Limits of Sheep and Tea Diplomacy

This article assesses Chinese and Mongolian relations following the withdrawal of the Soviet troops. Starting from the ‘normalisation’ of relations in 1989, the study follows three different phases in the development of the bilateral relationship: inception, acceleration, and ambiguity. Currently, the impending transformation of global foreign policy dynamics places Mongolia at a crossroads, potentially pushing it into a precarious geopolitical ‘grey zone’. In particular, the uncertainty disrupted the relative stability that Mongolia has maintained under its ‘ambiguous’ foreign policy, which involved avoiding alignment with either of its neighbours and broadening its foreign relations. Using the logic of two-level politics by Putnam (1988) for the analyses, the study examines the constraints and pressures that foreign policy executives face, and assesses the most likely areas for cooperation among the economic, political, security, and societal sectors. The findings draw on data from multiple sources and show that, in general, Mongolia’s economic dependence is at the core of bilateral relations. However, the findings also show that even if Mongolia is often depicted as a hostage of great power politics, there is a lot of omni-balancing between internal and external pressures. In the end, suggesting more political nuance than can be expected.

The implications of Ethiopia’s foreign policy dynamics towards the Horn of Africa since 1991

The implications of Ethiopia’s foreign policy dynamics towards the Horn of Africa since 1991

The Change of European International Relationship under the Background of the Russia-Ukraine War

The Russia-Ukraine war, as one of the most important geopolitical events since the twenty-first century, has increasingly become a major preoccupation of Politics and International Relations researchers. The researchers realise that the nature of the prospect of current and future European politics is still in controversy. This research aims to provide an understanding of the change of dynamics of current European states foreign policy and the international relationship under the background of the Russia-Ukraine war. The Russia-Ukraine war was one of the most crucial geopolitical events since the twenty-first century. Russia and Ukraine have a considerable influence on global politics and the economy, triggering a series of global turbulence after they went to war. Europe is the region that is most severely affected. A range of scholars and researchers proposed their own understanding of the issue and provided various perspectives. This research examines and analyses the current European international politics by looking at the different actions and motivations of foreign policy combined with theories of different schools. It shows that what Europeans had decided or done was not usually independent and restricted and affected by external pressures or internal economic considerations. These factors render the embarrassment of current European international relationships.

From Russia with Love: A Historical Analysis of Russia Foreign Policy toward North Korea

The collapse of the Soviet Union and the fall of communism has changed the policy of Russia toward North Korea. However, North Korea has been associated as the closest ally of Russia, even after the collapse of the Soviet Union. This article will explain the transformation of the Russian and Soviet Union relationship using a zero-sum approach. This article shows that Russia prefers to maintain a close relationship with North Korea, with extensive opportunities to improve its economic and security interests within the region of East Asia. Russia will avoid high-risk conflict because it focuses on economic stability. As the closest and critical ally of Russia, North Korea tends to depend on Russia as the sole partner in economic and security. This research will employ a historical approach to unpack the foreign policy dynamics of Russia toward North Korea. The historical analysis is critical to explaining significant factors toward stable relations between two countries.

Mapping capacity building programs in health diplomacy: Relevance and application in an uncertain world.

Background: Health diplomacy is one of the emerging avenues for academics where foreign policy dynamics and global health meet. Its relevance has augmented especially after the COVID-19 pandemic that brought the world to a halt. International organization and national entities that are responsible for health governance as well as its socio-economic determinants have been increasingly involved in the negotiations for a collective action towards a better health infrastructure and preparedness. However, the approach to health diplomacy seems to vary with whether health is looked through diplomacy lens or vice versa. Thus, inculcating adequate and appropriate competencies of both fields to conduct negotiations for health while keeping national interests and international commitments intact is imperative. Methods: This study investigates 50 programmes/courses that have been currently offered around the globe to understand the competencies that have been identified as essential for a health diplomat. We examined four aspects: i) geographical distribution of programme/course (ii) the type of global health diplomacy programme being offered and their duration (iii) mode of teaching and (iv) cross-cutting themes that the programme offers. Results: We found that the courses/programmes have been mostly provided by the countries of the Global North who play a key part in international negotiations. Although there were diverse types of certifications identified, they can be classified into two groups - core health diplomacy and inclusive health diplomacy programmes. The health diplomacy training is preferred to be provided in-person due to the nature of the work. Conclusions: While competencies for health governance and international relation have been dominant among the current programmes, other cross-cutting themes such as economics, politics, law, public policy, crisis management, environment and public health have been considered essential. The article concludes with a proposal of a framework to streamline the sectors and the competencies that is required in health diplomats.

Internal Dynamics of India's Foreign Policy towards Nepal

Internal Dynamics of India's Foreign Policy towards Nepal

Navigating the Impact: Turkey's Foreign Policy Post-2018 US Sanctions on Iran

As a strong ally of the US, Turkey was subject to economic penalties in May 2018 for its continued imports of Iranian oil. Turkey delayed deciding whether to import Iranian oil despite this pressure. The purpose of this study is to examine Turkey's foreign policy about the importation of Iranian oil in 2018. The study uses a qualitative method with an explanatory analysis approach, drawing on the foreign policy theories of Morgan and Palmer, which highlight the objectives of proaction and security. The results show that Turkey's foreign policy goals are more proactive due to two major variables. First, Turkey and the United States do not work together well. Second, Turkey's proaction-oriented foreign policy is influenced by its capabilities, which include military might, alternative alliances, influence both regionally and internationally, and bargaining power. Turkey forms new alliances with Iran, China, and Russia, primarily concentrating on deepening its relationship with Russia. Furthermore, Turkey has a great deal of regional and global influence, as seen by its mediating role in the Syrian Israeli crisis in 2011. Turkey's foreign policy dynamics are further emphasized by its negotiating stance with the United States over the Incirlik zone. In conclusion, Turkey's strategic negotiating positions, alliance preferences, and regional and global capacities all influence its complex foreign policy strategy.

Soviet Historical Science and Foreign Policy Dynamics in the Late 1930s and 1940s: The Mishulin Line

Historical scholarship in the USSR in the 1930s and 1940s developed along with the dynamics of foreign policy. The main issue that shaped the development of historical scholarship was Soviet-German relations. The Soviet alignment with Great Britain and France determined the dominance of the “anti-German” line even in those areas of historical research which, at first glance, were unrelated to modern history in general and German history in particular. Thus, this line is clearly evident in the discussion of the causes of the decline of the Harappan civilisation, which allegedly came about under pressure from the Indo-Aryan tribes, with whom Germany was implicitly identified in relevant studies in the second half of the 1930s. The initiator of the “anti-German” line in ancient history was Alexander Mishulin. After the conclusion of the Soviet-German Non-Aggression Treaty on 23 August 1939, the tone of the works on ancient history changed abruptly to “Germanophile” at the initiative of the same scholar. At the same time, the first – “anti-German” – line still persisted and developed in parallel with the second. Soviet-German academic cooperation was also progressing, as can be observed in the documents of the archives of the Russian Academy of Sciences. The “pro-German line” disappeared with the outbreak of the Great Patriotic War, while the “anti-German” (“anti-Indo-Aryan”) one disappeared with the independence of India in 1947 and the gradual forging of friendly relations between the USSR and India.

V. Jagić and ukrainian question: The letter to F. E. Korsch

One of the key-points of the socio-political discourse in the Russian Empire in the XIX ‒ early XX centuries was Slavic question. Ukrainian question was its particular manifestation. The aggravation of discussions on the Slavic issues, as a rule, followed the dynamics of foreign policy. Interest in the Ukrainian issue increased due to the adoption of censorship measures by the Russian state, which varied from tightening to softening of the censorship regime. The Ukrainian question in Russian socio-political thought was debated mainly in the discussion, if the Ukrainian («Little Russian») people represent an independent ethnic group or is a local version of the «Great Russians». Depending on the answer to this question, the ideal structure of the Russian state was going to be worked out. The Imperial St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences took an active part in the discussion of the Slavic question in general (and that of Ukrainian in particular) and in the adoption of appropriate measures, acting as an expert body. Discussions were conducted not only at the institutional level, but also at the private one. In research literature, the scholarly world on this issue is divided into two camps, one of which (liberal-nationalist) was represented mainly by P. B. Struve, and the other — by his numerous opponents (for example, by F. E. Korsh). As documents from the Archive of the Russian Academy of Sciences show, the history of discussion on the Ukrainian issue before the First World War was broader, more scholars, also representing the Academy of sciences were involved. In particular, the position of one the most prominent European Slavist of the late XIX ‒ early XX centuries I. V. Jagić deserves attention. His position on the Ukrainian problem, which worried Jagić for several decades, is especially pronounced in the last letter to F. E. Korsh dated April 9 (22), 1912.

Foreign Policy: A Study on Post-2022 U.S. Midterm Elections and Implications for NATO and European Partners

This scholarly investigation critically examines the determinants leading to shifts in U.S. foreign policy post the 2022 midterm elections. The research encompasses a comprehensive analysis of domestic political influences, consequential legislative shifts, and disparate stances adopted by different political actors. Through a meticulous inspection, it seeks to explicate potential repercussions of such alterations for NATO and European affiliates. The evolving U.S. position, and its impacts on the strategic geopolitical landscape, defense prerogatives, and alliance collaboration mechanisms are evaluated. The study further aims to deepen the understanding of the interplay between domestic politics and foreign policy, accentuating the significant influence of political transitions on global alliances and strategic partnerships. Anticipated findings are projected to contribute to the academic literature on U.S. foreign policy dynamics and the subsequent implications for NATO and European counterparts. Additionally, valuable insights expected from this research may provide strategic guidance for policymakers, academics, and stakeholders vested in deciphering the complex relationships between domestic politics, midterm elections, and ensuing alterations in foreign policy. Ultimately, this study enriches the understanding of the evolving transatlantic scenario and the impact of political metamorphoses on international diplomacy and collaboration.

The Changing Dynamics of Israel's Foreign Policy

Israel, formally known as "The State of Israel," was established on 14 May 1948, and has since played a pivotal role in international affairs, particularly in the politics of the Middle East and North Africa. Israel's relations with its Arab neighbors have been tense for decades, and a lasting peace has never appeared more likely. Yet, we already live in a time of perpetual change, and naturally, the politics of Israel and the surrounding region of the Middle East and North Africa are not immune to this pattern. Realizing this, TPQ decided to focus on the Changing Dynamics of Israel's Foreign Policy in its upcoming Fall 2022 issue.

International Investment Protection Made in Germany? On the Domestic and Foreign Policy Dynamics behind the First BITs

Abstract The investment protection treaty concluded between Germany and Pakistan in 1959 is generally regarded as a milestone in the development of international investment law. It has entered the collective memory as the first bilateral investment treaty (BIT). In this article, we analyse archival sources to investigate why Germany and Pakistan concluded this agreement at that specific time and what makes this treaty the first of its kind. Through historical analysis, we trace the domestic and related foreign policies that led to the BIT and discuss the negotiation process. Our analysis shows that the BIT was so closely linked with the German federal investment guarantee scheme (Bundesgarantien) that it is best understood as an extension of that policy. This also helps us to specify the underlying rationale for the treaties. We further highlight the influence of the financial industry – especially of Hermann Josef Abs – on the genesis of the BIT, which was less decisive than is often suggested. We identify features of the 1959 BIT that do characterize it as a new international legal instrument, but nuance claims about its degree of innovation as well as underlying motivations, and counter considerable retrospective myth making.

Russian Foreign Policy Dynamics in the South Caucasus. Continuity and Existing Problems

History helps us to create a wider picture of the reality in which the South Caucasus exists now. That is why we are going to discover the influence of the Russian Imperial and Soviet eras on the states in the region and identify the causality of foreign policy relations between Russia and the South Caucasian states. The main question is why neither Russia nor any of the individual South Caucasian states succeeded in developing an effective strategy towards each other despite their shared borders in the Russia-Azerbaijan and Russia-Georgia cases and being a proclaimed strategic partner in the case of Armenia? How did the Soviet period influence the current state of relations between Russia and the South Caucasian states? Those are the issues analyzed in this paper. International relations in the South Caucasus are convoluted because of their rich and complicated past, among other things. Over the centuries, interstate relations inside the region developed in unpredictable directions. Georgia was a real partner for Russia in the conquest of the Caucasus in the 19th century. Yet, since 1991, relations between Russia and Georgia have been tense at best. The proclaimed secular states of Azerbaijan, though mainly Shia, and Turkey, which is mostly Sunni, are now solid allies, whereas Armenia enjoys a relationship of trust with the Islamic Republic of Iran. Turkey, Iran, and Russia are still the main external players in the region though they have, to some extent, even become “domesticated”. Except for a brief period of turmoil during the Bolshevik Revolution and the ensuing Russian Civil War, the entire Caucasus remained within the Russian sphere of influence until the collapse of the Soviet Union. Even now Russia continues to play a significant role in economy, energy and security policy in the South Caucasus.

ENERGY SECURITY POLICY OF PT. PERTAMINA FACES THE DYNAMICS OF FOREIGN POLICY

: Indonesia is a country that has diversity abundant natural resources, including energy resources. Indonesia's role in the energy sector is very large, for example Indonesia is one of the exporters of coal and LNG (Liquefied Natural Gas) is the largest in the world. Wealth is real is the capital to become a great country. PT. Pertamina (Persero) as a national-scale oil company that has been committed to providing the best contribution to the Indonesian economy. The research method uses descriptive qualitative. The results of the study show that Kube 1998 includes five main policy and nine policies supporters. The main policies are: Diversification is diversification use of energy, both renewable or non-renewable. Intensification is the search for energy sources through survey and exploration activities so that can upgrade new reserve especially fossil energy. Conservation is carried out starting from the upstream side down to the bottom. The main target of Pertamina's policy related to the protection of biodiversity is ecosystems located in/close to Pertamina's working areas, both on land and in sea. Determination of the average energy price which gradually directed to follow the mechanism market and Paying attention to environmental aspects in development in the energy sector including in it gives priority in utilization of clean energy. The novelty of this research is PT. Pertamina Faces The Dynamics Of Foreign Policy seeks to increase its role in driving the national economy by developing strategies to meet national energy in a sustainable manner and reduce imports of oil and gas

The ties that don’t bind: trading state debates and role of state capacity in Turkish foreign policy

ABSTRACT The literature on trading states has advanced our understanding of foreign economic policy dynamics, but what constitutes a proper trading state and determines its resilience remains somewhat unclear. This article contributes to the literature by developing a political economy framework to assess the role of ‘state capacity’ in conditioning Turkey’s foreign economic policies. Using Turkey as a case, we argue that states are more likely to show suboptimal economic engagement in case of weak state capacity, as (i) they fail to pursue effective industrial policy resulting in low exit costs, (ii) business elites cannot put pressure on the political leadership for the preservation of existing trade ties in the event of an external shock, and (iii) weak financial support mechanisms lead to insufficient assistance to national firms operating abroad.