Foreign Interference Research Articles

Does the Rise of the Global South Weaken Democracy? The Pivotal Case of the 2024 Presidential Elections in Venezuela

It is a common critique of the Global South that its rising protagonism is a tool for authoritarian forces. The prominent role of authoritarian countries in coalitions such as BRICS and the Non-Aligned Movement, which claim to represent the Global South, has strengthened this concern. To shed light on those issues, this paper provides an in-depth case study of the 2024 elections crisis in Venezuela and the role of the Global South in resolving it. The question asked is to what extent countries identifying with the Global South were able to simultaneously promote democracy and adopt a foreign policy identity aligned with the Global South. The paper shows how the position and action of different Global South countries differed significantly, from an outright rejection of the fraudulent elections, to their endorsement. There were also concerted efforts by countries strongly identifying with the Global South to facilitate a democratic solution. The main argument developed is that a Global South narrative’s interweaving of anti-imperialism and opposition against foreign interference with opposition against liberal democracy promotion has left a limited space for democracy advocacy among countries with a Global South identity. This may weaken democratic forces among Global South countries in the future.

Cryptocurrency and Political Campaign Finance: Opportunities and Risks

This paper explores the intersection of cryptocurrency and political campaign finance, focusing on the opportunities and risks of adopting digital currencies in political fundraising. The research seeks to answer the question: What are the opportunities and risks associated with using cryptocurrency in political campaign finance? The study adopts a qualitative methodology, relying on content analysis of existing literature and case studies of political campaigns that have employed cryptocurrency as a fundraising tool. Key findings suggest that cryptocurrency offers significant advantages, such as global fundraising potential, enhanced transparency through blockchain, and financial inclusivity. However, the risks include anonymity leading to regulatory evasion, foreign interference, and the potential for money laundering. These risks are compounded by inconsistent regulatory frameworks across jurisdictions. The paper concludes that a balanced regulatory approach is essential to leveraging the benefits of cryptocurrency while protecting the integrity of political processes. Future research should explore how regulatory frameworks can be refined to support innovation without compromising electoral transparency.

Travelling as Political Engagement Controvoglia: Alberto Moravia’s Voyages to China in 1937, 1967, and 1986

ABSTRACT Over a period of half a century, Alberto Moravia visited China three times, producing valuable travel accounts and completely different portrayals of the country, people, culture, and society. As a young reporter for Gazzetta del popolo in 1937, he narrated a dying civilisation facing internal wars and foreign interference. In 1967, he depicted the People’s Republic of China in the years of the Cultural Revolution and the so-called Maoist utopia. In 1986, Moravia produced a disillusioned account of post-Maoist industrial Chinese society. In this comparative study, I situate Alberto Moravia’s travels and his travel writings on China in the canonical production of knowledge on the country in relation to Italy’s intellectual background in three consecutive timeframes: 1930s, 1960s, and 1980s. I argue that Moravia’s travel narratives display a dialogue between the dominant rhetoric on China in each period and Moravia’s political engagement and worldview, themselves changing and evolving over time.

Foreign investment screening mechanisms and emergent geographies of (post)globalization

Technologically advanced states and large emerging economies increasingly use foreign investment screening mechanisms (FISM) to block inward foreign investment targeting sectors considered critical. Is the proliferation of FISM auguring an era of deglobalization, a re-assertion of national-state sovereignty over globalized economic ties, and the end of neoliberal orthodoxies of liberalized investment regimes? To answer these questions, the article draws upon geographic political economy and legal geographies. It argues that the multiplication of FISM is a response to a strategic context defined by three macrogeographic trends: (1) contemporary industrial restructuring and the salience of intellectual property-based monopolies; (2) a historic episode of centralization of capital driven by strategic mergers and acquisitions; and (3) evolving landscapes of state capitalism under conditions of intensified geoeconomic competition. Although FISM reproduce the fiction of state power as expressing the will of the sovereign nation to defend itself against foreign interference, market distortion, and technology theft, they consist of legally enshrining state authority to support national champions, and making sure they engage favorably with competitive dynamics of capital centralization, notably by conserving their monopoly over key intangible assets and strategic resources. FISM are best seen as tools that explicitly mobilize state power and coercion to aggressively (re)negotiate globalization.

The Opinio Juris and Opinio Moris in the Anglo-American Interventions During the Greek Civil War: An Archival Study of Legal Narratives

Abstract This article investigates the British and American interventions in Greece during the Greek Civil War, examining their legal and moral justifications. Using archival documents, the study uncovers two primary layers of discourse: the official diplomatic language of opinio juris (conviction of legality) and opinio moris (conviction of morality), alongside the covert political interests that drove these interventions. The research argues that British and American actions were primarily motivated by a ‘conviction of interest,’ with legal and moral narratives used tactically to justify their interventions. The archival materials reveal a notable lack of empathy and understanding from British and American officials regarding the trauma endured by the Greek populace due to the German occupation and collaborationist violence. Additionally, there was a significant neglect of the will of the Greek people. The study critically examines the Caserta and Civil Affairs Agreements, which provided a legal basis for British intervention, arguing that these agreements, when viewed in light of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, fail to justify the extent of foreign interference, thus questioning the authenticity of Greek consent. The article also explores the transition from British to American dominance in Greek affairs. As Britain faced economic constraints after the end of WWII, it ceded its role to the U.S., leading to the formulation of the Truman Doctrine and the implementation of the Marshall Plan. The U.S. intervention is analyzed through legal and geopolitical lenses, revealing a strategic focus on preventing communist expansion rather than providing purely legal or moral support for Greece’s recovery. Similar to British actions, American involvement often overlooked the political situation and the will of the Greek people, thereby contributing to prolonged instability.

AN EVALUATION OF THE KOSOVO CRISIS AND NATO INTERVENTION USING THE BASIC PRINCIPLES OF REALISM (NEO-CLASSICAL REALISM)

Concerning the inter-ethnic wars and conflicts that occurred in the former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY), one of the longest and most critical was the inter-ethnic conflict between the Albanians of Kosovo and the Serbs. Particularly, the most prominent humanitarian crisis that this paper will deal with refers to the period of 1998- 1999. Both; The Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) and the Armed Forces of the government of Serbia might be classified in the ranks of “defensive realism”. The KLA was struggling to protect the Albanian civilian population from the Milosevic regime, whereas Serbia was committed to preserving and attaining its national security. In addition to this, there stands the principle of the security dilemma, since the KLA was declared a terrorist organization by the state organs at that time. On the other hand, NATO's intervention in Kosovo, even though being missioned for the protection of human values, additionally aimed for its geopolitical and hegemonic strategies in the world of anarchic international political system. Yet, in the theory of international relations, this might be classified as a structure of offensive realism. The main purpose of this article is to investigate the position of realism claiming that; the exclusive monopoly in the use of power belongs to states. In addition, this study aims to unfold the criticisms that realism uses against any foreign interference in domestic affairs. Yet, states are major actors in the anarchic global system that possesses a sole monopoly towards their people and sovereignty. Any kind of domestic disturbances and intervention from abroad is strongly condemned and violates the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other sovereign states.

Nationalism and Economic Development in Lebanon: Challenges and Opportunities for Unity and Integration

Lebanon is a small country on the shores of the Mediterranean Sea, known as a country with a strategic position geographically and politically. It was a divided country full of endless conflicts. This paper analyses the obstacles and opportunities to build Lebanese nationalism to realize the nation's integrity. Lebanon's main obstacles are the heterogeneity of society, foreign interference, and intergroup affiliations with other countries. At the same time, the foremost opportunity to build Lebanese nationalism is that they have the same language and culture, namely Arabic. Strong nationalism is the capital to build lasting political stability. This research is qualitative research that will collect specific qualitative data to create generalizations. Arabic as a language, identity, and culture is the most vital cohesive factor that unites the country and originates Lebanese nationalism. The problem of building Lebanese nationalism is mainly dependent on a strong government that can control the people. The challenge is that the ruling government comes from a minority religion, namely Maronite Christians dealing with Sunni and Shia Muslims and other Christian groups. Hence, a strategy is needed to create common interests that can be accepted by all groups, namely economic development amid the current Lebanese financial crisis. Received: 20 March 2024 / Accepted: 30 June 2024 / Published: 02 July 2024

Canada: Political Developments and Data in 2023

AbstractThere was no federal election in 2023 but change seemed to be in the air, as the official opposition Conservatives, under their new leader, made major gains in the polls and took a significant lead over the Liberals. Controversy over foreign interference in Canadian politics generated controversy, and foreign policy issues had an uncharacteristic impact on Canadian politics. The Liberal government responded with a major Cabinet shuffle, while by‐elections left the party positions in the House of Commons essentially unchanged.

How Civil Societies Are Undermined

Several studies highlight the fact that the first decades of the 21st century are characterized by a resurgence of authoritarianism, which contradicts the optimistic visions of the 1990s regarding the so-called end of history. For instance, Freedom House argues, presenting relevant data, that since 2006, a process of democratic backsliding has been in place worldwide. Not only developing countries or regions are affected but also countries in Europe and Northern America, where democracy once seemed inexpugnable. This illiberal wave thrives on the weaknesses of civil societies and has the effect of further reducing the dimensions of the civic space. Although those who promote open societies are on the defensive, their cause is far from being an obsolete remnant of the second half of the 20th century. However, their endeavors can be ineffective if the causes of the antidemocratic forces’ success are not properly acknowledged. The main goal of this paper is to contribute to a better understanding of the factors that are vital for building or strengthening closed societies. To shape relevant conclusions, we analyze information from projects like People Power under Attack, realized by the CIVICUS global civil society network or V-Dem (The Varieties of Democracy), managed by an institute affiliated with the University of Gothenburg (Sweden). We focus especially on countries that experienced sharp transformations regarding the state of their civil societies in the last 3–5 years. Our findings underline, among others, the importance of the electoral process and foreign policy influencing the evolution of the civic space. Cases like the Czech Republic suggest that the decline of civil society can be stopped at the polls. The Russian Federation is an example of a successful suspension of civic freedoms under the pretext of protecting the population from toxic foreign interference.

The Role of the Jewish Lobby Toward US Foreign Policy Making on the 2023 Israel-Palestine War (Case of AIPAC)

This paper examines the complex dynamics of the Israel-Palestine conflict, focusing on the role of interest groups, particularly the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) in shaping US foreign policy. The conflict, rooted in historical and territorial disputes, has seen recurrent escalations, most recently triggered by Hamas attacks on Israel. The United States, a longstanding ally of Israel, provides substantial financial and military aid, with AIPAC exerting influence on policymakers to maintain and strengthen this relationship. Through qualitative research methods and literature studies, the paper analyzes the impact of AIPAC's lobbying efforts on US policy responses to the Israel-Palestine conflict. The article finds that the AIPAC lobby is deeply rooted in US policymaking structures, ranging from vice-president, and higher-echelon staff, to parliament members. This article also finds that since 2021, AIPAC has developed its policy to participate in political campaign contributions. Understanding AIPAC influences, the authors note that ethical considerations are crucial to maintaining a strong and representative democracy in the United States. This paper recommends the US to refocus its national interest because such overly foreign influence on national policymaking has the potential to harm America's long-term relationships and interests in the Middle East if the US can’t make the barrier for foreign interference toward its national interests.

Цифровой суверенитет государств-реципиентов иностранных технологий электронного голосования

The article reviews problems of digital sovereignty of a state in the conditions of rapid development of digital communication platforms, one of the manifestations of which is electronic government and electronic voting. Governments of many countries address foreign IT companies ready to create and administer the entire electoral infrastructure, however, the states that borrow electronic voting technologies run the risk of turning to a digital colony of an IT company that interferes with internal affairs of another state by holding elections. Western IT companies dominate on the global electronic voting market, the majority of those is registered in the USA. The article concludes that states that are able to create own technological solutions to hold electronic voting should aim to avoid the use of any foreign products, and Russia should be more active in promotion of its approaches to protection against foreign interference with elections.

Addressing Criminal Liability for Misuse of Trade Secrets Under Australian Law: Is the Current Legal Framework Adequate to Protect the Interests of Owners of Trade Secrets?

The emergence and dominance of knowledge-based economies have heightened the importance of trade secrets as a “currency” for attaining competitiveness in the market and driving innovation. Yet espousing policies to govern trade secret protection, especially in the criminal law sphere, was not something on which legislative and regulatory policymakers traditionally focused. Recent legislative incentives at a global level have caused the tide to shift and, after decades of being somewhat neglected, the questions pertaining to criminal liability for trade secret misuse are finally gaining attention. The Australian response to recent initiatives ensued in 2018 with the enactment of the National Security Legislation Amendment (Espionage and Foreign Interference) Act 2018 (Cth) (“EFI Act”) which introduced the first statutory provisions dedicated to criminalisation of state-sponsored theft (economic espionage) of trade secrets. This Act, however, does not provide a comprehensive legal framework to address criminal liability for trade secret misuse, as it leaves outside the scope of its regulation the criminalisation of the theft of trade secrets by individuals for their own benefit. This paper analyses the adequacy of the Australian legal regime concerning criminal liability for trade secret misuse. The analysis is informed by a comparison of the legal provisions of the Australian trade secret regime with that adopted in the United States (“U.S.”) which currently offers a comprehensive framework of protection and criminalises economic espionage as well as the theft of trade secrets. This comparative analysis serves to determine: first, whether the “one way” avenue of statutory protection under Australian law suffices to protect the interests of the owners of trade secrets; and, second, whether a potential reform of the regime designed to include dedicated statutory provisions to criminalise the theft of trade secrets, as is the case in the U.S., could potentially afford a more adequate protection of the interests of trade secret owners.

Foreign interference as a form of interstate competition: types and motives

The revival of the “great power competition” as a modern-day paradigm of international relations boosts certain forms of interstate rivalry that can be simultaneously effective and correspond to certain levels of acceptable cost-benefit balance. This includes the phenomenon of foreign interference into the domestic affairs of sovereign states. Research on this topic by foreign and Russian authors can be divided into two closely intertwined, but problematically different blocks: the former make attempts to theoretically understand the very concept of “interference”, while the latter focuses primarily on the phenomenon of “interference” as an element of strategic competition. While the former is primarily focused on clarifying the “contents” of the interference, the latter, in essence, is devoted to understanding its “form” with an emphasis on the actions of states. This paper seeks to determine the place of “interference” within the overall framework of interstate rivalry, to clarify the content and the definition of the very concept. It seeks to identify the motives for interference, construct their hierarchy, pair them with types of actions, and on this basis present a “ladder of escalation of interference” similar to the “ladders of escalation” of other types of military-political conflicts. The construction of such a model intends to help organize analysis and improve predictive capabilities on the issue of interference into domestic affairs and facilitate the adoption of more effective decisions in this area by policy-making circles.

US-skepticism and transnational conspiracy in the 2024 Taiwanese presidential election

Taiwan has one of the highest freedom of speech indexes while it also encounters the largest amount of foreign interference due to its contentious history with China. Because of the large influx of misinformation, Taiwan has taken a public crowdsourcing approach to combatting misinformation, using both fact-checking ChatBots and public dataset called CoFacts. Combining CoFacts with large-language models (LLM), we investigated misinformation across three platforms (Line, PTT, and Facebook) during the 2024 Taiwanese presidential elections. We found that most misinformation appears within China-friendly political groups and attacks US-Taiwan relations through visual media like images and videos. A considerable proportion of misinformation does not question U.S. foreign policy directly. Rather, it exaggerates domestic issues in the United States to create a sense of declining U.S. state capacity. Curiously, we found misinformation rhetoric that references conspiracy groups in the West.

“To Lie Convincingly”: Legal Challenges at the Intersection of Diplomacy and Foreign Interference

This article explores some of the legal challenges that arise in resolving disputes between diplomatic functions in an environment characterised by a growing desire of states to prevent foreign states from interfering in their internal affairs. In exposing some of the tensions involving diplomatic interference, the article suggests that diplomatic interference can be whatever the receiving state wishes it to be. It also proposes that states who enact protections against foreign interference are inter alia, perhaps unintentionally, closing the gaps between international and domestic law when it comes to what it means to “interfere” in a state’s internal affairs. The article closes by examining some law reforms that could be adopted by states to ensure that their legal regimes appropriately limit the risks of foreign interference and promote greater compliance by diplomatic staff.

The Impact of Disinformation on the Functioning of the Rule of Law and Democratic Processes in the Eu

Disinformation and propaganda are based on the fact that the information: i) is designed to be totally or partially false, manipulated or misleading or uses unethical persuasion techniques; ii) concern a matter of public interest; (iii) is intended to generate insecurity, hostility or polarization or attempt to undermine democratic processes; iv) is disseminated and/or amplified using automatic and aggressive tools, such as social bots, artificial intelligence, micro-targeting or paid human trolls, often with the aim of increasing the public visibility of the content. Especially the systematic dissemination of disinformation by active politicians, parties or authorities is a clear and immediate threat to democracy and is disrespectful of the values of the European Union according to Article 2 TEU, because the trust in such authoritative persons is a value choice which cannot be changed by rational arguments. Moreover, deepfakes (algorithmically generated messages flooding recipients to give a false impression of political consensus) present a significant challenge for democracy, because they may sow uncertainty which may, in turn, reduce trust in news on social media and hinder civic participation in online debates. Finally, a study commissioned by the European External Antion Service, published in 2021, has focused on two more categories of disinformation: 'influence operations' by third countries, aimed at influencing a target audience using a range of illegitimate and deceptive means, and 'foreign interference', aimed at disrupting the free formation and expression of political will. Therefore, among the many issues dealt with by the EP resolution of 1 June 2023 on foreign interference in all democratic processes in the European Union, it must be mentioned the fact that foreign interference, including disinformation, is a national and cross-border security threat. Consequently, the EP has stressed the need for solidarity between the Member States so that such activities can be effectively combated, also amending Article 222 TFEU (the solidarity clause) by including foreign interference. In fact, with respect to disinformation a process of securitization is being promoted, consisting of applying security tools and discourses upon an object that was previously not identified as such. An example of this trend is represented by the specific task force set up within the European External Action Service in order to address Russia's ongoing disinformation campaigns. Another example, showing that disinformation has become a CFSP issue, is the Council regulation (EU) 2022/350 of 1 March 2022, based on Council decision (CFSP) 2022/351, concerning restrictive measures in view of Russia's actions destabilizing the situation in Ukraine. However, when determining the focus and political actions of the EU against disinformation, two opposing logics – securitization and self-regulation – coexist and compete. As a result, the EU is promoting a discourse linking disinformation to security, exceptionality and geopolitical strategies, but being lax at the same time with the obligations and responsibilities of the digital platform companies. Received: 25 December 2023 / Accepted: 25 February 2024 / Published: 23 April 2024

Application of depth feature recognition technology in foreign object recognition in distribution network monitoring video

Foreign objects identification in the distribution network is an important link in the security of electric power, and is of great significance to the normal transportation of electric power. At present, a lot of equipment in the distribution network is in the open air environment, facing a large number of foreign interference. These foreign objects not only bring potential safety hazards to the distribution network, but also easily lead to short circuit, causing power supply difficulties within the region. Therefore, the research first constructs an optimized triplet feature learning model. On this basis, the HOG-SVM depth feature recognition model is proposed. In HOG-SVM, AM is introduced to improve recognition accuracy. In addition, the research enhances the night vision ability of the model by standardizing the features in the image region block. The results show that the AP of the model is stable at more than 90.54%, the average FPR is 2.21%, and the average FNR is 3.17%. The performance of HOG-SVM is significantly better than that of traditional SVM. It verifies the contribution of this research in the field of foreign object recognition and application value in ensuring the security of distribution network.

Muddying the Waters: How Perceived Foreign Interference Affects Public Opinion on Protest Movements

Muddying the Waters: How Perceived Foreign Interference Affects Public Opinion on Protest Movements

Institutional Regulation of the CIS Observer Mission in Election Campaigns and Coverage of Its Activities in the Media

This study is aimed at studying the institutional, organizational and legal problems of interaction between the media and international observers during elections and referendums in the member states of the Commonwealth of Independent States. The issue of countering foreign interference in the electoral process was not considered in the work.Aim. Eliminate methodological problems in defining the content of the term “international observation”, and proving the need to institutionalize the process of covering the activities of international observers in the media.Tasks. Identify the necessary areas of media activity when covering the activities of international observers during elections and referendums.Methods. The state of the modern election monitoring environment indicates the existence of a fine line between the need to ensure openness of electoral processes and the inadmissibility of interference in the internal affairs of states. It is necessary to identify restrictive thresholds for the activities of the media when covering the processes of international observation of elections and referendums and their institutionalization in relevant advisory documents based on the presumed impartiality of both international observers and the media.Results. The study showed that the most important task of the process of legitimizing the electoral process is to ensure its full coverage of the activities of all its subjects in the media. International monitoring media coverage should cover a wide range of issues throughout the entire electoral process from start to finish, including; activities of observers during the official election campaign before the start of voting; on election day and during the vote counting process; in the period after the elections from the moment the official results are announced until the formation of new authorities. At the same time, at all stages, coverage should cover a wide range of issues of the essence of the electoral process and its management; legal regulation of elections and referendums and existing institutional structures to support the process.Conclusions. Media coverage of the activities of international observers should be considered not only as one of the most important modes of political communication, but also as a means of countering selective absenteeism. Objective and impartial coverage of the activities of international observers in the media can undoubtedly contribute to both the internal political mobilization of the population and the international recognition of the state.

Foreign interference, military aid to Egypt, and the future of US-Egypt relations

Foreign interference in the affairs of sovereign states, particularly through military aid, has been a longstanding feature of international relations. In the case of Egypt, military aid from foreign powers, notably the United States, has played a significant role in shaping domestic politics, security dynamics, and bilateral relations. This article provides an analytical examination of foreign interference and military aid to Egypt, with a focus on its implications for the future of U.S.-Egypt relations. Through a comprehensive review of literature and analysis of recent developments, this article argues that while military aid has bolstered the strategic partnership between the United States and Egypt, it has also fueled tensions, raised human rights concerns, and contributed to regional instability. Looking ahead, the future of U.S.-Egypt relations will be shaped by a complex interplay of geopolitical dynamics, domestic politics, and evolving security challenges, requiring a nuanced and strategic approach to navigate.