1. INTRODUCTIONThe flow of remittances to Africa in general, and sub-Saharan Africa in particular has been small relative to global remittances flows. Nevertheless, there has been a steady and significant increase in the flow of remittances into the sub-region in recent years. Remittances increased by over 100% between 2000 and 2005, from US$4.5 billion to about US$9 billion, and were estimated to be about US$21 billion in 2009.1 Figure 1 shows the consistent increase in remittances to sub-Saharan Africa, both in relation to GDP as well as in absolute currency units. Figure 2 compares remittances-GDP ratio for sub-Saharan Africa to that for all developing countries, and shows that it has been greater for the sub-region since 2007.Sub-Saharan Africa received on average about 6% of total remittance flows to developing countries between 2005 and 2009, attaining a high of about 7% in 2009.2 This is a relatively small share in absolute terms, but relative to GDP, many countries are attracting about the same level of remittances, and in several cases, even higher than some major recipient countries in Asia and Latin America. Remittance flows to sub-Saharan Africa are unevenly distributed. For instance, the major recipients in 2009 included Nigeria with US$9.5 billion, Sudan with US$3 billion, Kenya with US$1.7 billion and Senegal with US$1.3 billion. When expressed relative to GDP, for the same year, the main recipients included Lesotho at 28%, Togo at 12%, Senegal and Cape Verde at 10% and Liberia at 6%. In 2011, Nigeria received $21 billion, the highest in absolute terms, whereas Lesotho remained at the top with 27% when expressed as ratio of GDP.After remaining generally unaltered in 2012, remittances to sub-Saharan Africa grew by 3.5 percent in 2013 to reach $32 billion, and flows are forecast to rise to $41 billion in 2016 according to a World Bank press release issued in 2014. The available data shows Nigeria remains the largest recipient by far, with migrants sending about $21 billion in 2013. Remittances also increased by 10 percent to Kenya and 15 percent to Uganda. In contrast, Senegal received a modest increase in 2013, after a slowdown in 2012.Remittances have been frequently compared to other sources of foreign exchange in developing countries, particularly Official Development Assistance (ODA) and Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), and have exceeded both FDI and ODA in many of these countries. In 2007, remittances were estimated to be twice as large as ODA, and about two-thirds of FDI inflows to developing countries. On the contrary, they have lagged behind ODA and FDI in sub-Saharan Africa (Figures 3 and 4). Sub-Saharan Africa remains one of the few regions in the world where official development assistance is larger than remittances, and both of these capital inflows are much more stable than foreign direct investment and private financing inflows. This observation notwithstanding, remittances still remain a potential source of external finance to the sub region as many countries in the region have large migrant population overseas with substantial savings that could be mobilized for development financing.There are a few theories that have been advanced to explain why remittances are sent. One is that remittances may be motivated by altruism or family arrangement. This theory holds that migrant workers send remittances to family members to supplement incomes when they are low in general, and particularly during economic downturns in the home economy, with the view that the welfare of distant relatives is tied to the migrant's own welfare function (Rapoport and Docquier, 2006; Niimi et al., 2008). Under this theory, remittances are expected to be counter-cyclical. Another one posits that remittances are mostly driven by selfish reasons, including the exploitation of investment opportunities, which provides migrants a means to allocate their savings optimally between origin and destination countries (Lucas and Stark, 1985). …
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