Financial Solidarity Research Articles

Determinants of access to rural financing in the democratic republic of Congo: The case of Kongo central

This article aims to identify the determinants influencing access to rural finance, focusing on a sample of 500 family farms in Kongo Central. This study revealed that membership in a financial solidarity group and awareness of the existence of a local development committee significantly influences access to credit using Probit and Logit regression methods. This study highlights the importance of supply and demand factors in accessing rural finance. Key demand-related determinants include gender, marital status, sector of activity, household size and high levels of education. This research suggests strengthening policies aimed at increasing financial education and women's empowerment to improve access to financing. These measures could enable more individuals especially women to effectively access and use financial services. By addressing these determinants can help policymakers better design interventions to support rural development in this province. The results underscore the need for a holistic approach considering both supply and demand factors to improve financial inclusion for rural populations.

Spór między Komisją Europejską a rządami państw członkowskich o model reformy ustrojowej Unii Gospodarczej i Walutowej w latach 2010-2023

DISPUTE BETWEEN THE EUROPEAN COMMISSION AND THE GOVERNMENTS OF MEMBER STATES OVER THE MODEL FOR THE SYSTEM REFORM OF THE ECONOMIC AND MONETARY UNION IN THE YEARS 2010-2023 The primary research objective of the article is to analyze the System Reform of the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) from 2010 to 2023 from the perspective of the dispute between the European Commission and the governments of Member States over the model of this reform. The author formulated two research hypotheses. The first one is based on the assumption that the implementation of the reform faced numerous difficulties and barriers resulting from the negative attitudes of the governments of some Eurozone member states towards the implementation of selected projects of the European Commission, but also from the accumulation of several international crises that the European Union was facing at the time. These were the migration crisis in 2015-2016 and then from 2022, the pandemic crisis in 2020-2021 and the geopolitical crisis caused by Russia’s aggression against Ukraine from 2022. The second hypothesis is that the main axis of disagreement between the Commission and the governments of Member States was the limits of financial solidarity and the target System Model of the EMU. Following this, the author formulated four research questions: (1) On which issues did the positions of the European Commission and the Eurozone Summit converge and on which issues did they diverge, and why? (2) To what extent did disagreements between Member State governments over the limits of financial solidarity and the target integration model of the EMU determine the direction of System Reform? (3) How important were the aforementioned international crises for the fate of the reform? (4) What were the main achievements and failures of the EMU System Reform?

Stanowisko Komisji Europejskiej oraz rządów państw członkowskich Unii Europejskiej wobec reformy ustrojowej Unii Gospodarczej i Walutowej (2017-2022)

This article aims to analyse the positions of the European Commission (EC) and the governments of the EU Member States regarding the system reform of the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). This analysis leads the author to the following conclusions. First, the EC has consistently advocated the creation of three new structures within the existing EMU by the end of 2025 (i.e. the Financial Union, the Fiscal Union and the Economic Union) and a radical extension of the powers of the EU institutions in the financial, fiscal and economic policies of the Member States. On the other hand, some EU Member State governments, notably Germany, Austria, the Netherlands, Denmark and Sweden, were opposed not only to such far-reaching system reform, but also to the pace of its implementation. All the draft laws of the EC went much further than the proposals of the Eurozone Summit or the Eurogroup in terms of system change. Thirdly, the attitude of the Eurozone Member States themselves towards the reform examined was not uniform. While the southern eurozone countries, led by France and Italy, believed that financial solidarity within the eurozone should be understood in the broadest sense, the northern eurozone countries, led by Germany, opposed it. As a result, the differences of opinion between the EU Member States were compounded by controversies between the Eurozone countries, which further complicated the process of reforming the EMU system. Fourthly, the reorientation of the stance of the governments of Germany, Austria, the Netherlands, Denmark and Sweden towards a communitisation of debt in 2020 and 2021, illustrated by the example of the Reconstruction Fund, did not pave the way for resolving the long-standing dispute over the establishment of a European deposit guarantee scheme.

What difference does the framing of a crisis make to European Union solidarity?

Does the framing of crises shape public support for inter-state solidarity? We focus on three dimensions that have been salient in the characterisation of European Union crises and may affect public support for solidarity more generally: (a) how country-specific or common a crisis is; (b) whether policymakers are seen as responsible for the crisis or not; and (c) how existential or manageable the threat posed by a crisis appears. We employ a pre-registered factorial vignette experiment conducted in 15 European Union countries to assess how characterising a hypothetical crisis affects voter support for fiscal and financial solidarity. Our results show that exposure to different crises frames shapes public support for risk-sharing in the European Union. Changes in solidaristic attitudes vary significantly with the means of fiscal risk-sharing proposed.

Financial Solidarity or Autonomy? How Gendered Wealth and Income Inequalities Influence Couples’ Money Management

It is well established that women have lower income and wealth levels than men. These inequalities are most pronounced within heterosexual couples and grow once partners get married and have children. Nevertheless, equality in controlling money within couples is highly valued and might ameliorate women’s disadvantages in income and wealth ownership. Previous research has focused on explaining gender wealth inequalities at the household level; less is known about the possible consequences of these inequalities on how couples manage their money. In this article, we investigate how income and wealth inequalities among couples are associated with joint or independent money management. In theoretical terms, we perceive money management systems as representing two different norms of reciprocity within couples for buffering income and wealth inequalities between partners, depending on the transferability of resources and their institutional regulation. We apply pooled logistic regression models to data from the German Socio‐Economic Panel Study. Our findings confirm that income and wealth are relevant but have opposite associations with couples’ money management strategies. While couples with unequal income constellations tend to pool their money, couples with unequal wealth constellations manage their money independently. Accordingly, couples seem to use labour income to buffer gender inequalities by sharing resources, thereby following the norm of partnership solidarity. In contrast, gender wealth inequalities are reproduced by keeping resources separate, thus representing the norm of financial autonomy.

Entschädigung für Corona-Schutzmaßnahmen: Grundrechtshaftung oder soziale Hilfen?

Financial solidarity for the economy, which has been severely affected by the pandemic, is appropriate and is constitutionally required in essence, but it is not a task of state liability. The necessary aid for hundreds of thousands of businesses far exceeds the functional limits and legitimacy of the general legal institutions of liability for lawful state action (“Aufopferungshaftung”). They are also not a subject of statutory protection against infection (“Infektionsschutzgesetz”). The state, which may be constitutionally obligated to take far-reaching and drastic protective measures in the event of an epidemic, must not be prevented from fulfilling this obligation by the burden of of legally determined financial compensation on a big scale. And the legislator of infection protection law cannot responsibly make such a regulation aimed at compensating ex ante incalculable economic losses. The thesis that is sometimes put forward of a right to compensation for the Corona losses of affected companies based in the fundamental rights also proves to be problematic. Shutdown measures against certain industries or types of trade that can plausibly justified by legitimate reasons – particular risk of infection, lesser need for the vital functions of society and the economy – do not violate the principle of equality. They are therefore not special sacrifices in the sense of compensation law. Furthermore the principle of proportionality is sufficiently elastic to justify pandemic-related restrictions without financial compensation. Fundamental rights do not really provide a more precise and stringent standard for the task incumbent on society of distributing the unequal Corona burdens than does the welfare state principle. The Corona pandemic and its economic consequences should therefore not be taken as an incentive to commercialize fundamental rights on a scale previously not thought possible for good reasons. Instead, in the face of the concrete situation of a pandemic, politically negotiated and parliamentarily accountable ad hoc aid programs of the legislature or the empowered governments are far better suited to meet the enormous challenge.

A resisting enclave of social rights – protecting the children of former workers: C-181/19 Jobcenter Krefeld – Widerspruchsstelle v JD

The boundaries of financial solidarity between the Member States have long been a hotly debated issue. With Jobcentre Krefeld, the Court puts an end to the saga of the rights of children of former workers and their primary carer. It firmly anchors its ruling in the free movement of workers and distinguishes the case from the Dano and Alimanovic cases.

Analysis of Factors Influencing Access to Credit for Vegetable Farmers in the Gulf Prefecture of Togo

This paper addresses the issue of access to credit for market gardeners in the Gulf prefecture of southern Togo. Beyond structural constraints, individual socioeconomic characteristics of market gardeners are factors that play a role in access to credit. The binomial logit regression model was used as an analytical tool. From the National Agricultural Census (NAC, 2011) database, 452 market gardeners were randomly selected. The results showed that gender, membership in a financial solidarity group, sown area, marital status, type of association, interest rate are the significant variables influencing the demand for agricultural credit.

Attitudes towards European financial solidarity during the Covid-19 pandemic: evidence from a net-contributor country

ABSTRACT Whilst the Covid-19 pandemic affects all European countries, the ways in which these countries are prepared for the health and subsequent economic crisis varies considerably. Financial solidarity within the European Union (EU) could mitigate some of these inequalities but depends upon the support of the citizens of individual member states for such policies. This paper studies attitudes of the Austrian population – a net-contributor to the European budget – towards financial solidarity using two waves of the Austrian Corona Panel Project collected in May and June 2020. We find that individuals (i) who are less likely to consider the Covid-19 pandemic as a national economic threat, (ii) who believe that Austria benefits from supporting other countries, and (iii) who prefer the crisis to be organized more centrally at EU-level show higher support for European financial solidarity. Using fixed effects models, we further show that perceiving economic threats and preferring central crisis management also explain attitude dynamics within individuals over time. We conclude that cost–benefit perceptions are important determinants for individual support of European financial solidarity during the Covid-19 pandemic.

Tackling segmentation to advance universal health coverage: analysis of policy architectures of health care in Chile and Uruguay

BackgroundWith the turn of the century, most countries in Latin America witnessed an increased concern with universalism and redistribution. In the health sector, this translated into a wide range of reforms to advance Universal Health Coverage (UHC) that, however, have had to cope with health systems that stratified the population since their foundation and the further segmentation inherited by market-oriented policies in the 1980s and 1990s.Studies on social welfare stress the relevance of cross-class alliances between the middle and working classes to reach universal and sustainable social benefits. Consequently, the endurance of separate health schemes across groups of the population in most countries in Latin America may seriously hamper the efforts towards UHC.AimThis article addresses the potential of current policy architectures of health care to tackle segmentation between social classes in access to health services in two of the best performers of health coverage in the region, namely Chile and Uruguay.MethodsThe article is a comparative case study based on a literature review and applies an analytical framework that links universal outputs to the policy architectures of health care. The study assesses universal outputs in terms of coverage, generosity and financial protection, identifying equity gaps in each of these dimensions across groups of the population.FindingsLatest processes of reform for UHC in Chile and Uruguay perform highly regarding population coverage. Nevertheless, equity gaps in access to quality services and financial protection remain. In both countries, such gaps relate to the eligibility criteria. In Chile, segmentation is reinforced by the persistence of separated pools of resources that hinder solidarity. Besides, the significant role of private actors and differences in quality between public and private service providers continue to push middle and upper-middle classes to private options. Uruguay’s health reform reinforced the public system and promoted financial solidarity by pooling and progressively allocating resources. Despite this, fragmentation in service provision continues the segmentation of access to health care.ConclusionsThe study shows differences in the options of reforms for UHC in Chile and Uruguay and the relevance of policy architectures to reverse, or conversely deepen, segmentation across groups of the population.

Demokratieabbau in Zeiten der Pandemie: zur Reaktion der EU auf die Fälle Ungarn und Polen

The COVID-19 pandemic is not only putting European financial solidarity to the test, but also the common values of the European Union (EU). In Hungary and Poland, the governments are using the situation to undermine democratic principles and expand their own position of power. The EU - once again - is struggling to give an adequate answer. While the European Parliament has clear words, but little options for action, most national governments show a reserved attitude. Similarly, the European Commission has expressed concern, but does not want to take any immediate countermeasures.

Financial Solidarity: The Future of Unions in the post-JanusEra

In 2018, the U.S. Supreme Court adopted a “right-to-work” (RTW) legal regime for the entire government workforce (Janus v. AFSCME). While many predict lower union membership, few have considered howJanuswill challenge the overall cost-sharing strategy that unions use to ensure their affiliates’ organizational maintenance and survival. Using the National Education Association (NEA) as our empirical example, we develop and test a theory we call “financial solidarity,” which posits that union organizational maintenance hinges on the transfer of resources from affiliates in strong labor states to those in weaker labor states. We demonstrate that this system is in effect by showing that most NEA revenue originates from dues and fees paid by teachers in strong labor states and then by examining the causal effect of labor law retrenchment on affiliates’ reliance on their national union between 2005–2018. We find that the NEA transfers an additional $6–10 per member and is significantly more likely to make a political contribution in an affiliate’s state in the aftermath of retrenchment. These findings highlight that unions are maintained on an organizational model that relies on a balance of strong and weak state labor laws. By upending that equilibrium,Janusthreatens to undermine the power of labor in American politics.

Acceptabilité sociale des mesures d’adaptation au changement climatique en zones côtières : une revue de dix enquêtes menées en France métropolitaine

À partir d’une synthèse de dix enquêtes quantitatives réalisées au cours de la dernière décennie (2007-2017) en France métropolitaine, cet article vise à capitaliser des résultats de recherche sur les points de vue des citoyens relatifs aux mesures et aux modalités d’adaptation des territoires littoraux à l’élévation du niveau de la mer. Au-delà des perceptions et représentations sociales des phénomènes littoraux et des risques associés, l’article met en exergue, selon les territoires ou les types de population (résidents principaux, résidents secondaires, touristes...), l’influence de facteurs institutionnels sur l’acceptabilité des politiques de gestion du trait de côte : rôle de l’information, points de vue et représentations quant aux options d’adaptation (protection, ajustement, relocalisation…), légitimité et confiance vis-à-vis des institutions chargées de ces politiques, ou encore sentiments de justice ou d’injustice suscités par certaines mesures de financement des politiques d’adaptation. Parmi les résultats convergents, sont relevés un sentiment de manque ou de défaut d’information chez la plupart des enquêtés, ainsi qu’une approche séquentielle de l’adaptation où la relocalisation est davantage envisagée à moyen terme après une phase de protection. Concernant les modalités de mise en œuvre des mesures, un certain consensus émerge pour un portage par les autorités publiques (État notamment), associé à des mécanismes de solidarité financière (nationale ou régionale) et assorti de conditions sur la transparence et la légitimité des institutions gestionnaires.

SEVERAL FACTORS AFFECT THE INCOME OF HOA RURAL HOUSEHOLDS IN LUC NGAN DISTRICT, BAC GIANG PROVINCE

The Hoa people are often given more attention because of their success in the fields of commerce and services, especially in developed economies, which have gradually become solid financial solidarity. This paper aims to understand the factors affecting the income of Hoa rural households in Luc Ngan district, Bac Giang province - a locality with a total GDP of US $1,540 in 2015. The analysis was collected in 2018 by the author through a questionnaire survey of 250 Hoa rural households in Luc Ngan district, Bac Giang province, Vietnam. The data after processing by linear regression model shows that the income of the Hoa people is affected by the area of perennial fruit land, income from part-time jobs and the influence of cross-border ethnic relations.

The Impact of the Common Agricultural Policy of the European Union on the General Price Level of Countries that Joined in the Period from 2004 to 2007

Abstract Application of The Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) of the European Union implies the existence of a single market (without customs duties on mutual trade), the community’s priority in meeting the needs for agricultural products (protection against imports) and the existence of financial solidarity (joint financing). Joining the European Union for new member states implies the termination of the implementation of the existing national agricultural policy and the the beginning of the implementation of the CAP. Although membership in the European Union implies many advantages, the period after joining this community can be quite economically unstable for some countries. One of the most significant problems is an increase in agricultural product prices and a rise in the general price level (inflation). The above can be confirmed by a simple empirical analysis of the economic indicators of the countries that joined the EU together in the period from 2004 until 2007.

Demands for a Radical Revival of the European Integration Plan. Deliberations in the Context of Philosophy, Political Science and Journalism

The separation of theory and practice of the European integration created a very dangerous situation for the European Union. The article presents this crisis from the points of view of philosophy, political science and journalism. The“European poison of thought” expressed by a lack of trust of citizens towards the EU institutions perceived as inadequate in addressing the most fundamental problems of the EU citizens, as well as scepticism towards the enlargement of the Union, aversion to financial solidarity with weaker Member States, and disappointment with legal overregulation and money wasting, are just a few out of a long list of problems that make people lose their trust in the European integration. The author also considers the greatest weaknesses of the European Union: preferring interests of those who are present and well-organised on the political arena and the fact that the real majority of EU citizens stays outside the formal democratic structures thus becoming a part of the process of exclusion and fragmentation. The state of affairs in the EU, following according to Karl Jaspers, is called a limit situation, where it possible either to withdraw or rise and exceed restrictions. The author considers hope and radicalism as two forces that power the European political activists; in order to unite them, a new faith, values and hope based on the traditional foundations are needed. This new way of thinking about the EU, the joined-up thinking, is possibly a response to the demand for a radical revival in the EU.

Governing urban development in the Low Countries: From managerialism to entrepreneurialism and financialization

Has the post-war managerial approach to urban governance in the Netherlands and Flanders been replaced by more entrepreneurial and financialized forms? In this paper, we study the transformation of urban governance in the Low Countries through city case studies of Apeldoorn (Netherlands) and Antwerp (Belgium). We show how Dutch urban governance is financialized by connecting local public finance with financialized real estate markets through municipal land banks. However, inter-municipal financial solidarity and ring-fencing municipalities from financial markets create specific continental European processes of financialization. Flemish municipalities, in contrast, have shifted from a model of laissez-faire urban development (embedded in a system of large municipal autonomy) towards entrepreneurial urban growth regimes, in which technocratic public and private actors have increased access to public financial resources, which are used to create large urban renewal projects. In Belgium, autonomous municipal real estate corporations are a crucial instrument for connecting municipal finance to the real estate market.

‘Benefit tourism’ post-Brexit: tackling the ghost by more EU social engagement

This article argues that welfare migration, although ill-defined and yet to be proven empirically, needs to be addressed by the EU. The negative perception of immigration has given rise to anti-EU, nationalist sentiment. Financial solidarity between EU citizens is subject to caveats, although there is hope for increased solidarity between pro-EU citizens post-Brexit. The EU should foster this by introducing ‘associate citizenship’. It can take guidance from the USA and provide for basic EU social standards while guaranteeing free movement for the rich and the poor.

Mere Objectives or Hard Law? A Case Study on the EU‘s Social Policy in the Context of Free Market Economy

IntroductionIn Article 3 of the Treaty on European Union (TEU) the Union commits itself to combating social exclusion and discrimination as well as to promoting social justice. This does not change the fact, though, that the ability and/ or commitment to create a genuinely inclusive society varies considerably between the EU Member States (cf. e.g. Schraad-Tischler and Kroll, 2014). In the recent years the agenda of the Union's highest political body, the European Council, was dominated by the economic and financial crisis in a manner that somewhat marginalised the Union's social policy and social investment. The structural reforms and austerity policies pursued during the crisis with a view to stabilizing national economies and budgets have by and large produced an adverse effect on the implementation of social justice on the European continent, reducing the performance of national social security systems, thus 10.14254/2071789X.2017/10-3/17 aggravating social divide and letting youth unemployment grow to ever-new record heights. This development has inevitably posed a stress test for the credibility of Union's commitment to the promotion of social justice, internally and world-wide.In order to critically assess whether the EU lives up to this challenge, it is necessary to analyse both the tools the Union has at its disposal as well as the manner they have been applied to date in pursuance of these aims. Whilst the main objective of this paper is to attempt to define the impact of the EU basic economic principles on its policy in social matters, the contribution also offers nuanced argumentation transgressing this thematic scope and suggesting pathways and opportunities for further research. The applied research methodology includes a combination of theoretical and analytical methods.1.The laborious development of the Union's social dimensionIn order to fully appreciate the state of the art in the EU's social policy of today, it is vital to be aware of its development in a diachronic perspective. At their very origins, the European communities (the European Coal and Steel Community as of 1952 and the European Economic Community (EEC) and the European Atomic Energy Community as of 1957) provided for merely economic integration and cooperation of the founding states. In time the said economic cooperation covered a broader scope of areas (the objective of achieving a single market, the development of environmental and energy policies as well as of measures leading to the Economic and Monetary Union) and it included more countries. Thus economic integration was a continuous driving force behind a process of Europe's political integration and it remains so also to date.Prior to the Treaty of Maastricht which came into force on 1 November 1993, the European Economic Community's (EEC) legal framework for social policy was absolutely minimalist. Whilst Article 117 of the EEC Treaty provided for the necessity to improve working conditions and standards of living of workers, most relevant Community secondary legislation on employees' rights in the event of collective redundancies, transfer of undertakings and the employer's insolvency was enacted first after mid-1970s.1 Albeit the rule of equal pay for equal work of women and men was since the founding of the EEC enshrined in a directly applicable Treaty provision (Article 119 EEC), legislation implementing the principle of equal treatment of men and women in employment was adopted in 1975/76 only.2 The systems of social security remained (and still remain) on a strictly national basis. The access of nonnationals to such systems was and is governed by specific regulations and complemented by the non-discrimination rules. A certain turning point towards a more comprehensive approach consisted in the establishment of the Union citizenship by the Treaty of Maastricht, which facilitated judicial advance of social and labour rights. The Treaty provisions on Union citizenship imply for host Member States a need to show a certain degree of financial solidarity with the nationals of other Member States provided that they have established a genuine or real link with the society of the host Member State. …

What to expect from European identity? Explaining support for solidarity in times of crisis

Having a European identity is expected to influence citizens’ attitudes and behaviour towards the EU community. European identity is indeed positively related to support for EU integration, but are citizens with a stronger European identity also willing to pay a price for this identification, and to what extent? The contribution provides an answer to these questions by performing multilevel analyses on the EES 2014 data. The analyses show that citizens with a stronger European identity are more supportive of financial solidarity with member states in economic crisis. This explanation for support for solidarity is stronger than explanations provided by self-interest and economic ideological position. Citizens are thus willing to pay a price for their European identity. However, one can only expect so much from European identity as significant interaction effects show that the positive relationship between European identity and support for solidarity is mitigated by experiencing economic hardship.