Final Expedition Research Articles

Amazon Journeys and Poetic Re-Discoveries in Jan Conn’s 'Jaguar Rain' and Malu de Martino’s 'Margaret Mee e a Flor da Lua'

The year 2023 marks the thirty-fifth anniversary of botanical artist Margaret Mee’s final expedition to the Amazon. On this trip, she was at last able to paint the rare night-flowering of Selenicereus wittii, commonly known as the Amazon moonflower. Such an accomplishment was not only significant due to the rare nature of the event, but also because it was the final piece created by an artist who renewed the practice of botanical painting. Originally from Britain, Mee lived in Brazil for more than thirty years, embarking on fifteen expeditions to the Amazon region between 1956 and 1988, painting while travelling in dugout canoes deep in the forest and becoming a fervent activist for the protection of the environment. Her work has influenced many artists, e cologists, and biologists, and has served as inspiration for literary and filmic creations. In 2006, Canadian poet Jan Conn published Jaguar Rain: The Margaret Mee Poems, in which she poetically recreates Mee’s journeys to the Amazon. As both a scientist and a poet who has also extensively travelled in the region, Conn reimagines Mee’s wondrous encounters while situating them as part of a tradition of travel and exploration in South America. A few years later, in 2012, the documentary Margaret Mee e a Flor da Lua, directed by Brazilian filmmaker Malu de Martino, was premiered. In the film, Martino reconstructs Mee’s final journey to the Amazon in search of the moonflower while also reinstating the artist’s important contributions as an artist, environmentalist, and contemporary explorer. The connections between the biographical, poetic, artistic, and professional Mee are closely woven throughout the documentary, which can be seen as inserted in a new documentary tradition, less analytical and more poetic, in which notions of truth, history, and reality are problematised and rendered through different lenses. Bearing in mind that both Conn and Martino re-read Mee’s journeys through the tropes of exploration and discovery, which are commonly associated with imperial practices and colonial narratives of the New World, in this paper, we propose to discuss in which ways these tropes are brought into context and problematised, especially in relation to the depiction of Amazonian nature.

Engaging in autonomous learning in the outdoors: Final expedition and youth autonomy

Engaging in autonomous learning in the outdoors: Final expedition and youth autonomy

Introduction to Wilderness Medicine-A Medical School Elective.

This curriculum provides a capstone experience for fourth year medical students, integrating aspects of the basic sciences and clinical skills in the care of wilderness medicine conditions. The duration of this course is 2 weeks. Since passage of the Wilderness Act of 1964, leading to the protection and expansion of wilderness areas, there has been steady growth in participation in outdoor recreational activities.1 Between the years of 2000 to 2009, there was a 7.5% increase in the total number of individuals participating in outdoor recreation. Notably, during this same timeline, there has also been a 7.1% increase in the total number of people participating in "nature-based outdoor recreation." 2 Acknowledging this rising interest in the outdoors, along with increasing accessibility to remote locations, it has become clear that healthcare providers must now attain the ability to both identify and treat conditions unique to these environments.In addition to discrete medical conditions unique to environmental medicine, the practice of wilderness medicine also encompasses the management of the familiar, the "bread-and-butter" medical illnesses, occurring in the unfamiliar, nonclinical environment. Management of these conditions requires both a knowledge of core life support principles and an adaptability and awareness of the non-medical factors affecting a patient's care.Wilderness Medicine also teaches core principles of austere medicine - healthcare administration in a resource-limited environment. The skills acquired in a wilderness medical course provide not only training in the wilderness setting, but also encompass medical care necessary in instances of disaster relief, terrorist events, and international medical missions.3 Additionally, management of discrete wilderness medicine conditions provides a context to review toxicologic biomechanisms and pathophysiology shared by other, more common conditions.For these myriad reasons, a wilderness medicine elective in medical school provides students with more than a divergent experience; it provides a review and expansion of core medical principles increasingly applicable to all specialties. The primary objective of this course is to provide fourth year medical students an introduction to wilderness medicine. Students will be able to: explain fundamental concepts of practicing medicine in austere conditions; identify and initiate treatment for common wilderness medicine conditions; and utilize the non-medical aspects of providing care in austere environments. The educational strategies used in this curriculum include a combination of lecture-based and experiential learning activities, structured through the lens of Kolb's theory of experiential learning. Core knowledge is preferentially imparted during outdoor experiential components, allowing adaptable, true-environment training. Sessions are complemented by assigned pre-reading in Auerbach's Wilderness Medicine4 textbook to create a flipped outdoor-classroom experience. In addition to a final examination, the course will include a final multi-day expedition designed to allow students an opportunity to demonstrate their wilderness medicine knowledge. The course format opens it to adaptation as a longitudinal curriculum. Finally, this course may be adapted to serve resident education purposes. This curriculum has been used and vetted at the authors' institutions with over 50 medical students. All individual comments were reviewed for applicability, trends noted, and the course was further refined. Student final assessment scores were reviewed to refine the content taught and clarity of assessment. The current iteration of the curriculum received the following on a 5-point Likert scale by students on post-course evaluation forms: 4.91 for overall educational experience, 4.82 for curriculum effectiveness, and 5.00 for effective faculty instruction. As a result of comments, the use of the flipped-classroom model throughout the course has increased. Topics frequently encountered in spontaneous discussion due to regional importance have been included. Overall, this course has proven both popular and successful. Due to the dynamic and divergent nature of this as a medical school course, the authors have noted increased levels of student engagement with the material. Increasing reliance on the flipped-classroom model with student-led scenarios and discussions has increased students' ability to recall and apply their knowledge to scenarios during the final expedition. The broad range of conditions included in wilderness medicine provides a unique framework to highlight the relevance of the basic medical sciences and review core medical principles. Wilderness trauma stabilization, patient transportation, acute mountain sickness, high-altitude cerebral edema, high-altitude pulmonary edema, hypothermia, frostbite, orienteering, survival skills, expedition medical kits, marine envenomation, decompression illness, plant toxidromes, snake envenomation, arthropod envenomation, high-angle rescue, search and rescue, heat illness, lightning strike, tick-related illness, disaster response, international medicine.4.

Food and Culture in Narratives of the Canadian North

Food and Culture in Narratives of the Canadian North Pam Perkins (bio) In the last months of 1826, British newspaper readers were shocked and titillated by the terrible story of James Sanger, who had been making his living over the previous year by displaying what he claimed were two “Esquimaux” children brought to England by William Parry.1 He had, in fact, bought the children, either from their down-and-out father or from their maternal aunt (newspaper accounts are not consistent) and had then beaten and terrorized them into demonstrating their supposed “Esquimaux” culture in what would be the most efficient way possible for an English audience of the day: declining what their eager viewers would consider palatable food, they ate raw meat instead. These abused children provide, most obviously and most poignantly, a glimpse of the extreme vulnerability of those at the margins of early nineteenth-century British society. Yet the ways in which the villainous Mr. Sanger foregrounds and exploits contemporary prurient fascination with the food culture of what is now the Canadian north is also worth attention. Presenting members of other cultures as being willing [End Page 204] to eat what British readers would not recognize as food was a fairly usual method of implying British cultural superiority in early nineteenth-century travel and exploration literature,2 and it was a trope that, as Sanger’s story illustrates, translated easily into popular culture. Even so, while exploration narratives established the heroism and desperation of the explorers in part by depicting them as driven to eat whatever was necessary to keep themselves alive,3 the willingness to consume something other than what the average British reader would consume as food turns out to be a deeply unreliable marker of any supposed division between “self ” and “other.” Sanger’s assumption that his countrymen would be fascinated by the spectacle of “Esquimaux” meals would have been shaped in part by prior visits by Inuit to England, most famously that of the family who accompanied the fur trader George Cartwright when he travelled back to London from Labrador in 1772 and who (according to an article published in the Caledonian Mercury on 10 August 1774) attracted crowds to watch them as they supposedly ate tallow candles for breakfast. A more immediate context for fascination with the food of the Canadian north would, however, have been provided by a very different source: John Franklin’s account of his desperate attempt to stay alive while travelling back from the shores of the Arctic Ocean in the autumn of 1821. Decades before Franklin vanished into the Arctic on his final expedition, A Journey to the Shores of the Polar Sea (1823) had made him a celebrity. And part of what set this book apart from the vast quantity of other material on polar expeditions that was being published around that time4 was its vivid, graphic account of Franklin’s increasingly painful quest to find anything resembling food to keep himself and his party alive as winter set in. Failing in most of their attempts to fish or hunt game, they scrounged what few late berries they could find, scraped lichen from rocks, scavenged carrion bones and scraps of sinew and hide, and, when all else failed, boiled their own leather boots for soup. Here, eating something not quite recognizable as food takes on a completely different meaning from that which Sanger created through his spectacle of the miserably exploited children. Rather than using unpalatable food to evoke “savagery,” Franklin presents his grimly meagre diet as a form of heroism, implying that he and his party demonstrate grit, resilience, and ingenuity by scraping together sufficient calories to survive their journey across an unwelcoming land. Inevitably, however, ideas of heroic endurance become a little more complicated as one looks more closely at what and how the party ate. The most obvious complication comes in a delicately evasive reference to cannibalism, which apparently contributed to the survival of some of the weaker members of the expedition. According to John Richardson, the party’s doctor, he and two of the junior British officers were able to regain enough strength to continue the trek only after...

Autonomous Student Experiences in Outdoor and Adventure Education

This article explores the current state of knowledge regarding the use of autonomous student experiences (ASE) in outdoor and adventure education (OAE) programs. ASE are defined as components (e.g., solo, final expedition) in which participants have a greater measure of choice and control over the planning, execution, and outcomes of their learning. The article discusses the importance of ASE in experiential education and reviews major findings and supporting evidence in the relevant literature. Outward Bound and the National Outdoor Leadership School are highlighted as OAE programs that incorporate evidence-based research into their course designs. The article concludes with an examination of existing gaps in the knowledge and a discussion of topics for future ASE research.

Participants’ Perceptions of Their Outward Bound Final Expedition and the Relationship to Instructor Supervisory Position

The purpose of this mixed-method study was to understand participants’ perceptions of their Outward Bound Final Expedition experience and more specifically the relationship between the instructor supervisory position and participant’s perception of learning. A sample of 331 students consented to participate and completed a survey at the conclusion of their Final Expedition. Instructors reported that they used different supervisory positions based on student age, readiness, and other factors. The most enjoyable aspect of Final Expedition that emerged when the instructor traveled with the group or within sight and sound was autonomy. Physical challenge and group dynamics were the most difficult aspects, regardless of the instructor position. Group dynamics played a greater role when instructors did not travel with their groups. These results indicate that minimizing instructor involvement enhanced perceived personal growth by increasing self-reliance and self-awareness and enhanced perceived group development by encouraging greater group reliance, responsibility, and cohesion. This study indicates that the adolescent students perceived autonomy and many of the associated benefits despite not experiencing the more traditional unaccompanied Final Expedition. The findings may serve instructors, program managers, and educators utilizing the Final Expedition in the existing programs as well as those interested in integrating autonomous student experiences in their programs.

The Outward Bound Final Expedition: Exploring the Effect of Instructor Positioning on the Student Experience

There is a need to investigate specific components and their influence on participant outcomes within Wilderness Experience Programs (Ewert & McAvoy, 2000; McKenzie, 2000; Schuman, Paisley, Sibthorp, & Gookin, 2009). This study examines one component of the Outward Bound wilderness program – the Final Expedition. The Final Expedition is a student-led portion of the wilderness expedition. Recent research has shown the Final Expedition to be one of the most memorable and significant course components from post-course surveys at Outward Bound Singapore (Gassner, Kahlid, & Russell, 2006), the National Outdoor Leadership School (Sibthorp, Paisley, Gookin & Furman, 2008) and Montreat College's Discovery Wilderness Expedition (Daniel, 2003). There is also agreement among many scholars that instructors have a significant influence on successful participant experiences in wilderness programs (Ewert & McAvoy, 2000; Hattie, Marsh, Neill & Richards, 1997; Kalisch, 1999; McKenzie, 2000). The role of the instructor(s) in the individual and group process remains one of the most important variables in the Wilderness Experience Program (Hattie et al., 1997; Kalisch, 1999). The success of the program rests largely in the hands of the instructors who are in direct contact with the students in the wilderness. Their ability to effectively provide skill training, group facilitation, individual support and adaptive programming greatly affects the participant's experience (Kalisch, 1999).

An Investigation of the Outward Bound Final Expedition

An Investigation of the Outward Bound Final Expedition

SEER 2010 ABSTRACT: An Investigation of the Outward Bound Final Expedition

SEER 2010 ABSTRACT: An Investigation of the Outward Bound Final Expedition

At the Far Reaches of Empire: The Life of Juan Francisco de la Bodega y Quadra (review)

Reviewed by: At the Far Reaches of Empire: The Life of Juan Francisco de la Bodega y Quadra Christopher Storrs At the Far Reaches of Empire: The Life of Juan Francisco de la Bodega y Quadra. By Freeman M. Tovell. Vancouver: UBC Press, 2008. ISBN 978-0-7748-1367-9. Maps. Illustrations. Appendixes. Glossary. Notes. Bibliography. Index. Pp. xv, 435. CAN $85.00. In the second half of the eighteenth century the Spanish Bourbons, alarmed at Russian and British expansion into and interest in the Pacific coast of what is now the United States and Canada, initiated a series of expeditions of exploration, discovery and delimitation – or extension - of imperial frontiers, launched from the naval department of San Blas in the viceroyalty of New Spain (Mexico) to [End Page 269] claim that coast for Spain, and so protect the still enormous Spanish imperial presence in the Americas. These activities culminated in the Nootka Sound incident of 1790, when war looked almost certain between Spain and Britain following the seizure of British ships and destruction of a British trading post there (on what is now Vancouver Island) by one of those many Spanish expeditions. One of those who settled the crisis for Spain was the naval officer, Juan Francisco de la Bodega y Quadra, who played a leading part in this cycle of Spanish imperial expansion in North America. Born in 1744 in Lima, the capital of the viceroyalty of Peru, the younger son of a merchant father who had emigrated from the Spanish Basque Country, Juan Francisco studied first in Peru before crossing the Atlantic to enter the Academy for Naval Officers (Escuela de Guardiamarinas) at Cadiz. Having graduated, he joined the navy as an officer cadet, or guardiamarina, in 1762, gradually rising through the naval hierarchy, and receiving his final promotion, as ship's captain in 1784. Bodega y Quadra's promotions – which also included an habito in the prestigious Military Order of Santiago – were due very largely to his part in the expeditions referred to above. His participation in these adventures was almost entirely fortuitous. He was not a first choice candidate for men to go on the expedition which set out from the naval department of San Blas in 1775, and on which – as commander of an inferior vessel – he took possession in the name of king Charles III of Spain of the ports of los Remedios and Bodega. This success brought various rewards, including another expedition, that of 1779. Further voyages of this sort were rendered less easy by the outbreak of war between Spain and Britain (1779-83), Bodega y Quadra passing to Havana and to Spain, but in 1789 Charles III ordered him back to the Pacific coast of New Spain, as commanding officer of San Blas naval department. There, as Spanish commissary, working with the British representative, George Vancouver, he was responsible for the implementation of the Nootka Sound convention agreed at the Escorial by the British and Spanish governments in October 1790, on his third and final expedition, that so-called " of the Limits" (1792). Bodega y Quadra died in 1794, aged 50. Clearly an important figure, unfortunately Bodega y Quadra did not leave much by way of private papers with which the historian can reconstruct his private life, such that much of the latter must remain obscure. Fortunately, however, the remarkable administrative machine that was Imperial Spain provides sufficient material to piece together his career and the expeditions he played such an important part in; so too do Bodega y Quadra's own diaries or journals of the voyages of 1775, 1779, and 1792. Freeman Tovell has drawn on these latter and the correspondence between Bodega y Quadra and his superiors in Spanish America and Spain, now housed in various repositories – including the Archivo General de Indias in Seville, the Archivo Historico Nacional in Madrid, the Archivo General at Simancas, the Huntington Library and the Bancroft Library - to good effect. In doing so, Tovell outlines for an English-reading audience the biography, career and achievement of an ambitious and energetic Spanish creole naval officer who played an important [End Page 270] part in the exploration by the European states in the...

George Forrest Plant Hunter

Contents include: Scottish Background George Forrest and the Lure of China To China, 1904, for Bees Ltd The Third Expedition (1912-1915) Rhododendrons Galore Birds, Beasts and Butterflies The Final Expedition

Viking Expansion Northwards: Mediaeval Sources

Evidence for Scandinavian activities in the northwestern part of the Barents Sea is scanty; according to the Annals, Svalbard (i) was discovered in 1194, but the entry refers to Jan Mayen rather than present-day Svalbard/Spitsbergen. By contrast, the southern fringe of the Barents Sea was more than once crossed by Vikings on their way to Bjarmaland (Russia) in the White Sea area. As early as the end of the ninth century, an Old English source tells of a Norse expedition to that area and Old Norse sources indicate the existence of trade links back to the tenth century, possible even earlier. The commodities traded and levied were tusks, precious furs and skins. The trade, also with the nearby Sami, was controlled by Norse chieftains living on the coast south of Tromso, who competed for power with the kings of Norway. Both kings and chieftains were involved in the Bjarmaland expeditions, as can be seen from historical sources and from fiction. A final expedition took place in 1222. The trips to Bjarmaland did not lead to correct ideas about the geography of the Barents Sea area as a whole. Firm knowledge was limited, leaving room for superstition and learned speculations, such as a land-bridge to Greenland and a race of arctic giants, thought to live somewhere north of Bjarmaland. As to the Barents Sea proper, the sources reflect problems with sailing. Key words: Middle Ages, White Sea, Bjarmaland, Russia, Vikings, Norse, Sami, trade, superstition

John Rae (1813-1893)

Dr. John Rae, who spent 22 years in British North America, accurately mapped more miles of North America's unknown northern coastline - excluding Hudson Bay - than did any other explorer. ... Unusually adaptable and a crack shot, he learned native methods of living off the land. Remarkably fit, he set records that have never been surpassed for speed and endurance on snowshoes. John Rae was born on 30 September 1813 in the Hall of Clestrain, near Stromness in the Orkney Islands. At age 16, he went to Edinburgh to study medicine and qualified as Licentiate of the Royal College of Surgeons of Edinburgh in 1833. His first medical job was as a surgeon on the Prince of Wales, the Hudson's Bay Company supply ship. A sailing ship of 400 tons, it carried 31 Orkneymen bound for employment at distant fur-trading posts. After loading the season's furs at Moose Factory, the Prince of Wales was turned back by heavy ice in the Hudson Strait and was forced to winter at Charlton Island in James Bay. There, Rae successfully treated his scurvy-afflicted men with cranberries and tender sprouts of the wild pea. Instead of returning to England, Rae accepted an offer from the Hudson's Bay Company of five years' employment as clerk and surgeon. ... In 1844, Hudson's Bay Company Governor Sir George Simpson proposed that Rae complete the survey of the northern coastline of North America. After studying surveying in Toronto, Rae left York Factory in June 1846 with ten men and two 22-foot boats. In April 1847 the expedition crossed Rae Isthmus to reach Lord Mayor's Bay, mapping the shore of Simpson Peninsula on the return journey. They then explored the west coast of Melville Peninsula, the two legs adding up to 1,050 km of new coastline mapped. For the most part they lived off the land; Rae shot nearly as much game as the other 12 men together. Soon after Rae's return, Dr. John Richardson offered him the position of second-in-command on the first search expedition for the missing John Franklin. ... In 1851, Rae set out on his third expedition with two men, two sledges, and five dogs. After crossing Dolphin and Union Strait, they explored 270 new km of Victoria Island coastline on foot. They next used two boats to complete the 740 km of exploration of the southern and eastern shorelines of Victoria Island. When Rae turned back, Franklin's ships Erebus and Terror, were trapped in the ice only about 80 km to the east, although he did not know it. ... Rae's fourth and final expedition in 1853 was designed to complete the survey of the continental coastline for the Hudson's Bay Company. He explored the Quoich River for 335 km, wintered at Repulse Bay, and set out in March 1854. At Pelly Bay the Eskimos gave him second-hand news of the fate of the Franklin expedition - other Eskimos had seen dead and dying men about four years earlier. Rae mapped 430 new km of coastline along the west side of Boothia Peninsula, leaving 240 km south of Bellot Strait unexplored. He proved that King William Island was indeed an island, separated from Boothia Peninsula by what is now called Rae Strait. Back at Repulse Bay, Eskimos brought him a silver plate, a medal, and several forks and spoons with names or initials of Franklin and his officers. Rae did not risk his men in searching further for the bodies of Franklin's men, but instead rushed back to England to recall the other search parties, which were widely scattered in the wrong areas of the Arctic. When Rae presented his report and his Franklin relics to the Admiralty on 22 October 1854, he forthrightly told of the Eskimo account of cannibalism practised by the British sailors. In spite of strong opposition from Lady Franklin, Rae and his men received the 10,000 Pounds Sterling for ascertaining the fate of Franklin's party. ...

John Franklin (1786-1847)

.. The man who charted nearly 3000 km of the coastline of North America is best remembered as the leader of an expedition that cost the British Admiralty two ships and the lives of 129 men and that made no direct contribution to the geographical unfolding of the Canadian Arctic. ... Franklin endured an enforced idleness for three years before he was put in command of the brig Trent, which was to accompany the Dorothea under David Buchan up the east coast of Greenland and, it was hoped, over the Pole to the Orient. The voyage came to naught, the ships being turned back by heavy ice near Spitzbergen. In the same year, 1818, John Ross had been sent on an ancillary expedition to look for an opening leading out of Baffin Bay; when Ross returned to England to report that Baffin Bay offered no westward egress, John Barrow, Secretary to the Admiralty, refused to believe him. Hence, in 1819 the Admiralty dispatched Edward Parry to search Baffin Bay again, while Franklin went across the mainland to explore the northern cost east of the Coppermine River's mouth. ... The advanced season and a mutinous crew forced him back at Point Turnagain on Kent Peninsula. To avoid the treacherous return along the coast in the much-weakened bark canoes, Franklin decided upon a 500 km overland crossing by compass-bearing to Fort Enterprise, a journey that took them across the Barrens and that witnessed the deaths by starvation and exposure of nearly half the party of 20, at least one murder, an execution without trial, and suspected cannibalism. Franklin and two of his three officers survived; the voyageurs paid the heaviest toll, only 2 out of 11 returning. ... With a well-disciplined crew of 27, comprising mostly British seamen and marines and including Dr. John Richardson and George Back, survivors of the 1819-1822 expedition, Franklin set off for Great Bear Lake [in 1825]. There the party built Fort Franklin, a winter residence near the Great Bear River, which drains the lake into the Mackenzie River. After wintering at Fort Franklin, they descended the Mackenzie in the summer of 1826, using four sturdy boats rowed by seamen in place of the frail bark canoes manned by voyageurs of the previous expedition. At the delta, Dr. Richardson and E.N. Kendall turned east with two boats and about half the men, surveying the coast as far as the mouth of the Coppermine, where the eastward survey had begun on the first Arctic Land Expedition. Franklin and George Back took the remaining men and boats and headed west. ... Under John Franklin's command, then, two small parties of about two dozen men each put over 2800 km of previously unknown coastline on the map. The 1819-1822 expedition had charted the shore almost 900 km east of the Coppermine, and the 1825-1827 party had explored just short of 2000 cm of coast to the Coppermine's west. The north shore of mainland North America stretches some 76 [degrees] of longitude between the Alaska/Yukon border and the northern tip of Labrador; the coastline mapped under Franklin extends 40 of that longitude. Such is the accomplishment that earns John Franklin his greatness. Notwithstanding this major achievement, Franklin is more often known by his final expedition of 1845. ... The Erebus and Terror were last sighted by whalers in Baffin Bay in July 1845, two months after they sailed from London. Not a single crew man ever returned. The many searches for the missing ships and men led to the mapping of much of Canada's Arctic, but the Franklin expedition itself added nothing to that discovery. The mysterious fate of the 1845 expedition, nevertheless, almost totally obscures the geographical triumphs Franklin made in the 1820s when he - to use L.H. Neatby's phrase - "put a roof on the map of Canada."

The Willard Rhodes Collection of American Indian Music in the Archive of Folk Song

n the early 1950s the Archive of Folk Song of the Library of Congress was afforded the opportunity of acquiring an extensive collection of American Indian music recorded in the field between 1940 and 1952 by Professor Willard Rhodes. Most of Dr. Rhodes' collection had been done under the auspices of the Education Branch of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, U.S. Department of the Interior, with additional funding from the Library of Congress on his final expedition. Through a desire to preserve these valuable recordings and to make a portion of them available to Indian schools, agencies, and students, the Bureau transferred to the Library enough funds to cover the manufacture of ten long-playing recordings, to be selected and edited by Rhodes from his overall collection. The collection itself covers fourteen states, and includes the music of fifty Indian tribes. Rhodes employed the most modern portable disc and tape equipment available to him at the time, recording a total of 260 10 and 12 discs during the summers of 1940, 1941, 1942, 1943, 1947, and 1949, and fifty 7 tape reels in 1950, 1951, and 1952. Copies of these discs and tapes, as well as many of the originals, are now housed in the permanent collections of the Archive of Folk Song, along with content lists supplied by Rhodes. The following is a summary of the areas and tribes represented by the nine expeditions made by Rhodes:

An Unpublished Letter of Sir John Franklin [Sir John Franklin's last letter to his friend and comrade, Dr (later Sir John) Richardson, is in the possession of Lt.-Col. P. V. W. Gell, of Hopton Hall, Wirksworth, Derbyshire. Colonel Gell, who is a great-grandson of Franklin, has kindly supplied the Institute with a copy and given permission for it to be

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Through Central Borneo: An Account of Two Years' Travel in the Land of the Head-Hunters between the Years 1913 and 1917

The Norwegian explorer and ethnographer Carl Lumholtz (1851–1922) wrote the influential ethnographic studies Among Cannibals and Unknown Mexico (both reissued in this series) after his journeys through Australia and Mexico respectively. In 1913, Lumholtz went on his final expedition, which aimed to explore the large parts of Borneo unknown to the rest of the world. Interested by tales of head-hunting, he wanted to spend time with the indigenous people and conduct research. Originally published in 1920, this two-volume work is Lumholtz's account of his expedition. Many of the illustrations in the work are from photographs taken by the author, including pictures of members of the different tribes he stayed with. Volume 1 begins with an overview of Borneo and goes on to describe the expedition's journey into the jungle, and the various ceremonies experienced during the journey, which provide interesting insights into tribal life and belief systems.

III. Account of King Edward the Fourth's Second Invasion of England, in 1471, drawn up by one of his Followers; with the King's Letter to the Inhabitants of Bruges upon his success: translated from a French Manuscript in the Public Library at Ghent. Communicated by Edward Jerningham, Esq. F.S.A. in a Letter to Nicholas Carlisle, Esq. F.R.S. Secretary

I beg leave to communicate, through your hands, to the Society of Antiquaries, a fac-simile Copy of a curious Manuscript, preserved in the Public Library at Ghent.The Manuscript appears to be an illuminated transcript of a Report, drawn up by one of the followers of King Edward the Fourth in his final expedition from Zeland, anno 1471, and forwarded to the Court of Charles the Bold Duke of Burgundy, through whose advice and aid the same had been principally planned and effected.