Fifteenth Congress Research Articles

Historical Review of the Establishment of the Rule of Law in China and Lessons Learned

After the restoration of the rule of law at the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC), there was a great deal of disagreement about what the rule of law was and whether or not it should be applied, which was hotly debated in China's legal academia. The fifteenth congress of the Communist Party of China put forward the "rule of law, building a socialist country under the rule of law", marking the formal establishment of the rule of law in China. Looking back at the historical process of the establishment of the rule of law in China, we have four insights: the rule of law in China is in line with the realities of China's social development; it is an important guarantee of the country's long-term peace and stability; it is in line with the objective laws of the historical development of mankind and the historical laws of the Communist Party's rule; and it is in line with the people's aspirations for, and quest for, a good legal system.

Stalinist political spectacle and the defeat of the opposition: The Fifteenth Congress of the Soviet Communist Party in 1927

AbstractThe Fifteenth Party Congress of the All‐Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) took place in December 1927. It brought to an end the inner‐Party struggle of the Soviet Communist Party by confirming the expulsion of Leon Trotsky, Gregorii Zinoviev and other oppositionists from Party and government posts. The Fifteenth Party Congress marked the domination of Iosif Stalin and his allies over the whole Party and the beginning of Stalinist politics which flourished in the following decades. Despite extensive scholarly interest in this crucial Party congress in the history of the early Soviet Union and the Soviet Communist Party, little has been studied on the organisational aspect of the Fifteenth Congress. This article examines the process of establishing the organisational and institutional mechanisms ahead of the Fifteenth Congress, which enabled Stalin and the Central Committee to unanimously affirm the correctness of the Party line. It also explores how Stalin attained legitimacy as the Party leader during the pre‐Fifteenth Congress discussion and how it was presented at the Fifteenth Congress. Furthermore, this article demonstrates how the ‘memory’ of the Fifteenth Congress was constructed and how the Party leaders institutionalised the meaning of the Fifteenth Congress. Through these examinations, this article will shed fresh light on the Fifteenth Congress of the Soviet Communist Party and will contribute to the study of the rise of Stalinism.

Fifteenth Congress of the International Academy of Cosmetic Dermatology, Ir-Rabat, Malta, November 3-5, 2022.

Fifteenth Congress of the International Academy of Cosmetic Dermatology, Ir-Rabat, Malta, November 3-5, 2022.

Kulak Exile on the Territory of the Present-day Krasnoyarsk Territory in Early 1930: Planning and Scale

The topic of Stalin's repressions is relevant both for professional historians and for modern Russian society. Despite the large number of publications on this topic, we believe it is important to continue the study of the problem of repression in the USSR in 1928-1953. In particular, it is necessary to continue studying the kulak exile in the USSR in the early 1930s, in which the movement and eviction of the dispossessed took place. In 1927, the Fifteenth Congress of the CPSU (b) decided to intensify the offensive against the well-to-do strata of the village. The fist was declared a "class enemy". As a result, hundreds of thousands of people were exiled to continue this policy, which had a significant impact on the national and ethnic composition of the population, as well as on the economy of the Soviet Union as a whole and its individual regions. The article deals with the planning and scale of the movement of exiled kulaks to the territory and inside the modern Krasnoyarsk territory in the early 1930s. Finally, it is concluded that as a result of the kulak exile in the districts located on the territory of the modern Krasnoyarsk territory, tens of thousands of people were displaced. Under the pressure of the peasant resistance, as well as in connection with the beginning of the rasputitsa (the seasonal off-road), the resettlement had to be suspended. As a result, the article defines the regional specifics of the scale of resettlement of the dispossessed in the study period in the areas located on the territory of the modern Krasnoyarsk territory.

On Legends of the Jews and Jewish Stories of Love and Marriage

Storytelling, Self, Society, Vol. 14, No. 2 (2018), pp. 280–286. Copyright © 2019 by Wayne State University Press, Detroit, MI 48201 B O O K R E V I E W S On Legends of the Jews and Jewish Stories of Love and Marriage Ariel Gratch Legends of the Jews: Ancient Jewish Folk Literature Reconsidered edited by Galit Hasan-Rokem and Ithamar Gruenwald. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2014. 182 pp., ISBN 978-0-8143-4047-9. $44.99 Cloth. Jewish Stories of Love and Marriage: Folktales, Legends, and Letters authored and edited by Sandy Eisenberg Sasso and Peninnah Schram. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2015. 260 pp., ISBN 978-1-44223898 -5. $36.00 Cloth, $24.00 Paper, $34.00 Electronic. J udaism is a religion and culture that straddles the line between orality and literacy. In addition to the written Torah given to Moses at Sinai, God also deliveredanoralTorah ,passeddownfrompersontopersonuntilitwaseventually codified as the Talmud. Still, through today, the laws of the oral Torah are told as midrash, homiletic interpretations of written and oral scripture, and as aggadah, scripture interpreted through folklore, aphorisms, anecdotes, and rabbinic advice . Although the Talmud was codified over 1,500 years ago, the oral tradition in Judaism continues in every aspect of Jewish life, from the rabbi’s pulpit to the Gratch n 281 child’s playroom. Both of the books reviewed in this essay serve as a testament to the significance of the oral tradition to Jewish religion and culture. The first book I review, Louis Ginzberg’s Legends of the Jews: Ancient Jewish Folk Literature Reconsidered, edited by Galit Hasan-Rokem and Ithamar Gruenwald , contains critical essays considering the continued relevance of Louis Ginzberg’s opus, The Legends of the Jews. Legends is one of the most complete collections of aggadah, apocrypha, and pseudepigraphic Jewish texts ever compiled and has contributed greatly to contemporary understandings of the oral Torah. While Hasan-Rokem and Gruenwald’s book looks at the impact of Ginzberg’s massive compilation of midrash and aggadah, the second book I review, Jewish Stories of Love and Marriage: Folktales, Legends, and Letters, authored and edited by Sandy Eisenberg Sasso and Peninnah Schram, demonstrates how such texts evolve and/or come into being. Both books are relevant to storytelling scholars and practitioners alike. The authors of the essays in Louis Ginzberg’s Legends of the Jews: Ancient Jewish Folk Literature Reconsidered analyze Ginzberg and his work as a folklore scholar. Many of the essays were first presented to celebrate the centennial of the first publication of Ginzberg’s Legends of the Jews at the Fifteenth Congress of the World Association of Jewish Studies at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem in August 2009, and in some cases, the essays help me feel like I’m attending the conference, listening to scholarly assessments of Ginzberg’s work, peppered with anecdotes and asides one might hear in a panel discussion. At times this makes the book somewhat inaccessible, not just to people who are not well versed in Jewish studies but to anyone not well versed in the study of Ginzberg’s life and work. At other times, though, it makes the book endearing and, like a good story, draws us in and helps us find meaning in the life and work of Louis Ginzberg. In the introductory chapter, Rebecca Schorsch argues that Ginzberg attempted to reveal Jewish history not as political, but as a “history of culture, of the pen, and one marked by great moments of canonization” (Ginzberg 6). Schorsch explains that “Ginzberg rabbinized the folk” (7) and thereby helped create a sense of nationalism among Jews. This nationalism is not bound by the geographical constraints of a state but instead exists in the fluid telling and interpretations of cultural and religious stories. The importance of storytelling for a nation and the role of Ginzberg as storyteller is highlighted in three of the book’s seven chapters. In “An Unimagined Community: Against The Legends of the Jews,” Daniel Boyarin posits “a cultural relationship between the Greek Christian West and the 282 n On Legends of the Jews and Jewish Stories of Love and Marriage Babylonian Talmud” (49), whereby Jewish oral tradition...

East-West Dialogues: Economic Historians, the Cold War, and Détente

In the late 1950s a new international historical association was conceived, the International Economic HistoryAssociation. From 1960 it organized a succession of major congresses that brought together historians from across Europe, the Soviet Union, and North America, along with smaller numbers from Japan, Australia and New Zealand, and “Third World” countries. The association exists today; its congresses were titled “World Congresses” beginning with the Fifteenth Congress in 2009, when their priorities were directed toward the history of the world economy. But the inception of the association lay in response to the Second World War and the Cold War. The association’s history during the long period of the 1950s into the 1990s was that of an academic body and discipline that saw itself as involved in the process of detente between Western Europe and the United States and Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union. The initiative was not unique: there were already international associations for historians and historians of science, and several social sciences formed similar associations at the time. What marks out this association is the effort that its founders, Fernand Braudel and Michael M. Postan, devoted to connecting West-

Minutes of the Fifteenth Congress of the International Pediatric Nephrology Association

Minutes of the Fifteenth Congress of the International Pediatric Nephrology Association

Buddhist-Christian Dialogue in Ippolito Desideri

Ippolito Desideri (1684-1733), a Jesuit priest and missionary who lived in Tibet from 1715 to 1721, is relatively well known among Tibetanists and historians of the Society of Jesus. Often identified as the first modern scholar of Tibetan religion and culture, Desideri traveled across Tibet's western deserts, rubbed elbows with dignitaries in the court of the Mongol chieftain Lhazang Khan, and left a fascinating account of the political events that led to the establishment of the Manchu protectorate in 1720. The Jesuit's importance in the history of Buddhist-Christian dialogue is a secret known to specialists, largely because none of his Tibetan writings have been translated into English, and his magnum opus, the immense Questions on Reincarnation and Emptiness Offered to the Scholars of Tibet by the Christian Lama Ippolito (Mgo skar bla ma i po li do shes by a ba y is phul b'ai bod kyi mkhas pa mams la skyes pa snga ma dang stongpa nyid kyi Ita ba'i sgo nes zhu ba), has neither been printed nor translated into any language. In fact, Desideri's Italian writings languished in various archives for almost two hundred years; like one of Padmasambhava's treasures concealed for future generations, they were unknown until the Pistoian gentleman Filippo Rossi Cassigoli discovered them in 1875. Ippolito Desideri has since undergone a series of remarkable transformations in the academic literature. British apologists for the Younghusband expedition thought him a spy, the great geographers of the early twentieth century treated him as an explorer, students of Tibetan history saw him as a historian, and Roman Catholic Tibetanists saw him as a theologian who anticipated the teachings of the Second Vatican Council. As the twentieth-century drew to a close, scholars enamored of postcolonialist studies often saw the posthumous founder of Tibetan studies as a cipher for the West's own anxious fantasies about the land of snows. Still, little genuinely historical research had been carried out on Desideri's corpus since Luciano Petech published his critical edition of the Jesuit's account in the mid 1950s. The three papers that follow, versions of which were given at the Fifteenth Congress of the International Association of Buddhist Studies in June 2008, are representative of the new historical research on Ippolito Desideri. The renaissance in Desideri studies began with the work of Enzo Gualtiero Bargiacchi, an independent scholar from Desideri's birthplace, Pistoia, Italy. Bargiacchi laid the groundwork for a reappraisal of the great Jesuit in an article, La Relazioni

Fifteenth Congress of the International Federation of Health Records Organizations (IFHRO). Seoul, South Korea 28-31 May 2007.

The Fifteenth Congress of IFHRO was held in Seoul, South Korea from 28-31 May 2007. The Congress was organised by the Korean Medical Record Association and held in conjunction with the Second Seoul Electronic Health Record Forum. Delegates from 37 different nations from around the world attended, from diverse countries including Jamaica, Denmark, and Kenya.

Breeding a reluctant dragon: can china rise into partnership and away from antagonism?

the rise of china became a popular subject in china comparatively recently, gaining prominence only in the last decade. for those in china who were used to understanding modern chinese history as a history of victimisation at the hands of imperialism, recognising such a return to the world stage was an uneasy shift. in the context of international concerns that china’s rise poses a threat to world peace or a contribution to the clash of civilisations, chinese narrators initially refused to portray a ‘rising china’ because this could easily lead to china becoming the target of a us-organised containment policy in the post-cold war era. shortly before the chinese communist party (ccp) outlined new policy directions at its fifteenth congress in 1997, leaders in beijing began to think about a way of describing china’s rise as unthreatening. yet this was a reluctant change because beijing was willing to acknowledge china’s rise only indirectly. what came out of the congress was the recognition of the necessity that beijing should frame its foreign policy to emphasise its relations with the other great powers more than those with the third world. accordingly, they decided that beijing should develop a distinctive strategy specifically to deal with the other great powers.

Quest for Constitutional Justification: Privatization with Chinese characteristics

The fifteenth congress of the Chinese Communist Party inaugurated a sweeping reform that has been transforming the ownership of state-owned enterprises (SOEs). Though a term 'common ownership' was the official name given to the scheme, it was regarded as a coded reference to privatization. If this is true, given the size of China's economy, this is probably the most ambitious privatization plan ever in the world. Bearing in mind that for nearly half a century the Chinese economy has remained based on the dominance of the state sector, it is understandable that the scheme had a shocking psychological effect at home and abroad the moment it was officially declared. For some people, China's privatization foretold a crusade. As a matter of fact, it ignited political debate at home and also sparked speculation abroad about the political tendency in China. From the academic perspective, it is of interest to figure out whether the scheme is privatization; if yes, how a decision could be made to privatize in the context of one of the few remaining socialist countries. One aim of this paper is to give an explanation to the paradox from the political-legal point of view. The paper argues that privatization is a natural result of the strategy for modernizing enterprises. However, the paper observes that the political and particularly the legal climates are not prepared for the privatization scheme, which poses a substantial restriction on the scheme. Then, the paper argues that the worth of the privatization scheme that has been proceeding in China does not lie in the novelty of its common ownership suggestion, but in its representing a near consensus on the Chinese leadership to push forward the experiment already undertaken over the preceding years. Finally the paper ends by predicting briefly what can be expected of the scheme and how meaningful it will be.

Industrial Restructuring and Workers’ Resistance in China

The Fifteenth Congress of the Chinese Communist Party in September 1997 formally sanctioned a radical reshuffling of state-owned enterprises (SOEs). Since then, numerous smalland medium-sized SOEs, in the name of enterprise restructuring (qiye gaizhi), have been converted into shareholding companies with mixed public and private ownership, sold or leased to private individuals (either domestic or foreign), merged with one another, or just allowed to go bankrupt. The state is carrying out the restructuring program for a twofold purpose. It wants to rid itself of the financial burden of sustaining smalland medium-sized SOEs that are strategically unimportant, and it wants to transform them into market players by changing their ownership and management. While it may still be too early to assess the economic effect of the program, its social consequences are troublesome. One of these consequences, as some scholars note, is a rapid transfer of state assets into the hands of managerial nomenklatura and other private individuals (Ding, 2000), a process similar to has been called spontaneous privatization in former socialist countries. But the illicit asset stripping of state firms does not constitute the whole picture of who gets what in the divestment process (Ding, 1999). The restructuring program has led to a systemic erosion of labor interests, as it has been accompanied by severe measures against workers, including

Democracy with Chinese Characteristics: A Political Proposal for the Post-Communist Era

Beijing University, June 3, 2007. SAM DEMO, program officer for a U.S.-based prodemocracy think tank, steps into the office of PROFESSOR WANG to begin a prearranged interview. PROFESSOR WANG, a respected political philosopher at Beijing University in his mid-forties, has been selected to participate in a constitutional convention due to begin the following day in Beijing. DEMO: [Out of breath] Thank you for receiving me today. I realize it must be a very busy time now. [Pause.] I'm sorry I'm late. I was stuck in traffic for over two hours. WANG: I guess that's the price a society pays for economic development. One reads in the textbooks that modernization is supposed to increase the pace of living, but the opposite may well be the case. DEMO: [Laughs] It could be worse: in the mid-1990s, the average commuter in Bangkok had to bring a potty in his car. But the traffic situation improved after the economic crash. [Short pause.] Well, I still find it hard to believe we're here to discuss the prospects for democratic political reform in China, and no need to worry about the secret police. Think about it. Five or six years ago, who would have been able to anticipate the possibility of a national convention designed to formulate a democratic constitution appropriate for China?' And on June Fourth, no less! WANG: In retrospect, it may not seem that remarkable. Remember we had a fairly open debate about political reform in the late 1980s, prior to the Tiananmen massacre. People tend to forget that the Communist Party itself set up a Political Reform Office which sometimes evaluated radical proposals for political change. And Deng's death seemed to open up some possibilities. New signs of tolerance emerged at the Communist Party's fifteenth Congress in October 1997, and intellectuals began to speak out for political reform once again.2 Besides, the Party couldn't postpone the day of reckoning forever, marking the days prior to the June Fourth anniversary with detentions, tighter surveillance of leading dissidents, controlling access to Tiananmen Square, and so on. Once again, it's easy to say this in retrospect, but in my view it was inevitable that the Party would apologize for the Tiananmen massacre, just as the KMT apologized for the February 28, 1947, massacre (though it took over four decades) and the Korean government indicted those responsible for the 1980 Kwangju massacre more than ten years after the fact. And after Li Peng had retired, it was no longer possible to hold back demands for political reform.

Left and right in China's economic reform in the 1990s and the façade of the ‘third thought liberation’

The Fourteenth Congress of the Chinese Communist Party settled a fourteen‐year‐old dispute over the plan‐market relationship by calling for the establishment of a ‘socialist market economy’. It also restated the theory of the ‘primary stage of socialism’ to promote the private sector. Since then, conflict between the Leftist and Rightist orientations in economic reform has focused on the interrelated issues of the shareholding system, privatization and the public sector‐private sector relationship. The Rightist reform programme has been implemented as the official programme since the Fourteenth Congress, whereas the Left has been marginalized and forced to fight a losing rearguard defence. The shareholding system, criticized by the Left as a privatization measure, has constituted a major component part of the official state‐owned enterprise (SOE) reform policy, while small SOEs have been rapidly privatized and the private sector has grown phenomenally despite Leftist criticisms. The Fifteenth Congress has complementarity redefined the public economy and upgraded the private economy's role. The decisions signify a fundamental reconceptualization of the public sector‐private sector relationship, and hence mark a substantial step forward in the Rightist reform programme's evolution. Their successful implementation would result in massive privatization. Since August 1997, there has been much talk of Jiang Zemin achieving a ‘third thought liberation’ by declaring that the shareholding system is a ‘form of realization’ of public ownership at the Fifteenth Congress. This ‘liberation’ is actually a facade because Jiang's declaration is unnecessary in either the formulation or implementation of the Rightist programme. Jiang was induced to make his declaration by some intellectuals and aides who wanted to commit him to an irreversible break from the Left. But while the ‘liberation’ is phoney, Jiang's declaration does further demoralize the Left. With the Rightist programme progressively entrenching itself both in theory and practice, the Left is destined to become an irrelevant ideological embarrassment for the regime.

The Fifteenth Congress on In Vitro Toxicology of the Scandinavian Society for Cell Toxicology

The Fifteenth Congress on <i>In Vitro</i> Toxicology of the Scandinavian Society for Cell Toxicology

CPC's Fifteenth Congress: A Preliminary Assessment

CPC's Fifteenth Congress: A Preliminary Assessment

The CCP's Fifteenth Congress: Technocrats in Command

The CCP's Fifteenth Congress: Technocrats in Command

Whither China? The Discourse on Property Rights in the Chinese Reform Context

Whither China? Until recently, this has been arguably the most challengZhiyuan Cui ing riddle confronting Western China watchers. The intellectual task required for its resolution was deemed so daunting as to forestall any sweeping generalizations. However, with the opening of the Fifteenth Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) on 12 September 1997, China's future suddenly seemed clear to Western commentators of all ideological persuasions: China was definitively moving toward capitalism, judging by Chinese president and party chief Jiang Zemin's explicit endorsement of a shareholding system as a means for reforming state-owned enterprises (SOEs). Numerous reports and news analyses portrayed the CCP's Fifteenth Congress as giving the green light to massive privatization; however, some Western leftists condemned China for surrendering to the force of capitalist globalization.1 My purpose in this paper is to offer some reasons to regard the question Whither China? as still open, even after the latest party congress. Obviously, arguing against the grain of both the mainstream and the leftist interpretations of China in a short paper is no easy task. All that can be done here is to highlight some of the themes that are most crucial for understanding China's future possibilities.

The Fifteenth Congress of Societas Liturgica Summary of the Business Meeting Dublin, Ireland, August 18, 1995

The Fifteenth Congress of Societas Liturgica Summary of the Business Meeting Dublin, Ireland, August 18, 1995

The Problem of Rates of Growth in Socialist Construction

In December 1927, the Fifteenth Congress of the Ail-Union Communist Party (of Bolsheviks) issued a document that was unusually innovative for its time and that possessed such a wealth of scientific and practical content that it retains considerable significance even today. This was the resolution "On Directives for Compiling the Five-Year Plan of the National Economy." Almost all subsequent party congresses adopted directives containing the basis of the next five-year plan. The directives of the Fifteenth Party Congress were different. They contained almost no figures and no specific plan decisions. They constituted a political directive of scientific and methodological content that defined the principles of the approach to the actual formulation of the plan.