Feminist Claims Research Articles

La "Balada de Mulan": edición, traducción al español e interpretación

The "Ballad of Mulan" is an anonymous Chinese text, belonging to the yuèfǔ genre. It consists of 62 lines. It was probably composed during the Altaic, non-Han Northern Wei Dynasty (386-534 d. C.). The Ballad narrates the adventures of the Chinese girl Mulan: she decides to enroll in the army on behalf of her old father. In this article, a revised edition of the Chinese text is offered, accompanied by a Spanish translation with a very detailed literary commentary. The stylistic procedures of the poem are analyzed, especially the parallel structures and the emphasis on sounds. Some folk motifs in the Ballad are also detected and commented on. It is concluded that Mulan’s main motivations are filial devotion and patriotism. The individualist motivation is not represented in the text. The final simile could be interpreted as a feminist claim, but it is really an invitation to fulfil one’s filial and patriotic obligations, regardless of genre.

Plaza las Pioneras: an urban feminist space and the politics of the commons

ABSTRACT There are very few feminist urban public spaces in the world and even fewer urban feminist commons. This paper focuses on the initiative and functioning of the Plaza las Pioneras in Montevideo, Uruguay. The Plaza is an innovative feminist public space and urban commons experience that opened in 2020 as an effort by the city’s Urban Development and Gender Equity divisions to contribute to a more feminist city. The authors describe the specific context and history of both the urban space and its actors that led to political opportunities but also agency and sociopolitical dynamics on the part of different actors. Its inception and foundation are considered feminist by its stakeholders both in terms of process and finality. The article details and analyses how the Plaza las Pioneras provides fertile ground for feminist claims and initiatives while enabling women to appropriate the space and emerge as actors and beneficiaries of innovation, creation, and collective self-management of urban commons. Since its inauguration, the Plaza has become a community territory as a space, a resource, and meeting grounds. It is used by the feminist collectives that make up its Assembly as a way to promote solidarity, care, and commoning not only among its members but also with other civil society groups and social movements while working with the municipality to promote feminist urban initiatives.

Pennies and power: finances, relational power, and marital outcomes

AbstractObjectiveUsing feminist theory as a lens, we tested whether couple finance behaviors are associated with marital outcomes and whether shared relational power mediates these associations.BackgroundBuilding on a previous study, we sought to understand financial dynamics and relational power (a) in early marriage, (b) using a nationally representative sample, and (c) considering financial deception.MethodWe tested these associations with a nationally representative sample of mixed‐gender U.S. newlyweds (N = 1,654 couples; data are from the CREATE [Couple Relationships and Transition Experiences] project) using an actor–partner interdependence mediation model.ResultsIn support of our hypotheses, we found significant actor and partner associations from financial conflict, financial deception, and unequal influence in financial decision‐making with relational power, marital satisfaction, and marital stability. Additionally, many associations between couple finance variables and marital outcomes were mediated by relational power. We did not find expected associations from employment status and joint/separate bank accounts to relational power, marital satisfaction, or marital stability.ConclusionOur findings support feminist claims suggesting that unequal financial power is linked to unequal relational power, which is in turn associated with lower marital satisfaction and stability.ImplicationsFinancial conflict, financial deception, and unequal financial influence can unbalance relational power and weaken new marriages.

Cinderella’s Body. A Quantitative Approach to Gender, Embodiment, and Folktale Plots

Abstract This study utilizes quantitative methods to investigate feminist claims about beauty in a series of ATU 510A Cinderella texts. Youth and beauty are found to be linked, and structurally, the protagonist’s encounter with the donor figure does not further beautify her but rather gives her the tools for social advancement. Articulating links between gender, beauty, and success matters in both tale worlds and the real world given not only the pressure of social norms but also the continued issue of gender-based violence due to masculine entitlement to beautiful women’s bodies.

“Feel My Rage”: Angry Feminist Claims and Affective Mobilization

In this article, I ask, “How do angry feminist claims get heard?” Angry feminist claims, I argue, inform, and mobilize by resonating with empathetic communities, legitimating feelings and experiences, and triggering energetic transfers among feminists and non-feminists. Through analysis of the 2018 protests of the nomination and confirmation of Brett Kavanaugh to the United States Supreme Court, I illustrate how angry feminist claims can be reclaimed as rational expressions of injustice, prompting divergent responses among differently situated audiences. Further, I demonstrate how anger as part of an affective appeal activates those attuned to hearing angry feminist claims as rational and legitimate, while simultaneously being challenged by intragroup intersectional differences.

생태주의 비평의 관점에서 본 꽃 이데올로기의 의미와 한계

Victorian floral ideology socioculturally restricts people’s (in particular women’s) behavior and lifestyles as well as their consciousness through the symbolization of flowers on the presupposition that flowers have linguistic characteristics in themselves. In this paper the floral ideology is used as a “nodal point” for reading the writings of great Victorian thinker John Ruskin and 20th - century modernist feminist Virginia Woolf and analyzing them from the perspective of ecological criticism. Firstly, focused on the representations of flowers and women I search for the nascent ecological characteristics in Ruskin and the prototypical ecofeminism in Woolf's writings respectively; I also reconsider the significance that each of those archetypes has. Secondly, given that not only Ruskin but also cultural ecofeminists have been criticized for being essentialists, I read Woolf's essays “Ruskin” and “The Patron and the Crocus” and Ruskin's Proserpina and “Of Queen's Gardens” in the light of those criticisms. Thirdly, I contrast Ruskin's understanding of women— i.e., that care is women’s specific quality and duty—with eco - feminist claims that women are superior to men in the most important matter of caring which makes women superior to men, at least as far as care ethics is concerned. Ruskin highlights women's decorative and familial functions and idealizes pure and sacred women, but Woolf rejects these features violently. In “Killing the Angle in the House”, Woolf revises the Victorian floral ideology to dismantle the dichotomy and reposition women and nature.

“Die alone, old, and let the cat eat your face”: anti-feminist backlash and academic cyber-harassment

ABSTRACT Anti-feminist backlash has taken on a new form in the past decade with the rise of cyberattacks and the proliferation of Men’s Rights Activist groups, yet scant literature exists on the nature of cyber-harassment against feminist academics. This article uses the authors’ experience of cyber-harassment as a case study to explore the nature of online anti-feminist backlash against academic research. We identify three narrative forms of this backlash, which combines to create a “braided thread” of anti-feminist attacks. The academic setting presents a specific kind of cyber-hate that relies on the notion that progressive, critical researchers are “brainwashing” students. The attacks spread misinformation regarding methodological rigor in an effort to delegitimize and discredit feminist academics. Attackers also rely on tired claims of feminists as man-haters who seek to ruin men’s lives. Finally, anti-feminist backlash often resorts to instances of cyber-hate—ad hominem attacks that objectify women’s bodies and seek to humiliate and shame feminist scholars. These attacks are political and personal in nature, and spread misogynistic, white-supremacist, and heteronormative ideology in a vain attempt to silence feminist scholars.

Sportswomen and Digital Media: Case Study of “Dream Crazier” Campaign

The article focuses on popular feminist movements about sportswomen with the example of Nike’s movement “Dream Crazier”. It firstly considers the features of popular feminism, the media’s role as a carrier, and the increased visibility of feminist movements in the digital era. In addition, given the context of the Nike sportswomen campaign, the essay proposes to analyse the engagement of digital media forms, especially posters on sportswomen, with a broader and more effective circulation of feminist claims. The essay contends that by illustrating sportswomen in videos and posters and presenting the discourse of renowned sportswomen like Serena Williams, the campaign conveys feminist appeals on sexual sporting equality, presents female power, and also works with intersectionality that protects equal rights for black sportswomen. This reflects the characteristics of popular feminism in the contemporary period. The essay concludes with further consideration of popular feminism when it refers to the relationship between celebrity figures and commercialized companies.

Femitags for feminist connected crowds in Latin America and Spain

In recent years, women are acting all over the world against gender violence and femicide. This new wave of feminist claims is characterized by the intensive use of social media to spread consciousness and amplify influence. For this research, we analyse three femitags (i.e., feminist hashtags) from Twitter that have been relevant in different crucial mobilizations in Argentina, Spain, and Mexico. These are three hashtags with different functions for activism that have shown special relevance due to their continuity or their intensity in the Spanish-speaking area between 2015 and 2020 (before the confinement due to the COVID-19 pandemic). #NiUnaMenos (#NotASingleWomanLess) started in Argentina in 2015 and called to massive mobilizations on the streets. #Cuéntalo (#TellIt) was initiated in Spain in 2018 for sexual abuse disclosure. #NiUnaMas (#NotASingleWomanMore) trended in México around 2020 to denounce every new victim of rape or femicide. We analyse how those hashtags have spread in the Spanish-speaking region, what kind of social actors have been involved and what has been the role of opinion leaders. All data were collected with academic access to the Twitter API during December 2021. We have found that the most influential actors in the conversation are contingent and circumstantial, the leadership structure tends towards horizontality, and opinion leaders with large numbers of followers are only important in very specific moments. In all cases, femitags serve as a toolbox for action and build up an archive of grievances with a transnational dimension. Furthermore, all of them point out that structural violence against women leads to feminicide.11Feminicidie distinguishes any murder of women and girls (femicide), from hate crimes as the culmination of gender violence, and impunity (Lagarde, 2005).

Reproductive rights at home? Prohibiting telehealth abortion in South Australia during the COVID-19 pandemic

At the start of the COVID-19 pandemic in Australia, as governments urged citizens to limit their movements and socially isolate as a protective strategy, the home became a place layered with new meanings. Feminists have long challenged characterisations of the home as a sanctuary. Such characterisations and feminist claims against them took on new complexity and significance during the pandemic. This article investigates access to abortion care in South Australia under COVID-19 restrictions, as a case study of the contest over the safety of the home. It examines the pre-existing legislative requirements placed on those in need of abortion that, in the context of the pandemic and newly available access to telehealth medicine, both illuminated and increased the exceptional status of abortion as a form of healthcare and complicated the gendered meanings of safety and home.

中華民國時期 兒童公育論의 變化- 아나키즘, 국가주의, 여성문제 -

Reformers and revolutionaries in early twentieth century China advocated for a system of “communal child rearing”(儿童公育) that assigned primary responsibility for child rearing to society and community rather than individual parents. This article discusses the idea of communal child rearing, how it changed over time, and how these debates have reverberated in post-1949 policy debates. Revolutionary anarchists in the 1900s believed communal child rearing could dismantle the hierarchical relationship between parent and child and thus would play a crucial role in their project to overthrow the existing social order and create of a more egalitarian society. In the 1920s, starting from 1919 to be exact, communal child rearing became a focal point of debate for social reform. Those who advocated for the program were radicals who also supported women’s liberation and criticized private property and family as an embodiment of traditional values. Newspaper articles published around and after this time show how their contemporaries understood communal child rearing as a necessary condition for women’s economic independence. However, the debates in the 1910s and 20s differed from those in the 1900s in terms of their utilization of scientific knowledge. Whereas radicals in the 1900s advanced their ideas based on revolutionary idealism, the 1910s and 20s groups (on both sides of the debate) grounded their arguments in the social scientific discourses of early child education and psychology. In the 1930s, nationalists gained more ground and argued for communal child rearing for the sake of the nation. While nationalists’ views on child rearing drastically differed from the anarchists and other radicals of earlier periods, they continued to support the feminist claim that communal child rearing was crucial for women’s economic activities and social participation. The wartime conditions in China from the mid-1930s also contributed to the increase of public child rearing facilities for war orphans. Public child care in wartime China owed much to the desperate material conditions of women and children. These policies prioritizing the needs of working women and children continued after 1949 and served as the basis of institutionalized child care facilities in the early years of the People’s Republic of China.

Visual Gender Stereotypes (Advertisement, Social Media)

Visual Gender Stereotypes (Advertisement, Social Media)

A Feminist Stylistic Analysis of Anti-feminist Poetry in English and Arabic

Language plays a major role in all aspects of life. Communication is regarded as the most important of these aspects, as language is used on a daily basis by humanity either in written or spoken forms. Language is also regarded as the main factor of exchanging peoples’ cultures and traditions and in handing down these attributes from generation to generation. Thus, language is a fundamental element in identifying peoples’ ideologies and traditions in the past and the present. Despite these facts, the feminist linguists have objections to some of the language structures, demonstrating that language is gender biased to men. That is, language promotes patriarchal values. This pushed towards developing extensive studies to substantiate sexism in language. The main question is: is language really sexist? This study employs a feminist stylistic analysis to investigate these theories, and takes the anti-feminist poetry as a springboard for that, for it addresses multiple issues objected to by feminism. The model adopted in this study is Sara Mills’s (1995) Feminist Stylistics which analyzes different structures of language that oppose feminism; English and Arab modern anti-feminist poetry is the genre that is investigated in this study. Besides, this study aims at revealing the societies’ inherent views about women along with investigating the feminist essential claim; that language is sexist. This is done by conducting both qualitative and quantitative analyses on the data. The current study has concluded that language in its pure form is not sexist; rather sexism is a personal and well as a societal attitude. Furthermore, there are certain items, especially in English, that can be regarded since English does not have a feminine form on its own; still, such items can always be avoided and other neutral items can be used instead. Finally, this study recommends that a feminist practical approach is required to track and omit gender bias in language from school books as it has a major effect on the ideology of society. It also recommends to developing a feminist method to raise the awareness against the indirect forms of sexism that plague literature.

The Dominance of the Male and the Depression of the Female that Emerge through Madalayrudhal – Via Kuruntokai

Masculine songs can be used to find out the status of a woman. Although women’s claims are more prevalent, feminist claims are more central to men. The Sangam period society may have been a male-centric society. The man’s statements occur by knowing the woman’s psychology. In the name of Madalayrudhal women are affected indirectly in psychological way. The way of the process of flirting indirectly affects the mind of the woman. The woman’s mind gets changed when looking at this, so that the man can lead his life well. The event in which man’s life seeks to renounce its possessions is self-inflicted. After the fulfilment of man’s intentionIt is set up to explore how events and scenarios are set up that depends on the leader’s intent. . The event in which life seeks to renounce its possessions is self-contradiction. It is set up to explore how events and scenarios are shaped by the leader’s intentions.

Measure for Measure: Exploring the Virtues of Vice Epistemology

Alessandra Tanesini’s The Mismeasure of the Self can be read as promoting non-ideal theory in epistemology. Tanesini articulates the virtue of intellectual humility (central for accurate self-assessment) in close connection with the human vices of superiority and inferiority. I begin by showing how her novel analysis that situates humility in a cluster of differently-functioning ‘attitudes’ enriches both the positive motivational resources and the pitfalls that a knower must negotiate. The proximity of virtues and vices in the conceptual map that constitutes humility, explains feminist claims of how subjects who are harmed as knowers can still flourish and even resist their cognitive marginalization. I then move on to critiquing Tanesini’s understanding of intellectual humility because it fails to be a truly ‘liberatory virtue.’ I suggest alternative ways of connecting intellectual humility to shame and hope that still remain true to Tanesini’s broader ethical context but make it potent for social justice. In spite of mindfulness of social context, Tanesini works with an epistemic selfhood bleached out of its historical and social embeddedness and hence, whose self-knowledge through humility does not involve the knowledge of the world and of others. Such an intellectual humility, I argue, cannot be justice-conducive.

REKONSTRUKSI PENAFSIRAN IBNU JARIR AL-THABARI (224–310 H/839–923 M) TENTANG AYAT-AYAT GENDER

This article will unravel the thoughts of a classical exegete, namely Ibn Jarir Al-Thabari ( 224–310 H/839–923 AD ) about gender verses. This article refutes some of the claims of feminists that all interpretations of exegetes in the classical era were unfriendly and somewhat negative towards women. This is a qualitative research. The approach used is to follow Amin al-Khuli's approach, namely the ma fi al-Qur'an and ma hawla al-Qur'an approach and also the Schleiermacher approach which emphasizes two important aspects in the process of text interpretation, grammatical interpretation, and psychological interpretation. The conclusion of verse 1 and verse 34 of surah an-Nisa (4) which is the object of discussion is that al-Thabari's interpretation cannot be separated from the patriarchal culture inherent in his time and smells of gender bias. This can be seen when interpreting the nafs wahidah in verse 1 of Surah an-Nisa (4). He understood it as a figure of Adam -sex male. It is different when understanding the concept of qiwamah in verse 34, his opinion is: in line with those understood by contemporary scholars, and this distinguishes him from contemporaries or even after him. He also understands this concept functionally not in a structural form. This refutes the claim among feminists, such as Asma Lambrabet, who generalized that all commentators of the classical period used the concept of qiwamah as a proposition for male superiority even though al-Thabari was different from the others. In addition, he remains faithful in placing this verse in its context, namely only in the domestic sphere, not in the public sphere. Importantly, al-Tabari's paradigm of interpretation which is faithful to history leads him to a more literal understanding of the verse. This is seen when understanding the word dharaba. He understands the meaning with a physical beating, not with metaphorical meaning, even though the beating is light, does not hurt, and does not leave an impression.

Advancing gender claims in post-pink tide Brazil: Bolsonaro’s project for women

ABSTRACT Despite its illiberal tendencies, the Bolsonaro presidency, particularly the Christian Evangelical head of its women’s policy agency, does have a specific agenda to advance substantive gender claims. The current government’s rejects strongly feminist public policy claims, equating feminism to a radical leftist subversion of the Brazilian family and the country’s societal values. Feminine-centric public policy, in contrast, is portrayed as one of the key paths to restore a nation in which, as Bolsonaro’s campaign slogan epitomizes, “Brazil is above all things, and God is above all”.

Substantive Representation of Women’s Interests: Chile, 1990–2020

ABSTRACT This research note presents an empirical test aimed at untangling the factors that explain the substantive representation of women’s interests in the legislative arena. We hand-coded over 7000 parliamentarians’ bills introduced in the Chilean Chamber of Deputies between 1990 and 2020. Our results show, first, that female legislators are more active than men in sponsoring bills that favour women’s interests, especially regarding feminist claims. Secondly, we find that female parliamentarians from leftist parties are more likely to embrace feminist claims in their bills than female legislators from right-wing parties. By contrast, women from the right initiate more often bills associated with women’s traditional role.

Squaring the feminist circle. Feminist labels vs. feminist behavior in the German Christian Democratic Union

ABSTRACT The German Christian Democratic Party has emerged as a new feminist space within German politics, characterized by a strong backing of feminist claims and a simultaneous rejection of the feminist label. Instead, Frauen Union members refer to feminist issues in a variety of different terms such as Querschnittsaufgabe (cross-cutting policy issue) and express long-standing stereotypes of feminists such as man hating or bra-burning women, while simultaneously promoting feminist policies such as electoral and corporate board quotas.

Stri – Dharma: The Mouth Organ of Women Liberation Movement in Colonial Tamilnadu, 1916 – 1936

Stri Dharma, a widely known paper was started in India in 1915 by British feminist, Margaret Cousins, an Irish suffragist. Cousins would be active in the Indian women's movement, and Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddy, who would later go on to serve as the editor of the magazine and the first woman legislator in British India. In 1918, feminists living in Madras, India established Stri Dharma in connection with the WIA. This anti-colonial, pro-nationalist journal asked women to take up the cause of female reform and national freedom. Stri Dharma as a political advocacy publication that attempted to create and sustain a community of women activists, simultaneously involved in the international and indigenous feminist and Indian nationalist movements. As the quarterly journal of the WIA, it intended, according to the editor to act as the voice, the ear and the eye of their members. Editors made a special effort to reach Stri Dharma's indigenous language audience. During the 1930's Stri Dharma increasingly addressed nationalist themes. Feminist claims began to fuse with Gandhi's growing nationalist movement linking together freedom for women with the progress of the Indian Nation. In its editorial columns Stri Dharma focused on issues of women and supported women's welfare.