Federal Chancellor Research Articles

Can the Phenomenon of Automobile Electrification be transformed into the Development Direction of the Automobile Industry?

Internationale Automobil-Ausstellung Show in 2023 just came to an end. In April, 2024, German Federal Chancellor Scholz led a huge business delegation to visit China (China Digital Space, 2024) Germany, which has always been proud of the automobile industry and technology, has caused a heated discussion about the development direction of the automobile industry from professional automobile media to online self-media[2]. As an international student studying advanced business management expertise in Germany, the author is curious about this changes. In particular, the latest media reports show that Apple has given up pushing forward the car-building project for nearly 10 years. Subsequently, Källenius, Chairman and CEO of Mercedes-Benz Group, also said that Mercedes-Benz would no longer adhere to the original goal of fully turning to electric vehicle sales in major markets by 2030. Previously, Mercedes-Benz's pursuit of motorization was fanatical. In 2021, Mercedes-Benz proposed an all-electric strategy. The goal is that the sales of all-electric and plug-in hybrid vehicles will reach 50% by 2025. Starting from 2030, Mercedes-Benz will be basically transform into an all-electric vehicle. These developments once again aroused the author's interest in whether motorization will become the development direction of the automobile industry. Hegel, a German philosopher, once pointed out in Science of Logic that existence is a phenomenon but it is not an illusion. Illusion corresponds more to existence, and phenomenon is higher than existence with richer connotation, because phenomenon contains its own reflection and reflection of other things, and phenomenon itself also has its own internal stability contradiction. Germany is a country of rational speculation, and the appearance of any phenomenon will not affect the Germans' thinking and exploration of its essence. Similarly, from the perspective of subjective feeling and rational analysis, this paper will try to discuss the change of German automobile consumption trends from the perspective of commercial marketing, and then prove the inherent logic of some industry behind the trend. With interest in learning and thinking, the author tried to drive a fuel-powered car and an electric car by himself. One is a German Mercedes-Benz GLC 300 manufactured and sold in China. This car is very popular among middle class consumers in China. Another model that I test drive is the M9, which was launched in the fourth quarter of 2023. It was jointly developed by Huawei, a network intelligent terminals supplier in China, Energy storage battery maker called Ningde Times and Seres Veicles. According to the report of China's mainstream media, China National Radio Network, on March 19,2024, the media once again held the top five positions of luxury brands with a weekly sales volume of 86,000 vehicles, and tried out two models. Another market factor is that the sales price of these two models are in the range of 500 thousand to 600 thousand RMB.

The Introduction of Same-Sex Marriage in Germany—A Question of Conscience and/or Faith? A Case Study

On 30 June 2017, the German Bundestag voted in favor of the introduction of marriage for same-sex couples—a historic moment. Only a few days earlier, the then Federal Chancellor Angela Merkel had released the vote as a decision of conscience and thus dissolved the usual underlying factional compulsion—does this mean that rights for homosexual people are a question of personal conscience and values? Such a localization arouses the interest of religious studies to investigate how the discourse actors from the fields of politics, church and society formulate the decision of conscience as a discursive strategy in the negotiation process of same-sex marriage in Germany argumentatively and which positionings as well as descriptions of others and themselves are derived from this. The starting point is a modernity in which the actors move, understand and articulate themselves. This understanding of modernity is based on the process of a vertical transfer (Gladigow) of sociological theories of religion, among others, whereby narratives of secularization, overcoming religion (as a necessary precondition of modernity) and narratives of an opposition of religious vs. secular or religious vs. homosexual reappear as positions and arguments in the discourse. Using the approach of discursive religious studies (von Stuckrad) in conjunction with sociological discourse analysis (Keller), these processes of positioning, demarcation and negotiation based on the premises of modernity will be analyzed for the period from 2013 to 2017 on the basis of the public debate on religious, political, and social actors in Germany.

Korrespondenzen mit Konrad Adenauer – ein Erfinder und seine Patentanwälte

Abstract Among German private inventors, former Federal Chancellor Dr. Konrad Adenauer is a peculiar case. Despite his (few) successful patents and his fame as a politician, hardly any aspects of his inventive activity have been studied scientifically so far. His correspondence with several patent attorneys lends itself to the following question: What functions could patent attorneys fulfil for private inventors in the first half of the 20th century? Using Adenauer as an example for this, it will be examined which roles his patent attorneys played for him and what added value resulted for Adenauer.

Реакция США на советско-западногерманские переговоры в рамках подготовки и подписания Московского договора 1970 г.

The purpose of this article is to analyze the reaction of the US government to the negotiations between the USSR and the FRG within the framework of the Moscow Treaty of 1970. The article pays particular attention to the assessments and opinions of the US administration on this issue, as well as analyzes the direct interaction between the two countries in the context of the discussion of the Moscow Treaty and the "new Eastern policy" of the FRG. For several years, the FRG has been able to develop and coordinate a new foreign policy strategy that takes into account the interests and correlates with all the main actors in the system of international relations. To achieve this goal, the author conducted an analysis of various sources, including memoranda, telegrams, correspondence and records of negotiations published in the collection "Foreign Relations of the United States," especially in the volume devoted to policy towards the Federal Republic of Germany. In addition, the author studied the memoirs of Richard Nixon's national security adviser Henry Kissinger and the memoirs of the Federal Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany Willy Brandt. In Russian historiography, the negotiations between the FRG and the USSR, as well as the signing of the Moscow Treaty, were studied mainly in the context of the Soviet delegation's strategy and the goals of the FRG. However, the author has approached this topic from the other side, taking into account the American view on these events. Analysis of the documents shows that Bonn demonstrated the ability to make independent decisions in the field of foreign policy, which raised doubts about the extent of the US influence on Western Europe. However, the negotiating process between the Soviet Union and West German diplomats aroused distrust among Washington's representatives, which indicates the difficulty of establishing trusting relations between the countries. The author's conclusion is that the negotiations within the framework of the Moscow Treaty of 1970 between the FRG and the USSR played an important role in the development of international relations during the policy of détente. The signed agreement contributed to the improvement of relations between the two states and the reduction of tension on the European continent. The FRG needed to constantly consult with its main ally, the United States of America. However, such actions aroused distrust among the representatives of the United States, which indicates the complexity that has arisen in American-West German relations. Studying the specifics of the American reaction is important for understanding the strategy and priorities of the US government, as well as the various factors that influenced the decision-making process of the White House administration.

Has the “Zeitenwende” taken shape in the economic relations of the EU and Germany with the Russian Federation?

A year has passed since the introduction by the EU in late February 2022 of the first three packages of sanctions against the Russian Federation. Federal Chancellor O. Scholz announced the “Zeitenwende” due to the start of the special military operation of the Russian Federation on the territory of Ukraine. Over the next 12 months, Brussels adopted seven more sanction packages. Restrictive economic measures affected almost all sectors of the national economy. Moscow introduced a number of retaliatory restrictions. The mutual sanctions have primarily affected the financial and energy sphere of Russian- European cooperation, in which Germany took one of the leading places. Berlin has taken a number of initiatives of its own that have had a significant negative impact on cooperation with Russia. The authors analyze the consequences of the complex pressure of the European Union and Germany, both on the Russian Federation and on their own business, and forecast further development of relations.

Russian-Ukrainian war: changes in the attitude of the German government and civil society

Abstract. A thorough analysis of the processes of how the russian-Ukrainian war affected the policy of Germany towards Ukraine, and also radically changed the entire paradigm of Berlin’s relations with moscow and strengthened the positioning of Germany as a leader by taking greater responsibility for the course of events in Europe and the world. The significance and directions of the decisive departure of the Federal Republic of Germany from special relations with the russian federation and the provision of significant political, financial, economic, and humanitarian aid to Ukraine are unpacked. The content and significance of the official statements and real steps of the Federal President and the Federal Chancellor of Germany to condemn the russian war, which the kremlin dictator unleashed against Ukraine, are analysed. New approaches and the definition of the stage of historical progress after 24 February 2024 as a change of an era and a decisive departure from previous special German-russian relations are examined. Separately, the outline of the directions of the fight against the aggressor and the difficult path of increasing military support for Ukraine in the defence of its sovereignty and democratic development on the way to its entry into the Euro-Atlantic space is clarified. While analysing the changes in the attitude of German civil society related to the russian aggression against Ukraine, relevant publications and data from various sociological surveys, together with comparisons of their results in temporal and international contexts, were studied. Based on the conducted study and analysis, it was concluded that the coalition government of Germany, the leading political forces and the majority of civil society are on the side of Ukraine and strongly support the country’s just struggle against the russian invaders. Keywords: russian-Ukrainian war, Germany, Ukraine, russia, unprovoked aggression, liberation, military, economic, humanitarian aid.

Austria: Political Developments and Data in 2021

AbstractThis entry includes data on changes in national government composition, party leadership changes and parliamentary composition in Austria in 2021, as well as election results from a subnational election. It covers the Austrian coalition government between the Austrian People's Party (ÖVP) and the Greens, led by Sebastian Kurz, in the second year of handling the Covid‐19 pandemic. Judicial and parliamentary investigations of politicians and Cabinet officials from the Austrian People's Party, including Federal Chancellor and ÖVP party leader Kurz, resulted in the latter's retreat from politics. Over the course of the year, the federal government was led by three different Federal Chancellors from the ÖVP.

Verbalisation of impoliteness in comments of German politicians in Instagram news posts

This article focuses on the description of impoliteness in computer-mediated communication. The purpose of the study is to identify markers of verbal aggression a way of expressing impoliteness and to analyse the ways in which they are implemented. The material for this study was German-language comments under the Instagram posts of the largest German parties and German politicians who participated in the German Federal Chancellor elections (2021). As the main methods of research were used linguopragmatic and linguocultural types of analysis. In addition, this paper includes a continuous sampling of comments that contain signs of implicit and/or explicit verbal aggression. Then was done a contextual analysis of the selected comments. The analysis revealed that implicit and explicit types of verbal aggression are equally common in the comments under political figures' Instagram posts, and that both types of verbal aggression can be used simultaneously by the authors in the same comment. The most frequent lexical and grammatical means of implementation of verbal aggression were also distinguished. The conclusions drawn during the research can be used in further studies that focus on the peculiarities of realisation of verbal aggression in computer communication as well as in those that focus on speech culture in a computer-mediated communication.

Federal President in the German Weimar Constitution On the Occasion of the 100th Anniversary of the Weimar Constitution

1918년 11월 혁명의 성과로 형성된 바이마르공화국의 헌법은 당시 세계에서 가장 민주적인 헌법이었다. 하지만 바이마르공화국은 패전의 부담 속에서 정치적, 경제적, 사회적으로 안정되지 못하였다. 많은 체제전환국이 겪는 바처럼 구시대의 엘리트들이 새로운 입헌민주주의를 흔쾌히 받아들이지 못하였다. 바이마르공화국의 초기에는 극우세력과 극좌세력의 소요사태가 있었고 초인플레이션에 의한 경제위기를 겪었다. 이후 상황이 어느 정도 안정되었지만 1929년의 경제대공황 속에서 연립정부가 좌초하고 대통령내각이 들어선다. 연방수상 브뤼닝은 헌정질서의 권위주의화를 목적으로 하였고 완고한 디플레이션정책을 실시하여 좌우 양 극단세력의 약진을 초래하였다. 독일의 보수주의세력이 나치의 전체주의적 헌법파괴를 의도한 것은 아니었지만 히틀러를 연방수상으로 임명함으로써 독일 뿐 아니라 전 세계에 참사를 가져왔다. 제2차 세계대전 이후 바이마르공화국 실패의 원인에 대한 많은 연구가 있었다. 시간이 지남에 따라 거리두기와 역사화가 진행되면서 여기에는 복합적인 요소가 함께 작용한 것이므로 단선적인 설명은 적절하지 않다는 합의가 형성되었다. 따라서 실패의 원인을 헌법과 헌법조항에서 찾는 것은 적절하지 않다. 바이마르헌법은 시대를 잘못 만난 훌륭한 헌법이었기 때문이다. 또한 바이마르공화국은 자멸한 것이 아니라 민주주의의 적으로부터의 공격에 좌절한 것이다. 다양한 유형의 긴급사태 속에서 연방대통령 에버트는 바이마르헌법 제48조에 기초한 국가긴급권을 입헌민주주의를 수호하고 정착시키는 방안으로 활용하였다. 하지만 힌덴부르크는 긴급명령권을 헌정질서를 훼손하려는 목적으로 사용하였다. 바이마르공화국이 처했던 과부하상태는 바이마르헌법 제48조의 국가긴급권에 대한 과부하로 상징된다. 입헌민주주의가 성공하기 위해서는 좋은 실정헌법을 가지는 것만으로 충분하지 않다.The constitution of the Weimar Republic, formed as a result of the November revolution 1918, was the most democratic constitution in the world at the time. However, the Weimar Republic was not stable politically, economically and socially under the burden of defeat. Like many countries in transition, the elites of the old system did not readily accept the new constitutional democracy. In the early days of the Weimar Republic, there was a state of unrest from the far-right and the far-left, and it suffered an economic crisis caused by hyperinflation. Afterwards, the situation stabilized to some extent, but in the Great Depression of 1929, the coalition government ran aground and a presidential cabinet was established. Federal Chancellor Bruning aimed to make the constitutional order authoritarian and enforced a stubborn deflationary policy, resulting in the advancement of the left and right extreme forces. Although the German conservatives did not intend the totalitarian destruction of the Nazis, by appointing Hitler as Federal Chancellor, it brought catastrophe not only to Germany but also to the whole world. There have been many studies on the causes of the failure of the Weimar Republic after World War II. As time went by, as distance and historicization progressed, a consensus was formed that a unilinear explanation was not appropriate because complex factors acted together. Therefore, it is not appropriate to find the cause of failure in the Constitution and constitutional provisions. The Weimar Constitution was a good constitution that met the wrong times. Also, the Weimar Republic did not self-abandon, but was frustrated by the attack from the enemy of democracy. In the midst of various types of emergencies, Federal President Ebert used the state emergency power based on Article 48 of the Weimar Constitution as a way to protect and establish constitutional democracy. However, Hindenburg used the power of emergency orders for the purpose of undermining the constitutional order. The state of excessive demand that the Weimar Republic faced is symbolized by the overload of Article 48 of the Weimar Constitution. For constitutional democracy to succeed, it is not enough to have a good positive constitution.

THE NEW GOVERNMENT OF GERMANY AND GERMAN-RUSSIAN RELATIONS. UKRAINIAN FACTOR. PART 2

The recognition by the Russian Federation of the independence of the Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics, the following announcement by the President of the Russian Federation of a special military operation in connection with the situation in the Donbass in order to protect the citizens of the DPR and LPR, as well as the demilitarization and denazification of Ukraine, caused a sharp negative reaction from all political forces and strata of society in Germany. Its executive and legislative power has become the main protagonist of the five sanctions packages adopted by the European Union against the Russian Federation and which affected almost all areas of the national economic complex. A large-scale anti-Russian campaign was launched in the German media, actively supported by the Ukrainian leadership. This development of events marked the entry into a qualitatively new phase of relations between Germany and Russia. To predict such beginning of mid-February this year was impossible. Therefore, in the first part of our article, devoted to the Russian vector of the new governing coalition, relatively optimistic assessments were made. In the second part, the author examines this vector under new conditions, analyzes the most important anti-Russian steps and measures taken by the German cabinet of ministers and the Federal Chancellor. Particular attention is paid to the reaction of German business to the situation in Ukraine. The author evaluates their consequences for political and economic spheres of bilateral relations. In conclusion, a forecast of their further development is given. The third part of the article will analyze the consequences of the Ukraine crisis for science, education and culture.

The New German Coalition and Its Impact on EU-Turkey Relations

Turkish-German relations not only have a long tradition of close cooperation but are also based on mutual dependence. A structure that has become increasingly complex and intertwined over time shapes the dynamics of Turkish-German relations through numerous historical, economic, cultural, and social factors. As a result, the scale of the bilateral relationship has occasionally caused frustration and disappointment due to various political differences on both sides. The growing European dimension of bilateral relations has further complicated relations and is increasingly dominating the agenda. Since the turn of the millennium, Turkish-German relations can be described as a roller coaster ride. There have been many ups and downs, conflicts, and collaborations. In the past, the formation of a new government in Germany with a new Federal Chancellor (Gerhard Schröder, Angela Merkel) had a decisive influence on the course of the roller coaster ride. It is therefore necessary to analyze the possible effects of the new federal government under Chancellor Olaf Scholz on bilateral relations with a concentrated focus on European politics.

Significance of the visits of Federal Chancellor O. Scholz to Washington, Kiev and Moscow for relations between Russia and Germany

Federal Chancellor Olaf Scholz held talks with US President John Biden on February 7, 2022 in Washington, on February 14 in Kiev with Ukrainian President V. Zelenskyy and on February 15 in Moscow with Russian President V.V. Putin. The focus of all meetings was on the situation on Russian-Ukrainian border and energy cooperation between the EU and Germany with Russia. The paper analyzes the importance of the Chancellor's agreements for the future of Russian-German relations.

К проблемам обеспечения энергетической и климатической безопасности ФРГ

The article discusses the most dire problems of ensuring the energy and climate security of Germany and the political measures taken by Federal Chancellor O. Scholz’s government formed in 2021. Considering the sharply exacerbated situation in international politics as of 2022, adopting urgent and radical measures in order to reduce Germany’s dependance on energy import and to diversify it, along with actions in climate change mitigation, all have become priorities for the new coalition government in Berlin. Current strategy is aimed at the combination of economic growth with reduced energy consumption, strict measures on energy saving and enhancing the share of renewable energy sources. A crucial part in creating and implementing this strategy is played by new members of the government from ‘the Greens’ – R. Habeck, Federal Minister for Economic Affairs and Climate Action, and A. Baerbock, Federal Minister for Foreign Affairs. The relation between energetic and ecological spheres, their impact on internal and external security is analyzed. The author looks into exact measures and mechanisms that ensure energy and climate security, also while addressing questions about the overall perception of respective threats among German expert community and society. The conclusion made is that in present-day circumstances the problems of energy security, climate change mitigation and shifting to carbon-free economy greatly affect Berlin’s foreign policy and foreign economic strategies, as well as Germany’s relations with EU partners, Eastern European countries and Russia.

AUSTRIAN POLITICAL SCANDALS: «KURTZ AFFAIR»

The article focuses on the political biography of Sebastian Kurz, who held the post of Federal Chancellor of Austria till autumn of 2021. He is being accused of abuse of power in order to achieve political goals. In Europe Kurz was considered to be one of the most promising politics, who came all the way to the top over the decade – a stellar career path, which would require entire political lifetimes for others to cross. Without higher education degree he over the few years rose from the position of a mere activist of youth movement of Austrian’s People’s Party to the role of the party leader. At the age of 27 he took up the post of Foreign Minister, and aged 31 he reached the top of the national politic as the Federal Austrian Chancellor. During the second decade of the XXI century Kurz used to be one of the interlocutors of the European and world leaders and one of the main officials in EU.

Кадры для четвертой промышленной революции: опыт Германии

The paper analyzes political decisions in the field of personnel and educational policy as a response of four German administrations, with Angela Merkel as the Federal Chancellor, to challenges of digitalization. Since challenges in the development of labor market induced by demographic and migration factors are similar for Russia and Germany, German experience may be useful for Russia as a large federal state with significant risks of rising social inequality. Challenges in the development of the labor market induced by demographic and migration factors are common for Russia and Germany. The author addresses the key challenge for the German government — the organization of humane working conditions in a new digital reality presented in the White Paper “Work 4.0” after careful examination and consultation with main actors: associations, trade unions, companies, academia and civil society. He sees the solution to the problem in improving qualifications and developing digital skills, as well as ensuring attractive working conditions, in the first place for specialists in engineering, technical and natural science specialties (STEM). The analysis concludes with recommendations for policymakers which include such measures as improving gender equality in STEM professions and selective migration policy that mitigates unnecessary barriers for highly qualified immigrants.

THE SYSTEM OF EXERCISES FOR TEACHING ORAL CONSECUTIVE INTERPRETING

The aim of our study was to create a system of exercises for teaching interpretation in the language pair "German-Ukrainian", due to the emergence of new standards for the quality of professional training of interpreters. In our article we used theoretical and empirical research methods: critical analysis of scientific literature on translation studies, methods of professional training of translators; educational documents and textbooks in higher education institutions; monitoring the organization of interpretation training in higher education institutions; observation of the organization of interpretation training in the Free Economic Zone; survey of translation teachers in order to study the state of professional training of applicants for higher education; questionnaires, self-assessment of future translators in order to identify the probable level of their professional competence. At the initial stage of the study, a survey of both higher education and translation teachers was conducted in order to identify priority areas of professional interpretation of an interpreter, to select relevant material and develop a system of exercises to develop skills and skills of interpretation within the discipline "Fundamentals of Interpreting", which is taught in the 3rd year (180 hours, 6 credits). The subject component of the content of interpretation training is limited on the basis of the results of the questionnaire in the following areas: social, political, as well as the field of culture and education. According to the stages of interpretation training, a system of exercises consisting of three subsystems has been developed. These include exercises for: 1) the formation of special skills of interpretation; 2) automation of skills and formation of special and strategic skills; 3) development of special and strategic skills. The material for the development of these exercises was authentic German-language online sources in the field of culture and education, as well as social and political spheres of human activity (official websites of Deutsche Welle, the European Commission, the website of the Federal Chancellor and the President of Germany; private podcast Annik Rubens Slow German mit Annik Rubens, printed publications in online format: Bild, Zeit, Spiegel, die Welt, Frankfurter Allgemeine, as well as online terminological dictionaries. The total amount of practical tasks for translation and exercises for the formation and automation of special skills of interpretation and development of strategic skills is 200 units, which are offered as a basis for the conclusion of methodological development for teaching interpretation in the 3rd year. Key words: consecutive interpreting, professional competence of an interpreter, system of exercises, stages of training, groups of exercises.

Emotions and Gender in Margaret Thatcher and Helmut Kohl’s Cold War

ABSTRACT Although German Federal Chancellor Helmut Kohl and British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher were on the same side in the Cold War, as well as in the same family of moderate centre-right parties, despite being roughly the same age and sharing a fundamental market-economic and Atlanticist orientation, they were not in harmony emotionally. This analysis demonstrates how different genders, incompatible conceptions of nation, history, and regional origins, as well as experiences of mutual frustration eclipsed their ideological commonalities and counteracted against the ‘emotional regimes’ of ‘the West’ in the Cold War. It breaks new ground in several respects. First, it does not examine strong feelings that blotted out all others but rather a range of more ambivalent and nuanced emotions. Second, it links the themes of gender and feeling by enquiring about the male or female manifestations and attributions of certain emotions. Third, it focuses on not only men and women at the top but considers their entourages as either amplifiers or ‘shock absorbers’ of the leaders’ feelings. Finally, it explores the scope and limits of the notion that the Cold War was an ‘emotional regime’.

Political Performances of Control During COVID-19: Controlling and Contesting Democracy in Germany

Drawing from interpretive, namely discursive-performative approaches to both institutional and grassroots (populist) politics, this article explores political performances and counter-performances of control in Germany during the so-called first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic. Methodologically, the article constructs a comparative analytical framework including three cases from both within and outside of the federal institutional structure of Germany: at the institutional level, the cases comprise Angela Merkel, long-term federal Chancellor of Germany, and Michael Kretschmer, the regional Governor of the state of Saxony; at the grassroots level, the selected case is the populist protest movement “Patriotic Europeans Against the Islamization of the Occident” (Patriotische Europäer gegen die Islamisierung des Abendlandes, PEGIDA). Based on original empirical data generated using the toolkit of qualitative-interpretive methodology, notably online ethnography, the comparative analysis focuses on a few key counter-performances of control, among them a TV address (Merkel), a visit to an “anti-lockdown” demonstration (Kretschmer), and virtual protest events (PEGIDA). Emphasizing the performed, dynamic, and contested character of political control in Germany in spring 2020, the empirical analysis yields the following results: first, it sheds light on the different political styles of performing and contesting institutional control, including the habitus, modes, and (emotional) tones of the communication of the performers, and the scripts, stages, intended audiences as (imagined) constituencies, and modalities of transmission of their performances. Second, the discourse-theoretical perspective of the analysis reveals that political performances of control were closely linked to articulations of democracy as an empty signifier, and to claims for safeguarding democratic principles as such. Third, the article demonstrates the value of interpretive approaches to politics to generate more nuanced understandings of the relationships between the pandemic, democracy, and populism in a situation of an ultimate lack of control.

Discursive construction of national identity in the German language New Year’s address

In modern studies, the identification and analysis of linguistic methods of constructing national identity in various types of discourses, as well as the representation of value constants in linguistic culture, is of particular relevance. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to identify national value dominants and their linguistic representation in the New Year addresses of Austrian, German and Swiss politicians. The material of the study was examples from New Year’s addresses of politicians from the countries of the German-speaking space (Austria, Germany, Switzerland). More than 2000 lexical units representing value dominants in each of the German-speaking linguacultural were analyzed by the method of continuous sampling. Analysis of the specifics of the components of New Year’s address as one of the genres of political discourse made it possible to identify linguacultural dominants that characterize the citizens of a particular state, their views and mores. The authors of the article include nominations, the opposition “we – they“, historical narrative, territorial and cultural associations, and the functional capabilities of the socio-political sphere. Identification and analysis of linguistic representation of value dominants in the New Year messages of the Federal Chancellor of Germany and Federal Presidents of Austria and Switzerland in the periods 2009-2010, 2014-2015 and 2018-2019. Allowed to establish that the main value constants in the speeches of the German Chancellor are Germany, social sector, Europe. Important value constants for Austrian culture are Europe, Austria, social sector and economy. The absolute value dominant in the New Year messages of the Federal Presidents of Switzerland is the Switzerland constant, which is the foundation of the Swiss national identity. Other important dominants are Switzerland and the world, democracy, globalization, youth, social area. The authors conclude that the process of constructing the identity of an entire nation is conditioned by social, political and economic processes in the state.

The Middle East Saga of the Peacemaker (commemorating the 110th anniversary of Bruno Kreisky’s birth)

The article is devoted to an important aspect of the political biography of Bruno Kreisky – one of the most prominent European politicians of the last third of the XXth century. A statesman of Austria (head of the Foreign Ministry in 1959–1966, Federal Chancellor in 1970–1983), long-term chairman of the Socialist Party, and in 1974–1989 – one of the vice-presidents of the Socialist International, he was constantly in touch with Middle East issues. His assessments and judgments had a certain influence on the nature of decisions made in the international community. Kreisky’s missions to the region in 1973–1977, carried out under the auspices of the Social International, contributed to the beginning of the peace process in the Middle East.