Fear Of Revolution Research Articles

Постсоветская историография о взаимоотношениях Екатерины II и французских просветителей

The study scrutinizes the views of post-Soviet historians on the relationship between Catherine II and the French enlighteners. The most characteristic and common views are identified. It is deemed that the research-es of the post-soviet period had confirmed the views of the pre-revolutionary and soviet historians on the moti-vation of these relationships. On the part of the Empress, this is the fear of nascent public opinion; revenge on the French court; hypocrisy, a game; illusions of Catherine II; the desire to communicate with intelligent people. On the part of the French enlighteners: political illusions; interest in Russia; fear of revolution “from below”. Nevertheless, the historians of the post-Soviet period, apart to the above, had tried to explain these relation-ships by the Empress’s desire to find equal interlocutors for herself, since it was difficult for her to do this among her entourage in Russia. In their opinion, the desire for simple human communication encouraged Catherine II to seek correspondence partners in the society of French enlighteners.

Fears of Revolution and International Cooperation:The Concert of Europe and the Transformation of European Politics

What explains the remarkable degree of great-power cooperation during the Concert of Europe? I focus on a period when there were regular congresses and argue that the transformation of the great powers’ respective domestic politics to where they had active revolutionary movements and feared upheavals at home played a key role in undergirding the transformation of European international politics into a more cooperative order. Fears of a common domestic ideological threat can cause states to bind together rather than exploit one another. The cooperation among the great powers was not just because they were constrained by the balance of power or satisfied with the territorial order or because the powers were meeting together. Their considerable cooperation was largely due to their preferences rather than those interactions.

The Impact of the 1917 Russian Revolution and the Resort to the State of Siege in Interwar Romania (1918-1933)

Similarly to other European countries, Romania faced multiple and intertwined crises during the interwar period, including successive moments of social turmoil, the activity of its hostile neighbours, the emergence of various far-right groups contesting the liberal order, and the looming spectre of the revolution. Among these threats, the fears of revolution and the intense activity of the Comintern worked both as main causes and discursive tools when the state resorted to emergency powers, which took the form of the state of siege in interwar Romania. By drawing on the files created by the Romanian secret police of that time, I argue that the state-of-siege mechanisms targeted not only those “threats” the state institutions invoked as reasons to justify the resort to emergency powers, but much broader categories of citizens. Several leaders of the political opposition, such as Pantelimon Halippa, or intellectuals involved in defending the civil rights engaged in vivid debates on the risks lurking behind the abuse of emergency powers. Finally, the abusive use of the state of siege worked as a corrosive force against the liberal order of the 1923 Constitution and heavily contributed to the establishment of King Carol II’s dictatorship in 1938.

American Catholics, the Revolutions of 1848, and the Politics of the early 1850s

American Catholics during the 1850s expressed deep concerns about the legacy of the 1848 revolutions in Europe, fearing that radicalism was spreading to the United States and would harm both the Church and the state. This paper explores the reception of Fr. Antonio Bresciani’s novel The Jew of Verona (translated and published in 1853) in the diocesan newspapers of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania and Charleston, South Carolina. Both papers reacted to the book in a similar fashion and used it as a lens to understand domestic politics. Bresciani’s themes of international conspiracy and the dangers of secret societies resonated with Catholics in both dioceses and led some to propose a Catholic conservative alliance to prevent the spread of radical revolution. Fears of revolution, then, drove the American Catholic responses in these dioceses even as sectional concerns ripped the nation apart.

The Idea of Fear as Reflected in Shaw’s Saint Joan

       One of the major themes that Shaw explores in his works is the concept of fear and terror. Fear of revolution or reformation takes precedence over all other fears in his plays .This paper shows how Shaw had tackled this recurring idea of fear from change, reformation and revolution. It reflects Shaw’s philosophy that the essence of our changing human world is revolution and reformation. As a result, there are anti-revolutionary forces that are afraid of such revolutionary figures. For the sake of truth and social reformation, reformists do their best and even risk their lives. Joan of Arc, a historical heroine, is used by Shaw as a symbol for reformation and revolution. Those who dread such people, on the other hand, do everything they can to prevent people from using their sacred right to revolt against tyranny and injustice. The paper focuses on Saint Joan as Shaw's best work that deals with the fear of reformation. &nbsp

Twilight of Empire: The Brest-Litovsk Conference and the Remaking of East-Central Europe, 1917–1918

Twilight of Empire: The Brest-Litovsk Conference and the Remaking of East-Central Europe, 1917–1918

On the Power of A (Good) Story: Why Game of Thrones Had to End (This Way) And What Can Slavoj Žižek Tell Us About It

During and after the airing of the last season of “Game of Thornes” there had been a multitude of critical reactions from the viewers around the world. This article is centered particularly around the criticism of the socio-political commentary found within the show. In that regard, the focus will be on an analysis of a short article written by Žižek, published in online edition of The Independent, titled “Game of Thrones tapped into fears of revolution and political women – and left us no better off than before” in which he outlines his own critique of the show. Since Žižek is one of the most renown intellectuals of our time, I find Žižek’s beliefs and the way he outlines them worthy of analysis, especially since the analysis is about the most globally popular show of the second decade of the 21st century. Contextualizing Žižek’s writing into a more basic critical discourse which had developed around the way the writers, Benioff and Weiss, decided to end the show, here I shall shed light on a couple of points which are in either direct or indirect link with the source text. The following aspects shall be considered: Firstly, the influence Žižek has on his like-minded audience and on what his influence is based upon, i.e. what are his responsibilities as a well-known, outspoken intellectual; then, continued breakdown of certain aspects of the plot and character development from the show about which Žižek himself has written; finally, “Game of Thrones” itself will be taken into consideration as a work of fiction and as a global cultural phenomenon. One of the main goals of this article is to showcase the dangers of reading these kinds of “instant” articles without applying the necessary levels of critical thought, especially when they bear the signature of a worldwide renown intellectual. But maybe even more important than that, is to show how there lies a possibility for multiple different ways of interpreting and enjoying the show, of how open it is as a work of fiction; to indicate how important it is to study such a cultural phenomenon within anthropology with a holistic approach.

Sailing into Sandy: Media and the Moral Wreckage of the HMS Bounty

Crises have a way of bringing media values into sharp focus.Simon Dumenco (2012) on Hurricane Sandy's impact on news media.Things do not exist without being full of people.Bruno Latour (2000)In October 2012, one of most bizarre and highly publicized shipwrecks occurred involving perhaps most recognizable ship in popular culture: HMS Bounty. wooden eighteenthcentury replica tall ship that appeared in Mutiny on Bounty and in a series of subsequent films such as Dead Man's Chest starring Johnny Depp sank in Hurricane Sandy after its captain, Robin Walbridge, had insisted he could elude front and successfully complete trip from New London, Connecticut to St. Petersburg, Florida. From media's reliance on online documents, such as ship's Facebook page, to celebrity status of ship itself, Bounty disaster provides an ideal case study of materiality of news. Through analysis of forty-six news reports on event, this research examines press' treatment of captain's privileging material preservation of ship over lives of crew. press' handling of captain's culpability and economic pressure hinged directly on interpretations and discourse strategies regarding materiality of ship, ranging from an exalted relic worth preserving to a rotting vessel with a deteriorating frame, and captain's log-in this case an ephemeral Facebook page-as journalistic objects.This research explores status of journalistic object in determining news media's initial inattention to and subsequent focus on captain's negligence as a primary cause of wreck. How does material status of ship, especially a cherished replica with a storied past like Bounty's, become a determining factor of bias in press coverage? What elegiac notes did press sound in loss of this material emblem of a distant age especially in light of controversial circumstances of its sinking? To gain insight on media's surprising silence regarding Walbridge's decision to sail through this massive hurricane, this study views news discourse as dynamically engaged within, and as part of socially realized protocols that define sites of communication and sources of meaning offering] nothing less-if not a great deal more-than material cultures of knowledge and information (Gitelman 153).Theorizing Bounty as Cultural ArtifactTheoretical formulations of materialism in modernity (Brown, Dening, Bornstein, Benjamin) offer an ideal lens through which to view journalistic object of Bounty. Particularly useful is Walter Benjamin's famous assertion in The Work of Art in Age of Mechanical Reproduction that original material context of a work fades with each commercial reproduction for a mass audience. mechanism of fame drives the cult of movie star, a process in which the money of film industry preserves not unique aura of person, but 'spell of personality,' phony spell of commodity (Benjamin 231).The Bounty's biography followed precisely this trajectory, as vessel's original historical identity vanished upon its transformation into a commodified celebrity replica. Originally, a transport ship sailing from England in 1787 for Tahiti to obtain breadfruit trees for delivery to West Indies to provide a cheap form of sustenance for colonists, Bounty underwent a munity led by disgruntled crewman Fletcher Christian. conflict arose when crew, desiring more time with Tahitian women whom they had taken as wives, resisted Captain William Bligh's command to leave port. After removing Bligh from his post in dead of night and setting him off on ship's boat, mutineers then took six Tahitian men and eleven women aboard and sailed for Pitcairn, where they promptly burned Bounty to prevent ship's detection. London news media framed event as a cautionary tale reinforcing readers' fear of revolution in nation's colonies abroad and thus demonized Christian. …

1913: in search of the world before the Great War

Today, 1913 is inevitably viewed through the lens of 1914: as the last year before a that would shatter the global economic order and tear Europe apart, undermining its global pre-eminence. Our perspectives narrowed by hindsight, the world of that year is reduced to its most frivolous features--last summers in grand aristocratic residences--or its most destructive ones: the unresolved rivalries of the great European powers, the fear of revolution, violence in the Balkans. In this illuminating history, Charles Emmerson liberates the world of 1913 from this prelude to war narrative, and explores it as it was, in all its richness and complexity. Traveling from Europe's capitals, then at the height of their global reach, to the emerging metropolises of Canada and the United States, the imperial cities of Asia and Africa, and the boomtowns of Australia and South America, he provides a panoramic view of a world crackling with possibilities, its future still undecided, its outlook still open. The world in 1913 was more modern than we remember, more similar to our own times than we expect, more globalized than ever before. The Gold Standard underpinned global flows of goods and money, while mass migration reshaped the world's human geography. Steamships and sub-sea cables encircled the earth, along with new technologies and new ideas. Ford's first assembly line cranked to life in 1913 in Detroit. The Woolworth Building went up in New York. While Mexico was in the midst of bloody revolution, Winnipeg and Buenos Aires boomed. An era of petro-geopolitics opened in Iran. China appeared to be awaking from its imperial slumber. Paris celebrated itself as the city of light--Berlin as the city of electricity. Full of fascinating characters, stories, and insights, 1913: In Search of the World before the Great War brings a lost world vividly back to life, with provocative implications for how we understand our past and how we think about our future.

Black Hellas? A Footnote to the Black Athena Debate

Since the publication of the first of his three-volume Black Athena: The Afroasiatic Roots of Classical Civilization in 1987, within Classics and the disciplines concerned with the history of the ancient Near East, Martin Gardiner Bernal (1937–2013) has been an object of much ridicule and a little curiosity. A sociology of knowledge of Classics, volume 1, subtitled The Fabrication of Ancient Greece 1785–1985, claimed that the fount of Western civilization, ancient Greece, in its remote past was conquered and civilized by its »superior« neighbours from Egypt and Phoenicia. This view of history, which Bernal labels the »Ancient Model« and which he claims is referred to in the writings of Classical and Hellenistic Greeks, was the accepted view on Greek cultural origins, until it was overthrown in the nineteenth century by an »Aryan Model«. Bernal attributes the overthrow of the Ancient Model – the victorious Aryan Model denied Egypto-Phoenician settlements in Bronze Age Greece and postulated an Indo-European speaking Hellenes’ conquest of mainland Greece around 2300 BCE – not to contemporary scholarly developments within Classics, but to the cultural milieu of the age, which, in addition to being charged with notions of Romanticism, racism, and Progress, was beset, in the aftermath of the French Revolution, by fear of revolution. The controversial nature of the book’s claims and its author’s status as an outsider to Classics notwithstanding, volume 1 went onto win the Socialist Review Prize (1987) and an American Book Award (1990); was the subject of a Presidential Panel in the annual meeting of the American Philological Association (in 1989); and was translated into Arabic, French, German, Italian, Japanese, Korean, Spanish, Swedish, and Turkish.

China at the Tipping Point?: Top-Level Reform or Bottom-Up Revolution?

Abstract: This essay examines two sharply contrasting and controversial perspectives on China’s near- to medium-term future: top-level reform and bottom-up revolution. The essay highlights the ongoing Chinese discourse in three key areas: the impact of the Bo Xilai crisis on China’s political trajectory, possible triggers for sociopolitical uprising, and new initiatives and institutional safeguards with which the CCP leadership may open the way to systemic change. By first presenting an empirical and conceptual critique of “authoritarian resilience,” a predominant view in overseas studies of Chinese politics, this essay then examines the inherent vulnerability in China’s one-party system and the system’s failed claim for meritocracy in elite recruitment. China’s future will hinge on the dynamic between the fear of revolution and the hope for political reform.

Universal Health Coverage: A Quest for All Countries But under Threat in Some

Over the past 50 years, health care has been making a growing contribution to population health in many countries. Yet its benefits are still denied to many people worldwide. This article describes how many countries, both developed and developing, have pursued the quest to achieve universal health care. This has been an explicitly political process. In Europe, it emerged from a belief in solidarity, a fear of revolution, and a changing view of the role of the state. In developing countries, progress was more erratic, characterized by debates about the affordability of universal health care, until it was realized that functioning health systems were essential to deliver development goals. Throughout, the United States has been an exception. An analysis of progress toward universal health care, combining a review of existing theories and new empirical analysis, identifies five factors as important: the strength of organized labor and left-wing parties, adequate economic resources, absence of societal divisions, weakness of institutions that might oppose it (such as organized medicine), and windows of opportunity. Having noted the substantial benefits accruing from universal health care, the article concludes with an analysis of how universal health care is under threat in some European countries and a warning about the risks posed by current radical austerity policies.

Russia, the West and the 2007–2008 Electoral Cycle: Did the Kremlin Really Fear a ‘Coloured Revolution’?

In the period before the 2007–2008 elections, there was much talk from the regime about the danger of a ‘coloured revolution’ in Russia. The article considers whether the fear of revolution was genuine or artificially created to discredit opposition and strengthen support for the regime. It seems that tensions inside the regime and the unexpected occurrence of the previous coloured revolutions led to real fears of revolution in Russia, although this was in fact unlikely. Russian policy towards the West and the rival election programmes are examined to investigate whether the regime was creating an ‘enemy image’ of the West.

On the rise and Decline of the Monarchical Principle: Constitutional Vicissitudes in Spain and Germany

Nation-state formation – Holy Roman Empire – Dissolution and realignment – Spain, fragmented – Reconquista – Charles V – Wars of succession – Centralisation under house of Bourbon – Napoleon – Spanish war of independence – History of the Cortes – Constitution of Cádiz – Weakness of Spanish Constitutionalism – German Confederation – Monarchical principle in Vienna Final Act – Old and new ideas of sovereignty – Metternich and fear of revolution – March revolution – Bismarckian empire as constitutional monarchy – Degeneration of the Reich – Exit the Kings – Enter Juan Carlos

The politics of nutrition in North America

In the 100-odd years siace the rise of modem nutritional science, North Americans' ideas about food and health have been influenced by much more than the scientists' findings. They have invariably been affected by political considerations. War, fear of revolution, leftist ideology, and the enormous financial stakes of giant food producers have all played important roles in shaping ideas about nutrition.

Enlightenment and Religion in Russian Education in the Reign of Tsar Alexander I

Contemporaries saw the educational legislation of Tsar Alexander I (1801-25) as a sign that the new emperor intended to raise the cultural and material well-being of his countrymen. The establishment in 1802 of a ministry of public education and the division of the country into six great educational districts to administer a network of schools-elementary, intermediate, secondary, and university-extended the initial reforms of Catherine II (1762-96). Her grandson Alexander employed some of her advisers and looked to other reformers, who shared the two monarchs' interest in the intellectual fashions of the Enlightenment. Russian educators, who reflected the ideals of Montesquieu, Voltaire, Rousseau, and their followers, saw public education as a means whereby advanced European thought would contribute to native virtues and lead to national progress. If the creation of schools did not match the publicity for public education, there was at least no doubt that the government encouraged the formation of an educated population. However, that mood changed after the Napoleonic wars when, in fear of revolution, educational authorities saw the school system primarily as a means for inculcating obedience and Christian pietism. Obscurantism decimated the staffs of universities and darkened schools on every level.' All historians have agreed on this general picture of Russian education in this period, but too much reliance on the directions of central authorities has led to a deceptively simple picture of the views of educational officials both in the earlier and the later parts of the reign. Official statements, legislation, and contemporary literary journals with their

Counterrevolution and Structural Change: The Case of Argentina

This article discusses the reversal of development in Argentina. It argues that this country switched developmental tracks: from being a "land of recent settlement," it became an underdeveloped society. This shift was the unintended consequence of two policies that were institutionalized in the postwar period: autarkic industrialization, and a corporatist system of labor relations. The author claims that these policies were a response by the state elite to a perceived revolutionary threat, that this fear of revolution was unrealistic, and that these policies had the effects they did because of the "modern" characteristics of Argentina. The peculiar pattern of Argentine development could not have been understood by either modernization and dependency approaches, and thus this case calls into question the basic assumptions of these theories of development.

Jack, Tommy, and Henry Dubb: The Armed Forces and the Working Class

The five years 1917–21 are commonly regarded as a period of unusual turmoil in Britain when fears of revolution reached an intensity unknown in more than three generations. In explaining this unrest, historians have naturally concentrated upon the organized Labour movement; upon the complex dialectics of a conservative rank-and-file marshalled behind creative revolutionary leaders in the engineering trades; and, in the trades unions and Labour party, upon the genesis and meaning of Clause IV. In all such studies the state's most powerful servants have, however, commanded relatively little attention. Other than as an instrument of public order intruding into industrial disputes, historians of the working class have shown scant interest in the serviceman who remains very much the ‘candy man’ in uniform. This article, by way of redress, is concerned to examine the character of unrest in the armed forces, to compare and contrast disaffection in the army and navy, and to review Labour's response to both veteran and serviceman.

Changing Patterns of Violence and Justice In Fourteenth- and Fifteenth-Century Florence

The Otto di Guardia was a powerful magistracy established in the late fourteenth century just after Florence's experiment with democratized government (1378). The new regime was much perturbed by fear of revolution and replication of the terrible events of the Ciompi uprising. Intelligent commentators such as Francesco Guicciardini were to argue a century and a half later that formation of the Otto had saved the Repub- lic from anarchy. Without the fear of this dread tribunal, seditious and factious Florentines would certainly have toppled the regime. Many modern interpreters of these events follow this grand generalization, but few have bothered to study the day-to-day activities of this court or in fact of any of its adjuncts.

Democracy versus the National Security State

It is not possible to understand the national security state and the reasons which give rise to the need for dismantling it without mentioning the profound and wrenching events of the last fifty years. The national security state emerges from war, from fear of revolution and change, from the economic instability of capitalism, and from nuclear weapons and military technology.' It has been the actualizing mechanism of ruling elites to implement their imperial schemes and misplaced ideals.2 In practical terms its emergence is linked to the rise of a bureaucracy that administered things and people in interchangeable fashion without concern for ends or assumptions.3 This state formation matured during a period in which the office of the President became supremely powerful as a broker and legitimating instrument of national security activity.4 This paper argues in somewhat tendentious and breathless form that the state system which has emerged in the United States is a constitutional deformation which menaces the freedom and well being of its citizenry, and which poses a danger to world civilization. What is hanging in the balance in the last twenty-five years of this century is whether the people, scholars, lawyers and judges, and members of the government, can so organize their understanding and their political actions as to avert fascism or Bonapartism, a debilitating arms race that could end in the kind of horror from which there will be no