Eye Fixations In Reading Research Articles

Cross-script orthographic and phonological preview benefits.

The present experiment examined the use of parafoveally presented first-language (L1) orthographic and phonological codes during reading of second-language (L2) sentences in proficient Russian-English bilinguals. Participants read English sentences containing a Russian preview word that was replaced by the English target word when the participant's eyes crossed an invisible boundary located before the preview word. The use of English and Russian allowed us to manipulate orthographic and phonological preview effects independently of one another. The Russian preview words overlapped with English target words in (a) orthography (ВЕЛЮР [vʲɪ'lʲʉr]-BERRY), (b) phonology (БЛАНК [blank]-BLOOD), or (c) had no orthographic or phonological overlap (КАЛАЧ [kɐ'lat͡ɕ]-BERRY; ГЖЕЛЬ [ɡʐϵlʲ]-BLOOD). The results of this study showed a clear and strong benefit of the parafoveal preview of Russian words that shared either orthography or phonology with English target words. This study is the first demonstration of cross-script orthographic and phonological parafoveal preview benefit effects. Bilinguals integrate orthographic and phonological information across eye fixations in reading, even when this information comes from different languages.

Contrasting eye-movements in reading aloud and reading silently to localise a speech deficit.

Contrasting eye-movements in reading aloud and reading silently to localise a speech deficit.

On the processing of canonical word order during eye fixations in reading: Do readers process transposed word previews?

Whether readers always identify words in the order they are printed is subject to considerable debate. In the present study, we used the gaze-contingent boundary paradigm (Rayner, 1975) to manipulate the preview for a two-word target region (e.g., white walls in My neighbor painted the white walls black). Readers received an identical (white walls), transposed (walls white), or unrelated preview (vodka clubs). We found that there was a clear cost of having a transposed preview compared to an identical preview, indicating that readers cannot or do not identify words out of order. However, on some measures, the transposed preview condition did lead to faster processing than the unrelated preview condition, suggesting that readers may be able to obtain some useful information from a transposed preview. Implications of the results for models of eye movement control in reading are discussed.

Parafoveal and foveal processing of abbreviations during eye fixations in reading: Making a case for case.

The processing of abbreviations in reading was examined with an eye movement experiment. Abbreviations were of 2 distinct types: acronyms (abbreviations that can be read with the normal grapheme-phoneme correspondence [GPC] rules, such as NASA) and initialisms (abbreviations in which the GPCs are letter names, such as NCAA). Parafoveal and foveal processing of these abbreviations was assessed with the use of the boundary change paradigm (K. Rayner, 1975). Using this paradigm, previews of the abbreviations were either identical to the abbreviation (NASA or NCAA), orthographically legal (NUSO or NOBA), or illegal (NRSB or NRBA). The abbreviations were presented as capital letter strings within normal, predominantly lowercase sentences and also sentences in all capital letters such that the abbreviations would not be visually distinct. The results indicate that acronyms and initialisms undergo different processing during reading and that readers can modulate their processing based on low-level visual cues (distinct capitalization) in parafoveal vision. In particular, readers may be biased to process capitalized letter strings as initialisms in parafoveal vision when the rest of the sentence is normal, lowercase letters.

Eye movements, the perceptual span, and reading speed

The perceptual span or region of effective vision during eye fixations in reading was examined as a function of reading speed (fast readers were compared with slow readers), font characteristics (fixed width vs. proportional width), and intraword spacing (normal or reduced). The main findings were that fast readers (reading at about 330 wpm) had a larger perceptual span than did slow readers (reading about 200 wpm) and that the span was not affected by whether or not the text was fixed width or proportional width. In addition, there were interesting font and intraword spacing effects that have important implications for the optimal use of space in a line of text.

Preview benefit during eye fixations in reading for older and younger readers.

Older and younger readers read sentences as their eye movements were recorded, and the boundary paradigm (Rayner, 1975) was used to present either a valid or an invalid parafoveal preview of a target word. During the saccade to the target word, the preview word changed to the target word. For early measures of processing time (first fixation duration and single fixation duration), the standard preview benefit effect (shorter fixation times on the target word with a valid preview than an invalid preview) was obtained for both older and younger readers. However, for gaze duration and go-past time, the preview benefit was somewhat attenuated in the older readers in comparison to the younger readers, suggesting that on some fixations older readers obtain less preview benefit from the word to the right of fixation.

Serial processing is consistent with the time course of linguistic information extraction from consecutive words during eye fixations in reading: A response to Inhoff, Eiter, and Radach (2005).

A. W. Inhoff, B. M. Eiter, and R. Radach reported the results of 2 experiments that they claimed were problematic for serial attention models of eye movements in reading (such as the E-Z Reader model). In this reply, the authors demonstrate via argumentation and simulations that their data pose no serious problem for the E-Z Reader model or serial attention models in general.

Parafoveal processing of prefixed words during eye fixations in reading: evidence against morphological influences on parafoveal preprocessing.

Two eye movement experiments were conducted to investigate whether the morphological constituents of a prefixed word influenced early word processing when English was read. Participants read sentences containing free-stem, bound-stem, or pseudoprefixed words, and the availability of the prefixed word morphemes in the parafovea was manipulated. Although preview benefit was greatest for the entire word, there was evidence that subsequent word processing was facilitated in both the prefix-only and the stem-only conditions. This effect was not influenced by word type. There was no evidence that morphological preprocessing occurred when morphological information was available in the parafovea. In addition, reading times for the target word did not differ for the different word types. Thus, there was no evidence to suggest that morphological constituents influence early word processing during reading. It is possible that morphological effects tend to be obscured when examined within a sentence context (although this phenomenon may be specific to English).

The effects of frequency and predictability on eye fixations in reading: implications for the E-Z Reader model.

Readers read sentences containing target words varying in frequency and predictability. The observed pattern of data for fixation durations only mildly departed from additivity, with predictability effects that were slightly larger for low-frequency than for high-frequency words. The pattern of data for skipping was different as predictability affected only the probability of skipping for high-frequency target words. Simulations of these data using the E-Z Reader model indicated that a single-process model was unlikely to provide a good fit for both measures. A version of the model that assumes that (a) word-encoding time is additively affected by frequency and predictability and (b) difficulty with postlexical processing of the target word causes a double take accounted for the data while indicating that the relationship between the duration of hypothesized word-encoding stages and observed fixation durations is not likely to be transparent.

The effects of frequency and predictability on eye fixations in reading: An evaluation of the E-Z Reader model

We tested whether the E-Z Reader model can be generalised to the French language. The simulation showed that the model can account for the frequency effect. The predictability effect is moreover accurate for word skipping, but not for fixation times. We think that this model is psychologically plausible for certain aspects of reading and we have used it to evaluate the performance of dyslexic readers.

Distinct Subsystems for the Parafoveal Processing of Spatial and Linguistic Information during Eye Fixations in Reading

Two experiments examined readers' use of parafoveally obtained word length information for word recognition. Both experiments manipulated the length (number of constituent characters) of a parafoveally previewed target word so that it was either accurately or inaccurately specified. In Experiment 1, previews also either revealed or denied useful orthographic information. In Experiment 2, parafoveal targets were either high- or low-frequency words. Eye movement contingent display changes were used to show the intact target upon its fixation. Examination of target viewing duration showed completely additive effects of word length previews and of ortho-graphic previews in Experiment 1, viewing duration being shorter in the accurate-length and the orthographic preview conditions. Experiment 2 showed completely additive effects of word length and word frequency, target viewing being shorter in the accurate-length and the high-frequency conditions. Together these results indicate that functionally distinct subsystems control the use of parafoveally visible spatial and linguistic information in reading. Parafoveally visible spatial information appears to be used for two distinct extralinguistic computations: visual object selection and saccade specification.

Semantic codes are not used in integrating information across eye fixations in reading: evidence from fluent Spanish-English bilinguals.

The question of whether meaning can be extracted from unidentified parafoveal words was examined using fluent Spanish-English bilinguals. In Experiment 1, subjects fixated on a central cross, and a preview word was presented to the right of fixation in parafoveal vision. During the saccade to the parafoveal preview word, the preview was replaced by the target word, which the subject was required to name. In Experiment 2, subjects read sentences containing the target word, and, as in the naming task, a preview word was replaced by the target word when the subject's saccade crossed a boundary location. In both experiments, preview words were identical to the target word, translations, orthographic controls for the translations, or unrelated words in the opposite language. In both experiments, the preview benefit from the translation conditions was no greater than would be predicted by the orthographic similarity of the preview to the target. Hence, the data indicated that subjects obtained no useful semantic information from words seen parafoveally that enabled them to identify them more quickly on the subsequent fixation.

Is the processing of words during eye fixations in reading strictly serial?

Extant models of oculomotor control during reading maintain that allocation of attention confines word recognition to one (target) word at a time, and that an eye movement to a new (posttarget) word is computed before attention is shifted to it. To test these assumptions, properties of the posttarget's preview were manipulated during the fixation of the preceding target word. The main results revealed longer target viewing durations when the posttarget preview was visually distinctive or when it was orthographically illegal. The meaning of posttarget text did not affect initial target word reading, although it affected the time spent rereading the target. To account for these findings, extant attention-shift models must assume that readers obtain at least visuospatial and orthographic information from a parafovelly visible word before it is attended. This view has shortcomings, however, and several considerations favor less restrictive model assumptions according to which attention can be allocated to more than one word at a time.

Spelling-sound regularity effects on eye fixations in reading.

An interaction of word frequency and word regularity has typically been observed in naming and lexical decision experiments in which, in addition to an overall effect of word frequency, responses to low-frequency exception words are slower than those to low-frequency regular words, while no such difference occurs with high-frequency words. The only eye movement study to examine this effect in reading (Inhoff & Topolski, 1994) reported only transient effects of regularity. In the present experiment, we examined the frequency x regularity interaction using different stimuli than those of Inhoff and Topolski and also varied the parafoveal preview of the target word prior to fixation. When the preview was valid, the frequency x regularity interaction appeared. However, with an invalid preview, the effect of regularity disappeared. The results suggest that the activation of phonological codes is a very early component of reading.

Activation of phonological codes during eye fixations in reading.

Activation of phonological codes during eye fixations in reading.

Activation of phonological codes during eye fixations in reading.

Two experiments addressed the issue of whether phonological codes are activated early in a fixation during reading using the fast-priming technique (S. C. Sereno & K. Rayner, 1992). Participants read sentences and, at the beginning of the initial fixation in a target location, a priming letter string was displayed, followed by the target word. Phonological priming was assessed by the difference in the gaze duration on the target word between when the prime was a homophone and when it was a control word equated with the homophone on orthographic similarity to the target. Both experiments demonstrated homophonic priming with prime durations of about 35 ms, but only for high-frequency word primes, indicating that lexicality was guiding the speed of the extraction of phonological codes early in a fixation. Evidence was also obtained for orthographic priming, and the data suggest that orthographic and phonological priming effects interact in a mutually facilitating manner.

Phonological Codes Are Automatically Activated During Reading: Evidence From an Eye Movement Priming Paradigm

Subjects read sentences containing target words that were homophones (words with a single pronunciation but different spellings) while their eye movements were recorded A prime word was presented briefly at the onset of fixation on the target region The prime for a given target (e g, beach) was either identical to the target (beach), a phonologically similar word (the homophone beech), a visually similar nonhomophone (bench), or a dissimilar word (noise) Phonological priming effects were assessed by comparing fixation times on the target when it was preceded by the homophone versus the visually similar word Results suggest that phonological codes are automatically activated during eye fixations in reading

Use of Phonological Codes during Eye Fixations in Reading and in On-Line and Delayed Naming Tasks

Short passages were read and classified as being either meaningful or nonmeaningful in Experiment 1. Each passage contained a target consisting of a meaningful (appropriate) base word, a nonmeaningful pseudohomophone or pseudoword, or an inappropriate word. Classification errors were particularly high when passages contained a pseudohomophone. Viewing durations on pseudohomophone errors were equivalent to viewing durations on base words, indicating that pseudohomophone errors were not the result of a post-lexical error recovery process. Instead, pseudohomophone errors appeared to result from the use of assembled phonology in the selection of lexical representations. Shorter first fixation durations on phonologically regular words than on exception words, during the reading of semantically congruent sentences in Experiment 2, were consistent with this view. However, phonological regularity and consistency effects during sentence reading (Experiments 2 and 3) did not correspond to effects of phonology during target naming (Experiments 4 to 7). The comparison of delayed and on-line naming tasks revealed virtually identical regularity and consistency effects, indicating that effects of phonology in that task may not arise during the initial phase of word recognition.

Lexical ambiguity and eye fixations in reading: A test of competing models of lexical ambiguity resolution

Eye movement data were used to test two models of lexical ambiguity resolution. When ambiguous target words are preceded by disambiguating context, the integration model holds that the disambiguating material has no effect on the initial access phase of the meaning assignment process. In contrast, the reordered access model holds that disambiguating material can affect the initial access phase of the process by increasing the availability of one of the potential meanings. Subjects read sentences containing ambiguous words that had one very dominant and another more subordinate meaning. The words were preceded either by (1) evidence that the subordinate meaning of the word should be instantiated, (2) evidence that the dominant meaning should not be instantiated, or (3) neutral material. The ambiguous words were followed by material that conclusively disambiguated them toward their subordinate meanings. Gaze durations on the ambiguous words were longer when the words were preceded by evidence against their dominant meanings. Processing times for the disambiguating material were longer when the words were preceded by neutral material. The results were interpreted as support for the reordered access model.

Fast priming during eye fixations in reading.

Fast priming during eye fixations in reading.