Extremist Leaders Research Articles

TOXIC FORMATIONS: Race, Place and the Politics of Pollution on the Banks of the Ganga

AbstractPollution in the environment emerges as a legal and technical object on the one hand, and as a repository of social and cultural beliefs on the other. What happens when we trouble the idea that these belong to different domains and think about seemingly divergent meanings of pollution together? In this article, I draw from anti‐caste and anti‐racist work to explore this question. Extending critical urban scholarship on environmental politics, I attend to formations of caste and religion alongside judicial and political discourse on preventing pollution to the river Ganga in North India. In our present moment, on the banks of the sacred river, extremist leaders mobilize regulations to target minoritized Muslim and Dalit communities in Kanpur's leather industry. I argue that the roots of these actions lie in an environmental petition from the mid‐1980s which transformed urban environmental governance in North India, as the court decoupled questions of environmental protection from economic and social justice. I suggest that the analytic of regional racial formations helps us grapple with uneven socio‐spatial landscapes in postcolonial cities and sharpens our understanding of environmental injustices by moving beyond fixed categories of difference.

Contribution of Sir P.C. Rây in preparing chemical bombs and explosives for Indian freedom fighters

Sir Prafulla Chandra Rây (P.C. Rây) had a pertinent contribution in the preparation and characterization of chemical bombs and explosives for the Indian revolutionaries in British India. His secret but active cooperation in militant nationalism should be respectfully remembered. He had a very good relationship with moderate leaders like Mahatma Gandhi and extremist leaders like Pulin Bihari Das and others. He along with some of his students helped the revolutionaries to understand the proper scientific way behind the preparation, characterization and safe handling of chemical bombs as well as explosives, which in turn paved the way to our long-cherished independence in a very silent way.

Free Speech and Anti-Democratic Violence

The resurgence of far-right extremist groups—like “sovereign” militias, white supremacists, and avowedly fascist gangs—has exposed the First Amendment’s vulnerabilities to the “leaderless resistance” model of extremist organizing. This model, first popularized by white supremacist Louis Beam, specifically aims to insulate extremist leaders from liability when their followers engage in violence. It does so through fragmented structures and coded messages: Leaders use indirect references in speaking to disparate followers, without specificity (of targets) or immediacy (of corresponding violence), as required, e.g., for “incitement” under Brandenburg v. Ohio. This Article makes two contributions. First, it articulates this “gap” with precision, drawing upon recent, mostly overlooked cases while explaining the limits of extant free speech exceptions. Second, it reformulates Professor Clay Calvert’s recent proposal for opening extremist group leaders to vicarious liability, including a discussion of how to avoid overly broad adjustments that may impinge on other kinds of speech.

Practical Guide of Assessment of Disengagement from Jihadist Violent Extremism: Indicators of deradicalization

Structured professional judgement tools were specifically created to measure risk related to violent extremism. But there is no instrument that measures disengagement and deradicalization program. The result of an action research realized in parallel of the follow-up of 450 French jihadists enabled the creation of a trial of a specialized protocol, named NOORAPPLI 3D[1]. It is intended for professionals who take charge of jihadists. Its main aim is to measure how disengagement/deradicalization programs manage to change attitudes associated to violent extremism. It fills practitioners’ need of deepening in order to measure the exit of radicalization and to fight recidivism. This practical guide helps professionals to consider the meaning of the radicalized individual’s engagement (engagement motives with promises of a better world and/or self), to detect his needs which were compensated by the radical discourse (psychological, socio-political…), to evaluate his level of “paranoid perspective” (rigid and persecuting emotional dimension), his level of “socialization in terrorism” (relational dimension) and his level of adhesion to the utopia of a perfect world with divine law (ideological dimension) as well as the evolution of the cognitive change provoked by these three dimensions (dichotomic thought causing an inversion of the perpetrator/victim status and the dehumanisation of victims). This article aims at submitting to critics this trial of exit of jihadist radicalization protocol. It presents a method which led to the creation of items allowing a follow-up individual to be replaced in his own trajectory of radicalization. NOORAPPLI 3D relies on results of a scientific research on contemporary jihadism but incorporates them transversely, to help professionals to measure concretely follow-up individuals, on the basis of objective facts and not according to subjective representations nor principled positions. NOORAPPLI 3D items are organized into three chapters corresponding to the three dimensions of the radicalization process (emotional, relational, ideological). For each of these items, four levels of answers are proposed. The professional will check the closest answer to the concerned subject’s situation. The items are formulated so that the professional will gather precise information on each matter: either after a discussion or by the observation of the radicalized individual’s behaviour, with a risk of dissimulation. The following items must be adapted and experimented. It will also be necessary to adapt them to help professionals of other countries because they are built upon the exit of radicalization of French jihadists who were largely recruited by French extremist leaders in the French language and tested by teams of French professionals within and outside prisons. [1] NOOR means Light in Arabic. It also stands for “Neutralizing Online and Offline Radicalization”. 3D refers to the three evaluated dimensions leading to an emotional, relational or ideological cognitive change.

Poverty and National Security in Nigeria

Although poverty is a global phenomenon, its effects on the security of each country vary. In Nigeria with a large population of people living below the poverty level, the poor masses become, restive and vulnerable in their desperation to forge a living. It is in this circumstance that criminally minded leaders (political or religious) manipulate the vulnerable poor masses to carry out their wishes. It is the vulnerability of the poor for easy manipulation that threatens national security. This study becomes imperative due to the protraction of many violent conflicts, insurgencies and terrorist activities in the country. The study was shown that radical, extremist leaders depend greatly on the use of the poor masses in threatening national security in Nigeria.

Unsung Swadeshi Militant Nationalists of Tamilnadu

The Swadeshi Movement and the emergence of the extremist leaders like Bipin Chandra Pal, B.G.Tilak, Lala Lajpat Rai and Feroz Shah Mehta impinged a great change in the history of freedom struggle. It gave concrete and determined objectives which comprised of economic and political ideology. Swadeshi and its boycott programmes were clarified definite shape to freedom struggle. The British Government did not expect such an agitation and alarmed at the success of the Swadeshi Movement, the government took strong measures to suppress the movement. It passed series of Acts such as Public Meeting Act, the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, the Seditious Meeting Act (1907), the Explosive Substance Act (1908), the Newspaper (Incitement and Offence Act 1908) and the Indian Press Act (1910) were passed to suppress extremist activities. The Swadeshi Movement spread throughout India. The word ‘Swadeshi’ implies use of goods made in one’s own country. The boycott of foreign made goods and the promotion of swadeshi enterprise the twin pillars of the Swadeshi movement saw various activities in Madras Presidency. G. Subrahmania Iyer played a key role in spreading the ideas of Swadeshi. His lectures in Madurai aroused powerful nationalist feelings among the students of Madurai Native College in 1906. In November 1897, Hawett, Secretary to the Government of India, Home Department instructed the Chief Secretary of Madras to forward any information “regarding matters of political or administrative importance or events which have excited public interest”. During the anti-partition agitation of Bengal, the Madras Government closely watched the activities of its servants. In 1907, Parameswaran Iyer, a Government Chemical Examiner was asked to explain his ‘inflammatory speech on the subject of Swadeshi’. Thus, the Madras Government made it clear that it did not approve of government servants attending political meetings. Vanchi Iyer, born at Shenkottah in Travancore State in 1880 was the son of Ragupathy Iyer. He was employed as a forest guard at Punalur in the then Travancore state. He was one of the members of the secret society called Bharatha Matha Association, organized by Nilakanda Brahmachari . Other members of the society were Sankara Krishna Iyer of Krishnapuram, Madathukadai Chidambaram Pillai of Tenkasi, Dharmaraj Iyer and Harihara Iyer of Shencottah, Madasami pillai of Ottapidaram and Arumugam Pillai of Tuticorin. The aim of the society formed by Vanchi and Nilakanta Brahmachari was to kill all European officers of the district to intimidate European officials and discourage them from coming to serve in India which would pave the way to obtain Swaraj.

Comparative Challenges in Securing the Horn of Africa and Sahara

Geography helps to explain why violent extremist organizations are difficult to counter; vast ungoverned spaces combined with weak states make it nearly impossible to decisively defeat them. However, partial success has been achieved by the United States in the Horn of Africa with a strategy of training, equipping, and supporting African intervention forces and attacking extremist leaders. In contrast, a strategy of containment in the Sahara, focusing on counterterrorism training for regional security forces and countering extremist ideology, did not succeed in preventing militant groups from taking over northern Mali and expanding their activities to other parts of the region.

Collard Greens, Clarence Thomas, and the High-Tech Rape of Anita Hill

Militant arguments that blacks now have no alternative except disruptive protests and boycotts will be invulnerable to more moderate responses. The Court's action will even give legitimacy to claims by some extremist leaders that black people must respond with violence to the violence inflicted on them by an uncaring society. History reveals no precedent for a black man in a position of real power advocating racial policies that are so at odds with the convictions of a great majority of his people. Thus, Judge Thomas must expect fierce criticism, first from blacks and then when they realize the racial chaos his decisions will

The Significance of Extremism in the Black Revolution

This paper examines the connotations of the term “extremism” as used with reference to the Black Protest Movement. An heuristic definition of contemporary black extremism is derived from Gary Marx' review of opinion surveys which identify modal attitudes towards values, tactics and leaders among putative members of the movement. Propositions concerning the possible significance of extremist leaders are then advanced. They may: 1) increase the bargaining power of moderate leaders; 2) provide a corrective to illusions of progress by, 3) identifying unresolved issues and defining new ones; 4) radicalize a growing segment of the movement membership and increase the polarization between the movement and its opposition; 5) focus the attention of the opposition and the bystander public on new issues; and 6) evoke extreme repressive measures from the opposition.