Extremist Groups Research Articles

An Analysis of the Crucial Role of Religious Extremism Contributes to Afghanistan’s Political Instability

Purpose: Political stability in Afghanistan has been hindered by religious extremism. However, several parties have grown up within the country to oppose the government. These extremist groups employ suffering as a means of gaining political power rather than simply using religion Because Sunni, Shia, Hanafi, Wahhabi, and other religious individuals live and work to promote their religions, religious extremism has a significant effect on Afghanistan's political stability. This has led to numerous problems between the citizens and the government. Several explosions have happened in mosques targeting Shia. It is believed that non-Muslims are using this tactic to extend the ongoing conflict in Afghanistan distinctively. This paper aims to analyze the impact of religious extremism on political instability in Afghanistan. In this paper, the analysis is based on the fact that religious extremists have a great impact on the political stability of Afghanistan. Materials and Methods: The study emphasizes analytical and descriptive approaches to gathering and analyzing data, which is more consistent with qualitative studies. The primary approaches used to gather data for qualitative research encompass focus groups, observation, and interviews. Findings: The results of this study are as follows: (1) The analysis of religion is considered one of the important elements in Afghanistan, five categories of participants have different opinions about this response, 51% of respondents agree that religious extremes have an impact on Afghanistan political stability, 38% of participants strongly agree that religion has on impact on political stability in Afghanistan; (2) the supporting of militant groups has an impact on Afghan political instability, 5% of participants are neutral about this response, and 3% of the participants are strongly disagree about the above response. Implications to Theory, Practice and Policy: We recommend that the Afghan government strictly obey the rule of Islam and international partners should cooperate with Afghanistan in this field.

Students’ subjective perceptions of extremism in the Russian Arctic

Young people are a traditional risk group for radicalization and involvement in protest and extremist activities. The relevance of this topic is due to the growing threat of youth radicalization, the expansion of the activities of extremist organizations, and the need to organize high-quality preventive work in educational organizations at various levels. The article provides an overview of research on the topic under consideration and also presents the results of a series of surveys in general educational institutions and organizations of secondary vocational education (n = 11,052), universities (n = 3966) located in the Arctic zone of the Russian Federation. The results of the study on aspects of students’ ideas about extremism are presented in terms of assessing their own knowledge about extremism, the presence/absence of radically minded people around them, determining the degree of threat from the activities of extremist groups for themselves and their social environment, and identifying approaches to preventing the growth of extremism in society. Conclusions are drawn about the need to improve preventive work models in educational organizations towards a targeted (group) approach.

How did female members of the Ku Klux Klan think about gender in the United States?

This paper focuses on the members’ perspective toward gender issues inside the Women’s KKK party, mainly about their attitude toward gender equality. This paper will analyze two secondary and two primary sources to join the debate of whether women in the KKK want to be empowered or stay traditional. The analysis of the primary sources interrupts this debate by stating women in the KKK believe there is no distinction between the two sexes. The idea of doing this specific research is to show that women are fighting for equality and rights in different kinds of conditions, including in extremist groups.

Mobilizing extremism: an examination of the travel patterns of right-wing extremists in the United States

ABSTRACT Extensive criminological research has documented a ‘distance-decay’ effect in criminal activity, with offenders less likely to commit crimes farther from their residences. While recent studies have identified similar patterns in ideologically motivated violence, variation in the travel behaviors of extremists remains underexplored. Using data on right-wing extremists who carried out a violent plot, between 2000 and 2020, alongside information on Capitol insurrectionist arrestees – and drawing on routine activity and rational-choice theories of offender decision-making – this study extends this literature along three dimensions: type, time, and ties. First, we distinguish between different types of offenders, showing that while both violent extremists and insurrectionists exhibit distance-decays, the latter tend to travel farther and exhibit a more irregular decay. Secondly, we identify a meaningful temporal shift in the right-wing extremist landscape, with offenders increasingly traveling longer distances to execute their plots. Finally, we highlight the role of social ties in shaping travel behaviors, where individuals affiliated with extremist groups tend to travel longer distances. These findings contribute to a more nuanced understanding of the spatial behavior of right-wing extremists, the factors influencing their mobility, and the evolving nature of right-wing extremism in the United States.

Staged Dissent – »Change My Mind« as a Vehicle of Instrumental Deliberation within the Identitäre Bewegung Österreich

In this paper we aim to analyze the talking format of Change my Mind by Steven Crowder and its adaptation by the former spokesperson of the right-wing extremist group Identitäre Bewegung in Austria. By employing the concept of ›genre of dissent‹ we ask the question how democratic values of deliberation are strategically used to gain legitimacy for far-right positions in discourse. A key aspect is how these strategies relate to practices of self-marginalisation in the sense of mimicry of marginality. As a model for dismantling and criticising these practices we suggest the concept of instrumental deliberation

Դոհայի համաձայնագիրը ԱՄՆ–Աֆղանստան հարաբերություններում նոր շրջափուլի թևակոխման սկիզբ / The Doha Agreement as the Beginning of a New Period in US-Afghanistan Relations

On February 29, 2020, the United States and the Taliban signed an agreement to establish peace in Afghanistan, which became widely known as the Doha Agreement. This agreement marked the end of one of the largest and bloodiest conflicts of the 21st century, the Afghan Civil War. The Doha Agreement is crucial to consider within the context of Afghan transitions, as well as the signing and content of the agreement itself, which became a turning point for the future of Afghanistan and its people, signaling the end of the long-standing presence of American and coalition forces in Afghanistan. The Doha Agreement is based on four key points: the withdrawal of American and coalition forces, the Taliban's commitment to conduct counter-terrorism operations, the initiation of intra-Afghan negotiations, and the establishment of a comprehensive and long-lasting peace. The Doha Agreement became a turning point in U.S. foreign policy, though it did not lead to long-term peace in Afghanistan. Nevertheless, it marked the beginning of a reevaluation of U.S. foreign policy in the Indo-Pacific region. On the other hand, the agreement is also significant because the U.S. engaged in peace negotiations and signed an agreement with the Sunni extremist group known as the Taliban, which, to this day, it does not recognize as the official ruling force in Afghanistan.

Global Jihad and Local Sentiment: The Impact of the Hamas-Israel Conflict on Radicalization in Indonesia

The prolonged conflict between Hamas and Israel has significant impacts on the social and political dynamics in various countries, including Indonesia. This study aims to analyze how this conflict affects radicalization and the development of terrorism ideology in Indonesia. The methodology employed is a qualitative approach based on narrative analysis through document studies and secondary data. This research applies the Relative Deprivation Theory to explain the dissatisfaction felt by Indonesian Muslims regarding the conditions in Palestine, and the Framing Theory to understand how the conflict narrative is framed by radical groups. The findings indicate that the narrative of Palestinian suffering and the legitimacy of jihad are used by extremist groups to recruit new members and garner support. Additionally, this phenomenon contributes to an increase in anti-Israel sentiment among Indonesian society. The findings reveal the complex relationship between international conflicts and local radicalization, which calls for more serious attention from the government in addressing potential terrorism threats arising from these sentiments.

Poso’s Second Jihad: The Local, the National, the Global

ABSTRACT This article looks at the second Poso jihad from 2011 to 2022, focusing on its local, national, and global dimensions. Drawing upon 62 interviews with members of Poso-based Islamist extremist groups, it advances three arguments: First, it contends that at the local level the lingering grievances and perceptions of injustice as well as the initial jihadi leaders, trainers, and recruits provided continuity between the first and second Poso jihads. Second, it posits that the jihadi training camps served as the crucial bridge connecting the local, the national, and the global dimensions. Third, it argues that the interplay between the local, national, and global enabled MIT to periodically regenerate its jihad and to have a reach far beyond its numbers.

Repeated interrogations of sources of human intelligence using the Scharff technique

ABSTRACT Human Intelligence (HUMINT) sources may be questioned multiple times. However, criminal and military interrogation research focuses on single-instance interrogations. The current study employed a role-playing paradigm to examine the effect of interrogation approach on various elicitation-relevant outcomes and information gain across repeated questioning sessions using a direct approach and the Scharff Technique. In the study scenario, participants (N = 68) were given information on an extremist group planning a bombing, were given an information management dilemma, and were subsequently questioned. Participants in the Scharff Technique condition were questioned using the Scharff Technique at Time 1 and direct questioning at Time 2. Direct Approach condition participants received direct questioning at both times. All participants provided a greater information contribution at Time 2 compared to Time 1, regardless of assigned condition. Compared to participants in the Direct Approach condition, participants in the Scharff Technique condition perceived Time 1 interrogators as more knowledgeable and Time 2 interrogators as less knowledgeable. This suggests a backfire effect when switching from the Scharff technique to direct questioning. Interrogators should carefully consider the decision to employ the Scharff technique if it may be followed up with more traditional questioning approaches.

Verbal attacks on terrorist groups increase violence against civilians

Abstract Terrorists and other transnational extremist groups are responsible for thousands of civilian deaths. In confronting extremists, governments have relied heavily on threats, demands, denunciations, and other forms of verbal conflict. Do these efforts at verbal coercion have any effect on terrorist behavior? This analysis focuses on the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS), which continues to be the world's deadliest terrorist group and was responsible for recent high-profile attacks in Baghdad, Vienna, Kabul, and Russia. We use Bayesian structural vector autoregression models to analyze daily event data on interactions between ISIS and foreign governments for the 2014–2020 period. We find that verbal conflict initiated by governments not only failed to deter ISIS but in fact increased the frequency of ISIS's attacks on civilians. Additional empirical analyses, combined with evidence from ISIS's publications and public statements, suggest that this effect resulted from a perceived credibility deficit. Extremists use terror attacks to signal that they have the capabilities and willingness to inflict pain and suffering on civilian targets. Government attempts to coerce extremist groups verbally, rather than militarily, reflect an underestimation of the group's capabilities and resolve. In an effort to solidify their reputations, extremists engage in further violence toward civilians, thus leading to worse humanitarian consequences. We extend the analysis to Al-Qaeda in Iraq and Boko Haram and find similar results.

Liberatory or predatory? Gendered perspectives on the role of women in the Weather Underground

ABSTRACT The Weather Underground is a group that has divided opinion for over half a century. To some, they were legitimate anti-war activists, to others they were one of America’s most notorious domestic terror groups. Much of the secondary literature describing the group has highlighted the role of women in the organisation, differentiating them from the typical male-dominated structures of radical and extremist groups. Using comparative autobiographical analysis, this project explores the extent to which this assessment of gender equality is accurate by evaluating how members of the group described their experiences in their own words. The analysis identifies gendered discrepancies in the portrayal of women in the movement. Where men were likely to have a positive recollection of the gender equality within the Weather Underground, the accounts of women tread a complex line between acknowledging both the liberatory elements and the sexism within the movement. This research helps to demonstrate the value of first-hand accounts rather than secondary literature in trying to understand the internal dynamics of a movement. It also highlights the need for nuance when discussing the role of women in extremism movements.

The road to censorship: the case of digital audiovisual industries in India

ABSTRACT This article examines the influence of the Indian government on digital content creation, amidst growing concerns about freedom of expression due to the Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules 2021 (IT Rules). Introduced by the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), these regulations have sparked debate over their impact on India’s vibrant digital audiovisual industry, which has been a bastion of diverse storytelling and production capabilities. The situation is complicated by threats from extremist groups affiliated with the BJP, and right-wing groups against platforms like Netflix and Amazon Prime Video, raising suspicions that these legislative measures serve ideological and political agendas under the guise of ‘digital welfare’. Through a mixed-method approach comprising qualitative content analysis of the IT Rules, discourse analysis of governmental communications, and interviews with practitioners and policy experts, the study explores the triangulated power dynamics between the state, global platforms, and content creators. It reveals how state intervention, presented as a nation-building effort, effectively legitimises digital and mob censorship, encourages self-censorship among creators due to policy ambiguity, and aligns digital content creation closely with the state’s ideological objectives.

Media framing of far-right extremism and online radicalization in esport and gaming

Gaming adjacent platforms have created an expanding ecosystem of online gaming, esport, and social media actors sharing online space, content, communication tools, and users. Esport, in particular, has grown beyond all expectations and is now a global leader in sport fandom and spectatorship. At the same time, the online infiltration and influence of far-right extremism have resulted in increased challenges of online radicalization. Gaming and esport form a foundational part of youth digital culture today, and this has provided a fertile ground for far-right extremist groups to communicate and connect with users globally. This paper uses framing theory and qualitative document analysis to examine how media articles frame the relationship between far-right extremism and esport. The findings enhance our understanding of how narratives of far-right extremist influence in esport and gaming are framed in the media and how this coverage shapes contemporary societal discussion. This is important because as far-right extremism continues to be propagated and performed in esport and gaming spaces, how this is framed to public audiences can have a critical influence on esport and gamer identities, victimization or criminalization of online spaces, and future activities or approaches to counter radicalization within the online environment.

Vitamin D and CRP are associated in hospitalized inflammatory bowel disease (IBD) patients in Shanghai.

Patients with inflammatory bowel disease (IBD) are more likely to be confirmed with vitamin D deficiency. However, the association between inflammation and vitamin D remains unclear. The purpose of this study was to evaluate the association between inflammation and vitamin D in hospitalized patients with IBD. All the participants were recruited from one teaching hospital from June 2018 to October 2022. Inflammation was evaluated by serum concentration of C-reactive protein (CRP), using an immunoturbidimetric method at admission. We further divided the participants into five groups based on serum CRP levels: <5, 5-9.9, 10-19.9, 20-39.9, and >40mg/L. Serum 25-hydroxy-vitamin D (25-(OH)-D) was assessed by liquid chromatography tandem mass spectrometry. Addi-tional information, including age, sex, body mass index (BMI), IBD (ulcerative colitis vs. Crohn's disease) subtype, was abstracted from medical records. This study included 1,989 patients with IBD (average age was 39.4 years, 33.8% of them were women, 1,365 CD and 624 UC patients). The median CRP was 5.49 mg/L (range of quartiles: 1.64~19.5 mg/L) and the prevalence of 25-(OH)-D deficiency was 69.8%. CRP was significantly associated with serum level of 25-(OH)-D. The difference in 25-(OH)-D was -4.28 ng/ml (-5.27 ng/ml, -3.31 ng/ml) between two extremist CRP groups after adjustment of potential covariates (age, sex, BMI, type of IBD, dietary type, season, and lymphocyte count). Subgroup analysis in sex, type of IBD, and age, were similar to the main analysis results. There was a negative association between CRP levels and vitamin D in hospitalized patients with IBD.

An apolitical risk assessment of the 2024 US elections: The threat of widespread riots and significant business disruption

Civil disorder has always plagued humanity, with violence being triggered by real or perceived grievances, rumours and speculation, and internal or external agitators. The risk to people, communities, businesses and the rule of law is not isolated to a particular country or society. The propensity for violence and how it is incited is, however, an evolving threat with the advent of the ‘modern riot’. The causes of violence centre on economic and social injustice, sports- and event-related riots, a reaction to police or security forces and political unrest. As the US nears the contentious 2024 elections, the failing trust in the three branches of government combined with external global tensions and conflict, threats from domestic extremist groups, a rising acceptance of violence as a means of settling political disagreements, hostile nation actors and international terror groups that exploit societal instability create fertile conditions for widespread violence. Exacerbating these factors are the risks from artificial intelligence (AI) deepfake, rapid mass communications, the citizen journalist, prominent influencers amplifying grievances and inflammatory media reporting. This convergence of exacerbators and accelerants for political discord offers the potential for serious security risks and significant business disruption.

Digital Reconstruction: A Critical Examination of the History and Adaptation of Ku Klux Klan Websites.

In response to the data revolution, academic research and media attention have increasingly focused on the technological adaptation and innovation displayed by the far right. The greatest attention is paid to social media and how groups and organizations are utilizing technological advancement and growth in virtual networks to increase recruitment and advance radicalization on a global scale. As with most social and political endeavors, certain technologies are in vogue and thus draw the attention of users and regulators and service providers. This creates a technological blind spot within which extremist groups frequently operate older and less well regarded technologies without the oversight that one might expect. This article examines the less well-studied traditional and official websites of the Ku Klux Klan, the most established and iconic of American far-right organizations. By incorporating non-participant observation of online spaces and thematic analysis, this research analyzes the evolution of 26 websites, from their emergence in the early 1990s to the present day. We examine the ways in which traditional printed communications and other ephemera have progressed with advances in technology, focusing on the following central elements of Klan political activism and community formation: Klan identity, organizational history, aims and objectives; technology and outreach, including online merchandise and event organization; and the constructions of whiteness and racism. The results add value and insight to comparable work by offering a unique historical insight into the ways in which the Klan have developed and made use of Web 1.0, Web 2.0, and Web3 technologies.

GENDER APPROACH TO PREVENTING WOMEN'S INVOLVEMENT IN TERRORISM IN INDONESIA

In recent years, there has been an increase in women's involvement in terrorism in Indonesia. The evolution of women involved in terrorism is not only limited to followers, but has increased and become more dangerous. Extremist groups use women in their acts of terror because they see an opportunity for women to become suicide perpetrators. Gender gaps and inequality are factors for women to be involved in the action. How patriarchal views and masculinity constructs affect radicalization and acts of violent extremism, so a gender-based approach is needed to be able to promote gender equality and mitigate discrimination, and can be actualized in terrorism prevention strategies in Indonesia.

Hybridization or Salad Bar Ideology? Testing Ideological Convergence Within the American Violent Far Right

In September 2020, FBI Director Christopher Wray described far-right extremist motivations as “a mishmash” or “salad bar” of ideologies. Academics and practitioners have further promoted such ideas using case studies of inter-organizational collaboration. The current study tests the “Salad Bar” and Hybridization hypotheses by analyzing the online discourse of far-right extremist groups to identify similarities and differences in their designation of “adversaries,” topics of political discourse, support for violence, membership characteristics, and psychological dimensions. After computer-assisted analysis of ideological discourse samples, our findings indicate that there may be an initial overlap between far-right groups, but it is too early to assume hybridization across the far-right.

“A Future for White Children”: Examining Family Ideologies of White Extremist Groups at the Intersection of Race and Gender

Many White Americans believe that racism, racial violence, and hate groups are relics of the past, and yet we have witnessed the resurgence of White extremist groups and overt racism in recent years. This resurgence requires an examination of White extremist ideologies, particularly as they center traditional family values in justifying their extremism. In this study, we utilize a content analysis of the websites of six White extremist organizations to examine ideologies surrounding the family at the intersection of race and gender. Furthermore, we question why these ideologies take shape as they do and the potential implications of espousing family values with a rise in White extremism. Our study addresses the gender gap in existing White extremist research and highlights the need for an intersectional approach in understanding how ideologies differ between a White extremist group specifically for women and those under the leadership of men.

“Groups Are Still a Problem … but a Different One!”: Reflecting on the Role Played by Non-Violent Extremist Groups in the Radicalisation Pathways of Individuals in the UK

Non-violent (vocal) extremists are at the centre of inflamed debates in the UK as they use their freedom of speech to legally oppose key democratic values and national authorities while targeting specific groups in the society as alleged enemies. This paper aims to explore the radicalisation pathways of individuals in the UK who hold radical and extreme ideas but who have not (yet) committed any offence. More precisely, this paper aims to uncover the role (if any) played by non-violent extremist groups in pathways to radicalisation. To do so, this paper focuses on people supported by the Channel programme, the main early de-radicalisation programme within the Prevent Scheme. This paper innovatively uses first-hand data reflecting the views of Channel practitioners on radicalisation pathways. This study concludes that non-violent extremist groups (as structures) still play a role in familiarising/acculturating individuals with specific ideological concepts. However, the processes of identity building and resource mobilisation seem to be strongly agent-led when observing Channel population in the UK.