Extension Of Citizenship Research Articles

Citizenship in Empire: The Legal History of U.S. Citizenship in American Samoa, 1899-1960

Abstract This article analyzes the legal history of U.S. citizenship for American Samoa and examines why American Samoa remains the only U.S. unincorporated territory that U.S. citizenship has not been extended to by Congress. The article examines legislation from the 1930s that would have extended U.S. citizenship to Samoans, but failed to pass in Congress due to opposition from the U.S. Navy, the effects of the Great Depression, and the racism of some U.S. lawmakers. The last parts of the article explore hearings that were held in the immediate years after World War II in which naval leaders and U.S. lawmakers expressed a willingness to extend citizenship to American Samoa for Cold War propaganda imperatives. These hearings ultimately did not lead to the extension of U.S. citizenship. By the early years of the Cold War some Samoan leaders had petitioned Congress against the extension of citizenship to American Samoa for fear that citizenship would lead to the destruction of Samoan cultural autonomy. The legal history of U.S. citizenship for American Samoa from 1899 to 1960 illuminates the various meanings citizenship can have and the disparate ways citizenship can be used by different people in the context of empire. In American Samoa, citizenship was a powerful concept that colonized people used to make claims for equal inclusion and full membership within a political community; it was a tool that the U.S. government used in strategic ways to legitimate imperialism; and it was a status with the power to destroy cultural autonomy.

Fronteras, movilidad y ciudadanía

Los estudios sobre la frontera la han mostrado como construcción social y política, de carácter dinámico y campo de tensión y conflicto. Este trabajo trata de aplicar el enfoque de la frontera al concepto de ciudadanía. Se pone en cuestión la idea de ciudadanía como condición formal cerrada y completa y se presenta como proyecto normativo abierto e inacabado. En el mismo, los derechos constituyen la base ética sobre la que se producen los procesos de expansión y extensión de la ciudadanía que rompen los moldes del modelo sedentario de comunidad política. Pero es su dimensión política la que muestra la necesidad de ampliar la inclusión en un orden político-jurídico capaz de protegerlos y garantizarlos. El vínculo con el Estado no desaparece, pero se integra en un sistema de ciudadanía multilateral que solo puede alcanzarse desde la ampliación progresiva de experiencias cosmopolitas.

Dual Citizenship as Power Politics: The Case of the Carpathian Basin

The article focuses on dual citizenship and voting rights, not as the rights of an individual, but from the perspective of state. Therefore, citizenship is concentrated into a power-political resource inside and between states, as a means of gaining and maintaining domestic power and interests. Our case is Carpathian Basin, in which the Fidesz-led government has sought to increase its influence by guaranteeing dual citizenship to ethnic Hungarians. In addition, the citizenship and electoral policies are placed into wider European context in relation to external voting rights and the ideas of specific quota systems for the representation of the citizens abroad. We assert that the extension of citizenship with voting rights to those living abroad has transformed elections from a purely national matter to regional or even global issue. In Hungary it seems plausible that new electorate, outer-Hungarians, secured the two-third majority for the government both in 2014 and 2018.

National Minorities in an Era of Externalization

This article investigates how two processes of externalization—deeper integration into European institutions, and the extension of citizenship and voting rights offered by neighboring kin-states—impact national minority politics using the critical case of the ethnic Hungarian political community in Romania. It finds that external citizenship and voting rights may help strengthen ethnic political identity, but also reorients resources away from minority political projects toward the kin-state and encourages intra-minority stratification. Access to European political spaces offers additional arenas through which minority political actors can make claims and gain allies, but is of limited use as a mobilizational resource.

To Re-educate oneself to Citizenship within the Cultural Pluralism

In a world dominated by pluralism and where ‘diversity is reality’, the extension of citizenship becomes a hot topic of the conflict of modernity, so much so that many have discussed the possibility of a primacy of human rights on the citizen rights (Walzer, 2014). This theme arouses reflection on the conditioning that the physical and social borders have on processes of identification. If, then, the current political situation is marked by fear, humiliation, hope (MoA¯si, 2009), the question that arises is this: how is it possible to promote the value of otherness for every human face, recognized as identical and at the same time to pursue the defence of its boundary beyond which the difference arises? To answer may be useful to educate oneself to a practice to emotions, “rediscovering the pervasiveness of different cultural processes […] and the power that these have to model individual interests expressed in social actions” (Colafato, 1998, p. 10).

The moral architecture of villa storage in Italy in the 1st c. B.C.

The Late Republican villa acted as a scene for the projection and contestation of moral values. Villas continued a long-standing association between the physical appearance and the concept of the house, on the one hand, and the moral positioning of its owner, on the other. Ancestral homes in particular proved symbolically salient mechanisms for claims of identity. In a Late Republic characterised by the extension of citizenship and influx of new wealth, this moral and socio-political representation became more contested. Physically and conceptually at some distance from Rome, rural estates provided a canvas for self-definition by old landed aristocrats andnouveaux richesalike, on which the boundaries of an ever-changing ‘elite’ were sketched, as well as the sense of belonging to that élite.

SYRACUSAN IDENTITY BETWEEN TYRANNY AND DEMOCRACY

Abstract The city of Syracuse saw enormous social changes in the first half of the fifth century BCE, as the Deinomenid tyranny gave way to a more democratic constitution. In particular, the tyrants' extension of citizenship to some 10,000 former mercenaries was accompanied by shifting conceptions of Syracusan civic identity. The ideological program of Hieron, found in Pindar and on coinage, promoted a version of civic identity that focused on the city's Dorian ethnicity and unique topographical features (the island Ortygia and the spring Arethusa) as factors shared by all citizens. After the fall of the tyranny, however, this more inclusive conception of Syracusan identity was rejected by the ‘original’ citizens, who excluded the former mercenaries from office-holding. The resulting civil strife reveals a struggle, in the aftermath of tyranny, over the nature of Syracusan civic identity: what did it mean to be Syracusan and how would that status be defined?

Citizen Chávez

Scholars are divided over whether the emancipatory politics promised by new social movements can be attained within civil society or whether seizure of the state apparatus is necessary. The Bolivarian Revolution led by President Hugo Chávez presents a crucial case for examining this question. Chávez’s use of the state apparatus has been fundamental in broadening the concept of citizenship, but this extension of citizenship has occurred alongside the deliberate exclusion of others. This has not only limited its appeal as a citizenship project but created counterpublics that challenge the functioning of the government and its very legitimacy. Analysis of Bolivarianism in terms of micropublics shows both how otherwise disparate micropublics fuse together and why their union remains contingent and dependent on the figure of Chávez, its most significant producer.

The Limits of Political Citizenship

Policy makers tend to focus on the extension of citizenship as the primary means by which new populations become incorporated into a society. Although acquiring formal citizenship is necessary in order to participate in many aspects of a state's civic, social, and political life, the extension of legal citizenship is far from a guarantee for full membership. Instead of focusing exclusively on naturalizing immigrants, we need to consider T.H. Marshall's three spheres of citizenship—the civil, political, and social. By extending social elements of citizenship prior to or at the same time as we extend other benefits, we will move towards more complete citizenship for and greater civil and political engagement among all residents in our society—non-citizens, naturalized, and native-born, alike.

Land Restitution and Democratic Citizenship in South Africa

Democratisation in South Africa empowered racial, religious, and linguistic groupings and indigenous peoples with the right to land restitution. The main purpose of this article is to evaluate the implications of communal property ownership for the restoration of land rights and the exercise of democratic citizenship. Has restored land in communal form enabled returnee members of dispossessed communities to receive justice for past abuses and to enjoy the benefits of property ownership? The new government's approach to communal restitution produced satisfactory legal results, but perpetuated perceptions of unified communities. Fieldwork illustrates how contemporary communal arrangements affected Elandskloof of the Cedarberg in the Western Cape, the Tsitsikamma Mfengu and the village of Clarkson in the Eastern Cape, and the Richtersveld in the Northern Cape. These cases magnify similarities and differences in the reconstitution of community and the outcomes of restoration of land beyond the legal transfer of ownership in post-apartheid South Africa. South Africa's institutional framework for land restitution provides a comparative lens through which to view how other new democracies grappled with the extension of citizenship and the definition of property rights in the 1990s into the 21st century.

SOCIAL AND CULTURAL POLICIES TOWARD INDIGENOUS PEOPLES: Perspectives from Latin America

Throughout the twentieth century, social and cultural policies toward indigenous peoples in Latin America have been closely related to indigenismo, an ideological movement that denounced the exploitation of aboriginal groups and strove for the cultural unity and the extension of citizenship through social integration and “acculturation.” This review traces the colonial and nineteenth-century roots of indigenismo and places it in the context of the populist tendencies in most Latin American states from the 1920s to the 1970s, which favored economic protectionism and used agrarian reform and the provision of services as tools for governance and legitimacy. Also examined is the role of anthropological research in its relation to state hegemony as well as the denunciation of indigenista policies by ethnic intellectuals and organizations. In recent decades, the dismantling of populist policies has given rise to a new official “neoliberal” discourse that extols multiculturalism. However, the widespread demand for multicultural policies is also seen as the outcome of the fight by militant indigenous organizations for a new type of citizenship.

Estratégia de desenvolvimento e combate à pobreza

Neste estudo, partindo-se de concepção do desenvolvimento como processo global (econômico, social e político), propõe-se formular modelos de intervenção pública em situações de pobreza, com o objetivo de superar o que se considera um dos maiores desafios para a modernização dos países menos avançados. Os modelos propostos são concebidos a partir da análise e interpretação detalhadas de três diferenciadas situações de pobreza no Brasil: o Nordeste rural (área considerada de baixa renda, ou subdesenvolvida), o Sudeste metropolitano (de nível médio-alto de desenvolvimento) e o Nordeste urbano (nível médio-baixo). Pretendem, porém, ter validade mais geral como enquadramentos a partir dos quais programas de combate à pobreza específicos, inseridos em estratégias de desenvolvimento, podem ser formulados e executados. O núcleo dos modelos é integrado por três variáveis básicas, às quais correspondem três ações estratégicas: o crescimento, com a indentificação dos mecanismos pelos quais os pobres podem dele se beneficiar; o conhecimento, representado pelo capital humano, de que decorre esforço de educação básica e de qualificação da pobreza; e o trabalho, considerado como variável-enlace entre o crescimento e o conhecimento, pelo qual se dá a inserção produtiva dos pobres e sua autopromoção social. São consideradas ainda ações complementares, envolvendo a extensão aos pobres das políticas sociais públicas; o planejamento familiar; a intensificação do uso do trabalho como forma de suplementação de renda; a assistência aos pobres considerados mais vulneráveis; e a extensão, a eles, dos direitos da cidadania, assegurados pela presença do Estado nas áreas de concentração de pobreza.