Explanation For Racial Disparities Research Articles

Does racial diversity affect White children's racial bias and reasoning? Depends on where they live and how their social world is structured.

By 4 years of age, White children from across the United States begin to exhibit an awareness of racial inequalities, along with in-group preferences for other White children. The present study explored how the size and racial diversity of White children's social network (e.g., friends, family, and classmates) and neighborhood (zip code) are related to variation in their explanations for racial disparities and anti-Black bias among a sample of 395 White children (ages = 4-11 years old; Mage = 6.6 years) from 263 unique zip codes across the United States. White children in neighborhoods with low diversity were more likely to endorse an extrinsic explanation for racial inequality as their network diversity increased, whereas network diversity did not relate to children's choices for those who lived in neighborhoods with high diversity. These findings held even after controlling for parents' beliefs about diversity, which were themselves positively correlated with children's network and neighborhood diversity. An exploratory analysis revealed that for White children in small networks only, as the number of children of color in their network increased, they were more likely to choose to play with a Black child. Results demonstrate how the diversity of children's social networks and neighborhoods relates to children's developing racial beliefs in contextually dependent ways. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved).

TCR gene segment usage and HLA alleles that are associated with cancer survival rates also represent racial disparities.

Understanding racial disparities in cancer outcomes continues to be a challenge, with likely many factors at play, including socioeconomic factors and genetic polymorphisms impacting basic cellular and molecular functions. Additionally, it is possible that specific combinations of environment and genetics have specific impacts. T-cell receptor (TCR) gene segment usage, HLA allele combinations have been associated with autoimmune and infectious disease courses, and more recently, TCR gene segment usage, HLA allele combinations have been associated with distinct survival outcomes in cancer as well. We examined several such, previously reported cancer-related TCR gene segment usage, HLA allele combinations for evidence of racial disparities, with regard to the prevalence of the combination in different racial groups. Results indicated that TCR gene segment usage, potentially reflecting environmental factors related to previous pathogen exposure, in combination with certain HLA alleles or independently, may represent a novel explanation for racial disparities in cancer outcomes. Overall, at this point, a genetic connection to racial disparities in cancer outcomes is detectable but remains modest, suggesting that other factors, such as socioeconomic factors, remain as important considerations.

Measuring Structural Racism and Its Association With BMI

Structural racism has attracted increasing interest as an explanation for racial disparities in health, including differences in adiposity. Structural racism has been measured most often with single-indicator proxies (e.g., housing discrimination), which may leave important aspects of structural racism unaccounted for. This paper develops a multi-indicator scale measuring county structural racism in the U.S. and evaluates its association with BMI. County structural racism was estimated with a confirmatory factor model including indicators reflecting education, housing, employment, criminal justice, and health care. Using Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance Survey data (2011-2012) and a mixed-effects model, individual BMI was regressed on county structural racism, controlling for county characteristics (mean age, percentage black, percentage female, percentage rural, median income, and region). Analysis occurred 2017-2019. The study included 324,572 U.S. adults. A 7-indicator county structural racism model demonstrated acceptable fit. County structural racism was associated with lower BMI. Structural racism and black race exhibited a qualitative interaction with BMI, such that racism was associated with lower BMI in whites and higher BMI in blacks. In a further interaction analysis, county structural racism was associated with larger increases in BMI among black men than black women. County structural racism was associated with reduced BMI for white men and no change for white women. The results confirm structural racism as a latent construct and demonstrate that structural racism can be measured in U.S. counties using publicly available data with methods offering a strong conceptual underpinning and content validity. Further study is necessary to determine whether addressing structural racism may reduce BMI among blacks.

Americans’ Explanations for Racial Disparities Across Three Decades (1985–2016): Are the Views of African Americans and Whites Converging?

Americans’ Explanations for Racial Disparities Across Three Decades (1985–2016): Are the Views of African Americans and Whites Converging?

Meritocracy or complexity: problematizing racial disparities in mathematics assessment within the context of curricular structures, practices, and discourse

Through the examination of a collection of macro factors and explanations for racial disparities in mathematics assessment found in the literature, this article takes up these accounts and problematizes the factors by unpacking the assumptions and exposing complexities. We do this using Critical Race Theory (CRT) to reinterpret and call out important blind spots. Essential questions that guided our analysis included: what macro factors has the field identified as influencing or explaining racial disparities in mathematics assessments? What assumptions undergird the field’s conversations about racial disparities in mathematics assessments? In what ways can those assumptions be challenged through CRT to highlight the story of race in the US? Our analysis reveals that the factors fall victim to a meritocratic premise that assumes all students are exposed to equivalent forms and amounts of mathematical knowledge. This assumption effectively locates the problem of assessment within students and not the institutions that are entrusted with providing access to mathematics curricular knowledge that is requisite for success. We conclude by arguing for a call to social action and continued policy measures with a renewed focus on equitable curricular access as an important method to improve the assessment outcomes for racial minority students.

REVISITING THE DEBATE ON RACE AND CULTURE

I welcome the opportunity to respond to two extensive and provocative review essays of my book, More Than Just Race: Being Black and Poor in the Inner City. An author seldom gets the chance to reply to reviews in the same issue in which they appear, including a chance to express both appreciation for the reviewers’ comments and to elaborate on major points of disagreement. I begin with William Darity, Jr.’s critical review of my book. I hasten to emphasize straight away that many of Darity’s claims amount to little more than ex catherda assertions backed mainly by his assured personal conviction that culture is irrelevant to the study of social outcomes among the inner-city poor. Darity does not let empirical data challenge his strongly held beliefs. Indeed, he firmly asserts that evidence to support the use of cultural factors in explanations of racial disparities is “nonexistent,” despite the many pages in More Than Just Race describing empirical research findings on how cultural variables contribute to racial inequality. I will not take up valuable space detailing this obvious evidence. Readers of my book can judge for themselves, but I am sure they will reach the conclusion that Darity’s claim lacks substance. Darity also asserts that scholars such as Elijah Anderson, and my Harvard colleagues Orlando Patterson and Mary Waters, “can be interpreted as giving roughly a 30% weight to the structural factors and a 70% weight to cultural factors;” whereas I seem “to assign approximately the reverse weighting: 70% to structural factors and 30% to cultural factors.” How he arrives at these percentages is a mystery. In More Than Just Race, I simply state: “Although cultural forces play a role in inner-city outcomes, evidence suggests that they are secondary to the larger economic and political forces, both racial and nonracial, that move American society” ~Wilson 2009, p. 31!. For example, after reviewing evidence discussed in the chapter on “The Economic Plight of Inner-City Black Males,” I conclude: “structural explanations of the economic woes of lowskilled black men are far more significant than cultural arguments, even though structural and cultural forces jointly restrict black male progress in some situations” ~p. 31!. In aligning himself with those who assign “zero weight to the cultural factors,” Darity raises the question of why I now endorse “a synthetic view of the sources of Black-White inequality in the United States.” And he proposes two reasons. The first is to provide a “scientific” prop for the position taken by President Barack Obama on the status of Black America “in executing an effective campaign for the presidency and thereafter.” It comes as a complete surprise to me to learn that one of my motivations for writing More Than Just Race was to support the president’s position, especially when you consider that I began writing this book at least a year

Condom-Related Problems Among a Racially Diverse Sample of Young Men Who Have Sex with Men

We described frequencies of condom-related problems in a racially diverse sample of young men who have sex with men (YMSM), and tested these condom-related problems as an explanation for racial disparities in HIV rates among YMSM. Participants were 119 YMSM from a longitudinal study of sexual minority health behaviors. Almost all participants (95.4%) experienced at least one condom error. On average, African American and non-African American YMSM experienced the same number of recent condom-related problems. Therefore, differences in condom-related problems are unlikely to explain racial disparities in HIV rates among YMSM. When serving YMSM, providers should both promote condom use and explain steps to correct condom use.

Doctors' and nurses' explanations for racial disparities in medical treatment.

Racial inequality in medical treatment is a problem whose sources are not fully understood. To gain better insight into how race may affect treatment, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 26 doctors and nurses. Using an open coding scheme, the explanations of racial inequality in treatment were coded by two people. Four major categories of responses emerged to explain why Black patients are less likely to receive the same levels of medical care as Whites: access to care, physician bias, Black patients' perceived shortcomings, and White patients' demands. Interviewees commonly cited access and patient factors before naming physician bias. The majority questioned the validity of studies reporting disparities. Educational campaigns should emphasize evidence that racial disparities persist even after controlling for factors such as insurance and patient characteristics. Educational programs should also address subconscious racial bias and how it may operate in a clinical setting.

Patient PREFERENCES Can Be Misleading as Explanations for Racial Disparities in Health Care

Addressing racial differences in US health care is difficult, in part because the origins of these differences are complex and poorly understood and also because only some differences may represent legitimate agendas for reform. For example, racial differences that result from differences in access or from clinician prejudices are symptoms of a problem that must be addressed; in contrast, racial differences that arise from different preferences for health care might be seen as acceptable consequences of variation in personal or cultural values that are worth respecting and preserving. However, we believe that this distinction is sometimes overstated. We present several fictitious clinical stories to illustrate how what appear to be individual or cultural preferences are often substantially shaped by modifiable practices of the health care system. True differences in preference that are worthy of respect surely exist between individuals or demographic groups, but some apparent differences in preference may actually reflect problems with the health care system that are worthy of remediation. Uncovering the hidden constraints that we impose on health care choice may help us reduce unwanted disparities in health care.

Racialized Policing: Residents' Perceptions in Three Neighborhoods

One of the most controversial issues in policing concerns allegations of racial bias. This article examines citizens' perceptions of racialized policing in three neighborhoods in Washington, D.C., that vary by racial composition and class position: a middle-class white community, a middle-class black community, and a lower-class black community. In-depth interviews examined residents' perceptions of differential police treatment of individual blacks and whites in Washington and disparate police practices in black and white neighborhoods. Findings indicate, first, that there is substantial agreement across the communities in the belief that police treat blacks and whites differerently; and secondly, there is racial variation in respondents' explanations for racial disparities. On the question of residents' assessments of police relations with their own community relative to other-race communities, a neighborhood difference is found, with the black middle-class neighborhood standing apart from the other two neighborhoods.

Capital punishment in two judicial circuits in Georgia: A description of the key actors and the decision-making process.

This article describes the process of decision making in caital cases in the overwhelmingly White justice system in two Georgia judicial circuits under Georgia's post-Furman death penalty statute. The study is intended to complement the statistical analyses done by other researchers in this area, by linking the behavior of various actors in the process over time to the incentives and sanctions of the system. The study shows how the system works to produce racial disparities and discrimination. Possible explanations for racial disparities and discrimination are examined.

RACE, HOMICIDE SEVERITY, AND APPLICATION OF THE DEATH PENALTY: A CONSIDERATION OF THE BARNETT SCALE*

This study uses the Barnett scale of homicide severity to analyze the capital sentencing process in Kentucky. In his analysis of Georgia cases, Barnett found that whites were disproportionately the victims of homicides that the scale considered as most serious. This conclusion was cited as an explanation for racial disparity in capital sentencing. When the scale is applied to Kentucky data and the level of seriousness of the murder is controlled, however, we Jind that prosecutors were more likely to seek the death penalty in cases in which blacks killed whites and that juries were more likely to sentence to death blacks who killed whites.