Ex-nuptial Births Research Articles

Convict Bastards, Common-Law Unions, and Shotgun Weddings

This article uses reconstituted family data from birth, death, and marriage registers to measure ex-nuptial fertility and premarital pregnancies in nineteenth-century Tasmania. It also examines the extent to which convict origins of European society on the island caused a departure from English norms of family formation behavior, during a period when men greatly outnumbered women. Illegitimacy was high during the convict period. From the mid-1850s, after the convict system collapsed, levels of ex-nupital births were relatively constant until the end of the century, as indicated both by the illegitimacy rate and by the proportion of marriages associated with prenuptial births. By the end of the nineteenth-century, rates of illegitimacy and prenuptial conceptions in Tasmania were well within the range of those of contemporary English-speaking populations.

Ex-nuptual Children in Australia: An Empirical Analysis of Nonmarital Births

The tight link between childbearing and being married has substantially unraveled in recent decades. This paper documents the extent to which this unraveling has occurred in Australia. It examines current levels of ex-nuptial births and the steep increase in such births. The link between ex-nuptial births on the one hand and maternal age and ethnicity on the other are explored. Accompanying the rise in ex-nuptial births has been a rise in lone- parent families. The paper examines the extent to which this rise is due to parental separation and the extent to which it is due to unpartnered mothers having children. The paper also explores whether children born to cohabiting but unmarried parents experience a greater rate of parental separation than do those born to married parents. Data are also provided that suggest that the sharp rise in ex-nuptial births has taken place within a social context in which such births are increasingly accepted.

Trends of twinning rates in ten countries, 1972-1996.

Trends of twinning rates were analyzed using vital statistics in Austria, Finland, Norway, Sweden, Canada, Australia, Hong Kong, Israel, Japan, and Singapore during the period from 1972 to 1996. The twinning rates increased significantly year by year in each country. During these periods, the twinning rate increased by twenty percent in Austria and Canada, and by sixty percent in Norway and Sweden. The twinning rate was 1.6 times higher in Sweden than in Hong Kong in 1972 and by eighty percent in Israel in 1995. Twinning rates were higher in European countries, Canada, and Australia than in Asia. The variations of the twinning rates among countries were not only due to biological factors, but also to assisted reproductive techniques. In Australia, the overall twinning rate was 1.3 times higher in the nuptial births (14.1 per 1000 births) than in the ex-nuptial births (10.7) during the period 1994-1996. As for maternal age, twinning rates in Sweden increased year by year for maternal age groups except the youngest and the oldest age groups. In Sweden, the rising twinning rate has been attributed to the higher proportion of mothers (for the 25-39 year old age groups) treated with ovulation-inducing hormones and attributed to in-vitro fertilization.

Convergence on the two-child family norm in Australia.

Data on ever-married women 15-17 and all women 18-44 from the 1986 Australian Family Formation Survey were examined for childbearing patterns. Transition from high to low fertility began between 1961-66 and 1971-76 from a peak in 1961 of 3.55 children/woman to 1.85 in 1976. Since 1985 there has been stabilization. During these periods there was socioeconomic change which necessitated small families. Marriage age rose childbearing was delayed and childlessness within marriage increased. The fertility age range narrowed. Parity distribution among younger cohorts was lower and the % distribution of women with 2 children was higher. Birth order specific parity progression ratios (PPRs) and birth intervals are calculated using the life table technique. Exposure is within marriage and not since marriage. Those women with dissolved marriages had lower PPRs. The following patterns emerge from the graphic display of the cumulative proportions of women who had a subsequent child by duration since marriage or the previous birth by parity cohort: 1) there were a higher proportion having a 1st birth within 5 years of marriage and with shorter birth intervals pre-1971. Post-1971 the cumulative proportion of women having a 1st birth within 5 years of marriage remained around 76% vs. 90% for marriage cohorts of 1956-70. Exnuptial births were also higher after 1970 from 4% to 11%. Delayed childbearing and childlessness is evident. 2) Progression from 1st to 2nd birth remained almost the same in both periods suggesting the preference for a 2-child family norm. 3) The progression to a 3rd birth was lower post-1970 from 20% to 16%. The progression to a 4th birth declined considerably from 45% in 1966-70 to 27% in 1971-75 and 1976-80. Interparity cohort differences reveal further the decline in PPR to the 1st birth over time. The proportion having a 1st birth after 5 years of marriage was 89% in 1966 86% in 1966-70 and 72% in 1971-75. Also post-1970 the higher the marriage age the lower the PPR to the 1st birth and the longer the interval between marriage and 1st birth. The highest PPR and shortest interval to 1st birth was for married women <19 years. Those women marrying after 23 years had higher PPRs to 1st birth and shorter birth intervals than those 19-23 years; this is attributed to a catching up effect. There has been a convergence on a 2-child family norm which is also reflected in the preference of 87.8% of ever-married women 15-44 years.

A Campaign to Reduce Ex-Nuptial Births?

No-one is a greater admirer of the tennis ability of Pat Cash that I. He virtually won the Davis Cup off his own racquet. And he and Stephan Edberg provided me and the other spectators at Kooyong with a marvellous final in the Australian Open.It is, however, with some concern that I have seen pictures of him, his girl-friend and his son, glamourising him as a father. For the fact is, his son can potentially still suffer discrimination being born outside marriage.As a successful sportsman, his Influence on young people is potentially enormous. If his example gives respectability to the production of children outside marriage, it will be doing great harm. For the fact is that children born outside marriage still suffer considerable legal and social disadvantages, compared to those born within marriage. They are innocent, but they suffer. And, I regret to say, although some of the discrimination can be, and should be, removed, it is unrealistic to expect that they can be placed on an equal standing with children born in marriage.

Australian teenagers and pregnancy.

The decline in teenage births has affected nuptial births more than ex-nuptial births; the total pregnancy rate among unmarried teenagers has levelled out. Although the incidence of teenage abortion may have reached a plateau, the level is still unacceptably high. The growth of family planning organizations and the Action Centre have paralleled or followed the decline in births — all three phenomena appear to have resulted from changes in attitudes to and availability of contraception and abortion. It may well be that without the FPAs the numbers of pregnancies and abortions would have been even higher, but to achieve further reductions, means must be found for better communication with those most at risk.

Measuring Fertility Associated With Ex-nuptial Conceptions: A Further Response to Betts

This paper is part of an ongoing debate over the proper definition and of ex-nuptial conceptions prompted by publication in volume 17 of the same journal of Ex-nuptially conceived births: a note on measurement by K. Betts. The 2 main objections to the original paper are still valid: 1) the proposal to combine ex-nuptial and bridal birth rates breaks an elementary rule for the construction of demographic rates namely that the denominator should consist of persons at risk of experiencing the events which comprise the numerator. Unmarried women cannot have bridal births. Carmichaels proposed ex-nuptial conception rate divisible into rates of ex-nuptial conception resulting in ex-nuptial and nuptial confinements is superior on this count because it allows ex-nuptial conceptions to be related to a risk population of unmarried women. 2) The ex-nuptial fertility rate is subject to biases which make its comparison across maternal age groups problematic. Age-specific ex-nuptial birth rates appear to have considerably more value for studying behavioral trends within age groups than between age groups because ex-nuptial births can occur to women who are legally married and because of the tendency of women living in de facto unions to declare themselves as or be reclassified in the census as married. Both circumstances mean that the denominator of ex-nuptial fertility rates excludes some contributors and potential contributors to the numerator thus biasing the index upward. The upward bias is more severe for age groups in which women living in de facto unions form a high proportion of those not living in marital unions. It is clear for New Zealand at least that the proportion of ex-nuptial children born into de facto marriages in recent years has been extremely variable both between maternal age groups and through time.

Trends in teenage pregnancy in Australia, 1971-1981.

Between 1971 and 1981 the age-specific birth rate among Australian teenagers declined by 49%, faster than in any other age group. This is a reflection of several trends--a decline in the total number of pregnancies indicating better use of contraception, a marked decline in marital births as both the planned births and the ex-nuptially conceived births fell, and a rise in the rates of abortion among teenagers. Since nuptial births declined faster than ex-nuptial births the proportion of ex-nuptial births among teenagers rose from 32% to 57%. However, unmarried teenagers have consistently shown lower rates of ex-nuptial births than other age groups. The options available to young women faced with unplanned pregnancy appear to be changing in emphasis--abortion or single parenthood rather than adoption or forced marriage. The decline may have halted since 1980 and several social factors which may be contributing to the various trends are discussed.

Ex-nuptially Conceived Births: a Note on Measurement

This report explores possible measures of exnuptial fertility that will control for changes in population size and composition but introduce no new extraneous variables. A measure is selected which expresses exnuptial fertility as a rate/1000 unmarried women by age. However data on numbers of unmarried women by age are only available for census years and it is assumed that all unmarried women are sexually active and at risk of pregnancy. Australian census data is presented on numbers of unmarried (never married widowed and divorced) women aged 15-44 on exnuptial confinements and bridal confinements (confinements within the first 7 months of marriage) by age of mother and on exnuptial and bridal births as a rate/1000 unmarried women by age. From the raw data it is evident that: 1) the numbers of girls aged 15-19 are far more numerous than older age categories and 2) exnuptial and bridal fertility of teenagers is higher than for other age categories but there has been a continuing decline throughout the 1970s in exnuptially conceived births to teenage mothers. Conversion of the raw data into the rate/1000 unmarried women shows that actually teenagers have very low exnuptial birth rates lower than all other age groups except the 40-44 group. Furthermore although the exnuptial and bridal birth rates rose during the 1960s all rates for all age groups fell sharply during the early 70s. The data reveals differences in the distribution of exnuptial and bridal births by age. Unmarried women over 25 years of age tend to have exnuptial births while younger women tend to legitimize exnuptial pregnancies by marriage. Explanations suggested for the differential decline in the exnuptial and bridal fertility rates include increasing social acceptance of single motherhood stability of relationships the structure of availability of birth control and variations in family planning resources with social class.

Prescribers and rebels: Attitudes to european women's sexuality in New Zealand 18601916

Synopsis This paper explores the divergence between prescriptions about female sexuality and the realities of female behaviour. In particular the paper defines the manner in which those who spelt out the prescriptions defined and sought to control deviance. In every period and culture some groups try to prescribe norms of social behaviour and focus almost obsessively on women and their sexual role. These issues loomed large in New Zealand, a country of recent settlement whose social pundits were eager not to repeat in the new world the mistakes of the old one. The medical profession, politicians, and women reformers were most important in defining social mores. Physiology provided the ‘scientific≐ basis for separate sexual roles and the double-standard; politicians enacted controlling legislation, and groups of women attempted to reform their recalcitrant sisters. Institutions were set up and laws were passedMagdalen Institutes, the Contagious Diseases Actto ensure control and conformity. While the study of social attitudes informs us about the dominating ideologies, they should not be viewed in isolation from the actual behaviour of the women concerned. The extent of ex-nuptial births, abortion and prostitution, as expressed in statistics, supplemented by impressionistic evidence, shows a constant resistance on the part of a large number of women. The treatment of deviants unmarried mothers, prostitutes-indicates not only the degree of intolerance of pre-First World War New Zealand but also measures the gap between prescription and reality as well as the efficacy of social control.

Socio-demographic correlates of infant mortality in Australia.

Abstract Correlations of infant mortality rates with other available characteristics of statistical divisions of Australia have been analysed. The analysis has been done in three segments (i) all statistical divisions (AUSTRALIA-I), (ii) divisions excluding large Aboriginal populations (AUSTRALIA-II), and (iii) divisions containing only major urban and metropolitan areas (AUSTRALIA-III). Neonatal mortality rate forms respectively 63%, 70% and 73% of infant mortality rate in the three sections. Proportion of Aboriginal population, percent ex-nuptial births, and index of heat discomfort are three of the most important variables in the variation of infant mortality among the statistical divisions. Path analysis has been used to decompose the correlations of each variable with neonatal and postneonatal mortality rates respectively, into direct and indirect effects. In AUSTRALIA-I, the variables considered are found to affect infant mortality rates more through postneonatal mortality than through neonatal mortality. In the other two segments, the variables appear to exert their influence on infant mortality more through neonatal mortality.

Ex-Nuptial Births in New South Wales: Twenty Two Year Trends

Ex-Nuptial Births in New South Wales: Twenty Two Year Trends

Neural tube defects in New South Wales, Australia.

Cases of spina bifida cystica, encephalocele, and anencephaly occurring over a 9-year period, 1965 to 1973, in New South Wales, Australia, were identified. A low frequency of 1·1 for spina bifida and encephalocele (SB) and 0·9 for anencephaly (A) was found. Secular trends parallel to those observed in the northern hemisphere were noted. Detailed analysis of 1575 cases showed an excess of births in spring, corresponding with conception in the summer months, after correction for shorter gestation in anencephalus, which varies from the peak of spring conceptions observed in British studies. An excess of female cases for each abnormality and a social class effect with a deficit of cases in classes I and II and an excess in classes IV and V and ex-nuptial births were apparent. The first birth rank for younger mothers did not show a significantly increased risk; however, the effect of high birth rank and older maternal age was more significant. Migration studies showed that in migrating from areas of high incidence these parents maintain a higher risk than the Australian population. The highest risk group was that in which both parents were born in the UK, and the next highest that in which an English-born mother was married to an Australian father. Mothers from Malta, and either or both parents from Lebanon, Egypt, and Austria were also at high risk. Part-aboriginal children had a higher risk rate for ASB than white Australian children. The proportion of older sibs affected was 4·12% of sibs of both sexes of an index case of spina bifida, and 3·19% of an index case of anencephaly. The abnormalities alternate or recur in families. An increased perinatal mortality rate in sibs was shown. Twin studies showed a higher concordance rate for monochorionic pairs. A sequential interaction in an excess of opposite sex sib before an index case was apparent. The results of this study support a multifactorial aetiology for ASB resulting from genetic environmental interaction. New South Wales is the eastern coastal state of Australia, with an area of 309 433 square miles and a population of 4 640 800 at the 1971 Census. The continent is geographically isolated with a large migrant population, seasonal reversal, and a hot climate.

Non-Marital Pregnancies and Ex-Nuptial Births in New Zealand—a reply to O'Neill

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Non-Marital Pregnancies and Ex-Nuptial Births in New Zealand—a Comment

Non-Marital Pregnancies and Ex-Nuptial Births in New Zealand—a Comment

Non-marital pregnancies and ex-nuptial births in New Zealand.

SummaryAn investigation of the incidence and pattern of non-marital pregnancies in New Zealand, and their outcome as nuptial or ex-nuptial births, has revealed four major features. The post-war period has been marked by a steady increase in the incidence of non-marital pregnancies, especially since the early 1960s (following the inclusion of Maori vital events). Pre-marital or bridal pregnancies increased during the 1950s, but have steadily declined at all ages between 16 and 23 years during the 1960s and early 1970s. Nuptial fertility rates for women aged 35 years and over have declined continuously since 1945, and since the early 1960s the decline has commenced for women at younger ages as well. Ex-nuptial fertility rates have been increasing throughout the post-war period and particularly since the early 1960s.

Historical Context of the Adoption “Crisis” in New South Wales

The downward trend in the numbers of babies made available for adoption has been explained by a greater community acceptance of unmarried mothers, improved social benefits for them, and an increased use of oral contraceptives. An analysis of eight-year patterns of adoptions and ex-nuptial births in N.S.W. indicated that these explanations cannot be valid. Historically, the events which coincided first with an upward trend and then with a downward trend in the numbers of babies surrendered for adoption in N.S.W. were: a suppression of establishments providing illegal abortion and a liberalization of abortion laws, respectively. This liberalization is postulated here as the major factor in the adoption “crisis”.

A rejoinder to Miss Spencer's Comments on Pre-Marital Pregnancies and Ex-Nuptial Births in Australia, 1911-66

A rejoinder to Miss Spencer's Comments on Pre-Marital Pregnancies and Ex-Nuptial Births in Australia, 1911-66

Pre-marital Pregnancies and Ex-Nuptial Births in Australia, 1911- 66 — A comment

Pre-marital Pregnancies and Ex-Nuptial Births in Australia, 1911- 66 — A comment

Pre-marital Pregnancies and Ex-nuptial Births in Australia, 1911-66

Pre-marital Pregnancies and Ex-nuptial Births in Australia, 1911-66