European University Institute Research Articles

Chip War: The Fight for the World's Most Critical Technology

Maria Demertzis of Bruegel and European University Institute reviews “Chip War: The Fight for the World’s Most Critical Technology” by Chris Miller. The Econlit abstract of this book begins: “Promotes the argument that the contemporary world is defined by semiconductors, detailing how this technology has come to determine the shape of international politics, the structure of the world economy, and the balance of military power.”

Community and governance beyond the nation-state in the 21st century: introduction to the special issue on the legacy of Ernst B. Haas

ABSTRACT Ernst B. Haas was a leading authority on international relation theory who pioneered the fields of European integration and supra-national governance. This Special Issue re-evaluates the significance of his work for the present time and explores lesser known research areas opened by the founder of neo-functionalism. Two workshops at the European University Institute, Florence, in 2023 and the International Studies Association in 2024, produced original articles by scholars whose work builds on and engages with Haas’ approach. They address topics ranging from the role of expertise in politics, and the tension between liberalism and nationalism, to the rise of policy areas such as environmental change, human rights and migration. Haas’ work on these themes makes a crucial contribution to understand current global challenges. To complement this picture, an essay by Peter Haas links Ernst Haas’ intellectual development to his life experience.

Stuart Woolf (1936–2021)

ABTSRACT Born in London in 1936, Stuart completed his university studies at Oxford, where he graduated in History in 1956 and obtained his PhD in 1961. From 1961 to 1965 he was a Fellow of Pembroke College in Cambridge, and from 1964 to 1974 was first Reader in Italian History and then Director of the Centre for Advanced Study of Italian Society at the University of Reading. In 1975 he became founding Professor of History at the University of Essex, a position he held until 1996. From 1983 to 1992 he also taught at the European University Institute in San Domenico di Fiesole. His teaching activity took him to numerous universities in France, Spain, Portugal, the United States and Australia. From 1996 until his retirement, he was Professor of Contemporary History at the “Ca ‘Foscari” University in Venice.

Changes in conception rates, not in pregnancy-related behaviour, likely caused decline in preterm births during the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Changes in conception rates, not in pregnancy-related behaviour, likely caused decline in preterm births during the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Collective skill formation in the knowledge economy. By GiulianoBonoli and PatrickEmmenegger (Eds.), Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2022. £75.00 (hardcover). ISBN: 9780192866257

Social Policy & AdministrationEarly View BOOK REVIEW Collective skill formation in the knowledge economy. By Giuliano Bonoli and Patrick Emmenegger (Eds.), Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2022. £75.00 (hardcover). ISBN: 9780192866257 Milan Thies, Corresponding Author Milan Thies [email protected] orcid.org/0000-0001-8926-5387 Department of Political and Social Sciences, European University Institute, San Domenico di Fiesole, Italy Correspondence Milan Thies, Department of Political and Social Sciences, European University Institute, Via dei Roccettini 9, San Domenico di Fiesole (FI), Italy. Email: [email protected]Search for more papers by this author Milan Thies, Corresponding Author Milan Thies [email protected] orcid.org/0000-0001-8926-5387 Department of Political and Social Sciences, European University Institute, San Domenico di Fiesole, Italy Correspondence Milan Thies, Department of Political and Social Sciences, European University Institute, Via dei Roccettini 9, San Domenico di Fiesole (FI), Italy. Email: [email protected]Search for more papers by this author First published: 12 April 2023 https://doi.org/10.1111/spol.12916Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL No abstract is available for this article. Early ViewOnline Version of Record before inclusion in an issue RelatedInformation

In search of children's best interest

In search of children's best interest

Afghan Crucible: The Soviet Invasion and the Making of Modern Afghanistan by ElisabethLeake. London: Oxford University Press, 2022. 368 pp. $34.95. ISBN 978‐0‐1988‐4601‐7

The Russian ReviewEarly View BOOK REVIEW Afghan Crucible: The Soviet Invasion and the Making of Modern Afghanistan by Elisabeth Leake. London: Oxford University Press, 2022. 368 pp. $34.95. ISBN 978-0-1988-4601-7 Vassily A. Klimentov, Corresponding Author Vassily A. Klimentov vassily.klimentov@eui.eu European University Institute Email: vassily.klimentov@eui.euSearch for more papers by this author Vassily A. Klimentov, Corresponding Author Vassily A. Klimentov vassily.klimentov@eui.eu European University Institute Email: vassily.klimentov@eui.euSearch for more papers by this author First published: 16 March 2023 https://doi.org/10.1111/russ.12466Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Early ViewOnline Version of Record before inclusion in an issue RelatedInformation

Editorial Note: How Much Critical Distance in the Academic Study of European Law?

Editorial Note: Bruno De Witte, Emeritus Professor of European Union Law, Maastricht University, and part-time professor at the Robert Schuman Centre of the European University Institute, Florence DOI: https://doi.org/10.3935/cyelp.18.2022.477 This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution − Non-Commercial − No Derivatives 4.0 International License. Suggested citation: B De Witte, ‘Editorial Note: How Much Critical Distance in the Academic Study of European Law?’ (2022) 18 CYELP VII.

Syberiada Żydów polskich: Losy uchodźców z Zagłady [The Siberian odyssey of Polish Jews: The fates of the refugees from the Shoah

<i>Syberiada Żydów polskich: Losy uchodźców z Zagłady</i> [The Siberian odyssey of Polish Jews: The fates of the refugees from the Shoah

From fragmented space to the Space University Institute

ABSTRACT Starting from the origin of European space policy and its institutions since WW2, this paper discusses the inconsistency of current institutional settings between the European Space Agency (ESA) and EU space policy. It points out the historical cause of this problematic situation and elaborates how it undermines potential synergies that were envisaged initially. Based on its analysis, it is proposed to open ESA up internationally, embodied in re-naming ESA to the Space University Institute (SUI), if one wants to take a parallel development to the European University Institute (EUI), or even entertaining the name International Space Agency. It would build on ESA strength in fostering research, training, and innovation while leaving the utilitarian side of downstream usage of space application to the EU. This opening up of ESA to a wider international constituency could create partnerships as they already exist within ESA with Canadafor example, and with which ESA has substantial experience.

Political Control, Administrative Simplicity, or Economies of Scale? Four Cases of the Reunification of Nationalized Theatres in Russia, Germany, Austria, and France (1918–45)

In 1917–18, the new republican governments of Russia, Germany, and Austria nationalized their former court property. A monarchic-turned-national heritage of prestigious opera and dramatic theatres weighed heavily on national and regional budgets, prompting first attempts to create centralized forms of theatre governance. In a second wave of theatre reorganization in the mid-1930s, the Soviet government created ‘union theatres’ under a Committee for Arts Affairs; the German and Austrian theatres underwent the Nazi Gleichschaltung (1933–35 and 1938); and France, a ‘democratic outlier’, opted for nationalizing the Opéra and Opéra-Comique under the Réunion des théâtres lyriques nationaux. These conglomerates have so far been little studied as historically specific forms of theatre management, particularly from a comparative, trans-regime perspective. What balance can be struck between economic, political, and ‘artistic’ costs and benefits? How does ‘Baumol’s law’ of decreasing theatre profitability apply to these very different politico-economic systems, as well as to war economies? Dictatorships reveal an economic seduction power, while this essay argues for confirming a long-term ‘great European convergence’ of state-centred theatre management, internal structure, and accountability, both in peace and war. Here, the stated goals and short-term contingencies yielded to trends originating from the logic of theatre production itself, and the compromises that the state, theatre professionals, and the public accepted in exchange for the capital of prestige. Alexander Golovlev (PhD, European University Institute in Florence, 2017) is a senior research fellow at the HSE Institute for Advanced Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies at the University of Moscow. His recent publications include, for New Theatre Quarterly, ‘Theatre Policies of Soviet Stalinism and Italian Fascism Compared, 1920–1940s’ (2019), and ‘Balancing the Books and Staging Operas under Duress: Bolshoi Theatre Management, Wartime Economy, and State Sponsorship in 1941–1945’, Russian History XLVII, No. 4 (2020).

European cultural heritage and the politics of decolonisation

Lectio praecursoria: Johanna Turunen's contemporary cultural studies dissertation “Unlearning narratives of privilege: A decolonial reading of the European Heritage Label” was examined at the University of Jyväskylä on the 24th September 2021. The opponent was Dr. Jasper Chalcraft (European University Institute) and the custos was Associate Professor Tuuli Lähdesmäki (University of Jyväskylä).

The Routledge handbook of the welfare state. Greve, B.London: Routledge, 2019. ISBN 9780367659875; £27.99 (Pbk)

The new edition of the Routledge Handbook of the Welfare State offers an exhaustive and informative account on comparative welfare states. Spanning a wide range of disciplines, the 45 contributions that compose the book constitute a useful source for any kind of reader, from welfare state ‘newcomers’ to more established researchers. Conventional topics such as social policy areas and welfare typologies are successfully complemented by more ambitious pieces, including on emergent welfare regimes in China and India, migration, ideational policy change, states of health, globalisation and well-being. This format allows readers to develop a basic understanding of the welfare state and get to know some of its most promising (and arguably least explored) avenues for research. The book is divided in four parts: ‘key concepts’, ‘typologies and methods’, ‘central policy areas’ and ‘future’. The first part surveys some of the main issues and questions animating the welfare state debate since its inception. It includes chapters on policy outputs (occupational welfare, fiscal welfare, benefits in kind and in cash) and outcomes (poverty, gender, well-being). The second part, which represents the core of the book, explores different welfare models and methodological aspects. The authors try to go beyond the traditional Eurocentrism and ‘methodological nationalism’ which still characterises the discipline. The third section examines 14 different policy areas, from long-term care to crime management. A final chapter wraps up the discussion and presents some of the foremost challenges and future scenarios. This handbook represents a valuable collection for every reader, especially those who want to get a first impression of such a vast field of study. However, one might find some room for improvement on three accounts. As a general point, the ‘politics’ side of the story seems underdeveloped. Several chapters take a technical and economistic stance, leaving factors such as power relations and historical dynamics mostly out of the picture. Contributions in the third part (‘central policy areas’) appear likewise dry and descriptive, missing the opportunity to speculate on potential drivers and causal mechanisms. In various parts of the book, the welfare state is primarily defined as a remedy to ‘market failures’, since without public intervention ‘certain goods and services will not be provided’ (p. 528). However, it could be argued that (at least in some countries) welfare states represent much more than that, laying their base in struggles for social citizenship rights. Likewise, less attention is devoted to actors and philosophical foundations. A second reservation is that the ‘typologies and methods’ section (including 19 chapters) seems too broad and lacking internal coherence. More substantive chapters on regional clusters are combined with methodological discussions that revolve around the seminal typology of Esping-Andersen, listing its strengths and weaknesses; a debate that might have already reached the point of exhaustion. Regional chapters are heterogeneous in their nature, with different structures and content organisation. While some of them cover policy aspects more in depth, others focus on methodological contentions, for instance debating whether a certain regime exists or not. Furthermore, there is a noticeable overlap between some chapters, as in the case of North America and Liberal regimes, or the two pieces on ideal-types authored by the same person. Thirdly, whereas the Handbook has been substantially expanded, a number of potential areas remain unaddressed. For instance, social investment is mentioned as an emerging paradigm or approach; however, no specific piece is dedicated to the topic. Similarly, the chapters on EU social policy and globalisation could be fruitfully complemented by a discussion on the role of international organisations, most notably the ILO social protection framework. The third section lacks a separate chapter trying to explore traditional income ‘buffers’ (such as short-time work schemes), as well as more radical policy proposals, including a Universal Basic Income. Moreover, a distinct chapter on eco-social policies, looking at the nexus between welfare states and environmental degradation, could be well appreciated. Overall, the 2019 edition of the Routledge Handbook of the Welfare State is a much welcome new item in the toolkit of every social policy researcher. Greve's collection is encompassing, accessible and multi-disciplinary. We look forward to a new edition that accounts for the Covid-19 crisis and its repercussions for welfare states around the globe. Open Access Funding provided by European University Institute within the CRUI-CARE Agreement. [Correction added on 18 May 2022 after first online: CRUI-CARE funding statement has been added.]

From the Hills of Fiesole – What the European University Institute Did for European Constitutional Law

From the Hills of Fiesole – What the European University Institute Did for European Constitutional Law

Author's Response: Understanding China's Economic Statecraft

Author's Response:Understanding China's Economic Statecraft James Reilly (bio) How do domestic factors affect China's foreign policy? This question has been at the core of my research agenda since graduate school. Over the past decade, I have sought to understand how Chinese policymakers strive to utilize China's vast wealth to advance their foreign policy objectives. Orchestration: China's Economic Statecraft Across Asia and Europe represents the culmination of these efforts. It is an honor to have three such distinguished scholars discuss my book alongside the excellent study by Kathryn Stoner. Alexander Korolev's response most directly engages my book's core approach by asking, "Why is it orchestration and how useful is the concept for grasping the intricacies and uniqueness of economic statecraft in China?" Orchestration theory was developed by international relations theorists who noted that in practice most governance is indirect since "governors" frequently rely upon third parties to increase efficiency, effectiveness, and legitimacy.1 They divide indirect governance into two "ideal types": delegation and orchestration. Emerging out of the dominant principal-agent framework, delegation presumes that the agent's initial interests diverge from the principal's goals, requiring contract-like compensation, oversight, and punitive measures to shape the agent's behavior. In an orchestration strategy, the "orchestrator" instead identifies a like-minded agent who shares the orchestrator's basic goals and then incentivizes and supports the agent to act in ways that should advance both the agent's and the orchestrator's goals. I was introduced to this framework by one of the concept's originators during my 2015–16 fellowship at the European University Institute in Florence, Italy. Amid my struggles to conceptualize what I was learning about China's economic statecraft, it was as if someone had suddenly turned on the lights. For the first time, I had a conceptual framework that accurately and yet parsimoniously encapsulated what I had long sensed [End Page 236] about how Chinese policymakers sought to utilize their nation's vast wealth to advance their foreign policy goals. In the book, I argue that Chinese leaders seek to retain a central role for the party-state while relying on a broad array of economic statecraft techniques to advance multiple policy goals. This ambition creates considerable implementation challenges. Orchestration—designing economic statecraft initiatives to maximize interest alignment between the foreign policy goals of central leaders and the interests of key implementing actors—eases these difficulties. If implemented smoothly, China's economic statecraft thus requires only a light touch. The Belt and Road Initiative is the latest and largest manifestation of Beijing's orchestration strategy.2 I deploy orchestration as a conceptual framework to describe the implementation of China's economic statecraft. As such, it is distinct from models of policy deliberation (such as the "wisdom-pooling" framework Korolev mentions). Korolev also asks, "Which processes are thus not an orchestration?" Two stand out: when top Chinese leaders personally implement economic statecraft initiatives (clearly not an instance of indirect governance), and when they rely on oversight and punitive mechanisms that fit more neatly within the traditional principal-agent framework. To answer Korolev's initial question then, the payoff from my use of the orchestration framework arises in illuminating the realms of China's economic statecraft that go beyond direct leadership action and instances where leaders strive to mobilize bureaucratic or economic actors to advance foreign policy objectives. Such examples dominate my book's empirical material and, I would contend, account for the vast majority of China's economic statecraft. Korolev suggests that I might disagree with his interpretation that my book's analysis builds on neoclassical realism. In fact, as I explain, "economic statecraft…shares a core assumption with neoclassical realism: domestic ideas and institutions shape how rising power affects a country's foreign policy" (p. 4). After quoting Rose's seminal article, I add: "Realism alone, however, offers little guidance into how these domestic ideas and institutions actually influence policy outcomes." My book's core premise is that domestic ideas and institutions exert a powerful influence on how a country engages in economic statecraft—helping explain why different countries do economic statecraft differently. The first [End Page 237] chapter...

Civic and Political Engagement during the Multifaceted COVID-19 Crisis.

Measures to cope with the COVID‐19 pandemic have put a sudden halt to street protests and other forms of citizen involvement in Europe. At the same time, the pandemic has increased the need for solidarity, motivating citizens to become involved on behalf of people at risk and the vulnerable more generally. This research note empirically examines the tension between the demobilisation and activation potential of the COVID‐19 crisis. Drawing on original survey data from seven Western European countries, we examine the extent, forms, and drivers of citizens’ engagement. Our findings show the remarkable persistence of pre‐existing political and civic engagement patterns. Concurrently, we show that threat perceptions triggered by the multifaceted COVID‐19 crisis have mobilized Europeans in the early phase of the pandemic. Similarly, the role of extreme ideological orientations in explaining (regular) political engagement indicates that the current situation may create its specific mobilisation potentials.

An Interview with Giancarlo Casale

Giancarlo Casale is Chair of Early Modern Mediterranean History at the European University Institute in Florence, as well as a permanent member of the history faculty at the University of Minnesota. His new book, Prisoner of the Infidels: The Memoir of an Ottoman Muslim in Seventeenth-Century Europe will be released in summer 2021 from the University of California Press. Casale is also the author of award-winning Ottoman Age of Exploration (Oxford, 2011), and since 2010 has served as executive editor of the Journal of Early Modern History.

Dr Torben Holvad

Torben Holvad is Analysis Team Leader at the European Union Agency for Railways (France). He obtained Economics degrees from Copenhagen University (MSc) and the European University Institute in Florence (PhD). He has more than 30 years of experience in applied economic analysis.&#x0D; His skills and expertise correspond to backgrounds like: Quantitative methods, Data Envelopment Analysis, Impact Assessment, Cost Benefit Analysis, Transport Economics, Multicriteria analysis, Economics of regulation, Data analysis, Health economics.

For a Fair(er) Global History

This article is authored by a group of PhD researchers at the European University Institute (EUI) and two teachers as part of the PhD seminar in Global History held in the Fall of 2020 during the COVID-19 pandemic. We consider three topics: ‘The politics of global history’ thinking about global history as a form of activism; ‘Whose global history?’ considering issues of property and sharing; and ‘An open global history’ proposing a utopian future (for a troubled present). We believe that in order for global history to thrive, its practitioners need to be more inclusive and acknowledge imbalances of power across world areas, across genders, and across career stages.&#x0D; Image Caption: Sekisui Nagakubo after Matteo Ricci, Sankai Yochi Zenzu (山海輿地全圖) (Naniwa, 1785). Library of Congress Geography and Map Division Washington, D.C.

Responding to Socioeconomic Diversity in the European Union (and to Steven Klein’s Essay) with Democracy-Enhancing Conflicts Law

Responding to Socioeconomic Diversity in the European Union (and to Steven Klein’s Essay) with Democracy-Enhancing Conflicts Law