European Defence Research Articles

Analysing the European Defence Fund’s financing distribution across EU countries: what drives national participation in defence-industrial integration projects?

The establishment of the European Defence Fund (EDF) marks a significant shift in how EU Member States approach the integration of the defence industry as it aims to systematically promote inter-European defence-industrial cooperation across national defence sectors. However, there is a lack of empirical evidence of the actual dynamics regarding EDF implementation. While there are accounts of EU countries’ varying political positions on defence integration, including its industrial aspect, it remains unclear whether Member States’ actual participation in integration projects aligns with these positions. Are national motives consistent once effective defenceindustrial integration is underway? The findings, based on Masson’s (2024) data on by-country distribution of EDF project financing (2021–2022), present a more nuanced picture of EU countries’ effective engagement with defence-industrial integration than anticipated by the political perspective. While there is a positive relationship between participation in the EDF and defence market size, strategic culture does not influence EU members’ involvement in the Fund. Furthermore, while liberal economicindustrial governance is negatively associated with national participation in EDF projects, a country’s institutional quality has a significant positive relationship with it. This article reveals more complex dynamics of EDF implementation than suggested by the political perspective on defence-industrial integration pre-EDF.

Analyzing the European Union’s CSDP and the evolution of European security and defense training at the ESDC: prospects and pathways

ABSTRACT This article presents a thorough examination of the European Union’s Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) in comparison with the educational programs offered by the European Security and Defense College (ESDC), with a specific focus on the High-Level CSDP Course. We conducted a comprehensive analysis using a meta-synthesis research approach. Our research commenced with a Systematic Literature Review and was further validated through a qualitative case study, which included interviews with the 2023 high-Level CSDP course participants. Our research findings highlight the need to prioritize emerging topics such as climate security and identify new areas in cyber and space domains to potentially expand the CSDP. We emphasized the importance of developing strategic approaches to facilitate the dissemination of comprehensive CSDP knowledge generated by the ESDC to higher education institutions. This initiative aims to equip future EU leaders with the necessary knowledge and skills to effectively engage in CSDP-related matters.

Drivers and Impact of European Defence Market Integration: A Literature Meta-Synthesis with Economic Focus

ABSTRACT The Ukraine war, the aftermath of COVID-19, Brexit and shifting US geostrategic interests are putting pressure on the European defence situation, strategy and budgets. The current crises expose warfare capability gaps in the European armed forces and capacity constraints of the European defence industry after decades of the peace dividend. More nations are calling for stronger engagement of the EU in the defence sector to overcome these challenges and complete the European defence sector integration that started in the late 1990s. It is estimated that more cooperation in defence procurement and research could save up to 30% of the current €290 bn total EU27 defence budgets. Can this combination of recent factors provide new impulses towards a unified European defence market, more cooperation on defence procurement and industry consolidation? We conducted a literature review (‘meta-synthesis’) of 172 journal articles, studies and think-tank papers since 1995 to build a holistic picture. The analysis aims to describe the progress and challenges of European defence market integration from an economic viewpoint. It provides future researchers with a basic understanding of defence industrial challenges, motivations and economic drivers of European defence integration as well as of reasons for resistance and potential scenarios.

Herausforderungen einer neuen Sicherheitslage für Deutschland – eine finanzwissenschaftliche Perspektive

Abstract This article addresses the challenges of the new security situation that Germany faces against the background of current geopolitical conflicts and the potential weakening of US security guarantees for Europe. The article counteracts the widespread idea that more money and more soldiers are necessary and automatically lead to an increase in military power. Instead, the article argue that the financial resources spent on the military sector need to be used more efficiently. The article discusses reform options that concern different fields, e.g. the organisation of military defence in Europe, the procurement of military equipment and the recruiting of soldiers.

THE MUTLISTAKEHOLDER INITIATIVE APPROACH TO EUROPEAN CRISIS MANAGEMENT. CIVILIAN CSDP AND ENGAGEMENT WITH LOCAL NONSTATE ACTORS

: The Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) missions are deployed in complex operational environments, where a plethora of national, regional and international actors are present. These present circumstances enable the existence of an - either direct or indirect - but inexorable engagement between all stakeholders involved in similar activities. While the vast majority of current debates and research focus solely on the cooperative dimension of the CSDP in the framework of multilateralism and regionalism, the topic of the EU's engagement with local stakeholders is scarcely explored. Therefore, drawing on the multistakeholder initiative approach (MSI) in economic theory, this paper assesses the engagement of CSDP missions with civil societies and private sector entities in theatres of operations. Employing a single case study approach of inquiry, consisting of the EUCAP Somalia mission this paper aims at answering the research questions: how does EUCAP Somalia engage with local non-state actors, what are the opportunities associated with this engagement and to what extent can a MSI approach be implemented by EUCAP Somalia?By deploying a qualitative research design, this paper uses document analysis within a single case study approach of inquiry. The results of this approach show two distinct tendencies. While EUCAP Somalia informally engages with local non-state actors, this engagement is rather insufficient. Results of this research further show that CSDP missions represent an important tool of EU diplomacy and their engagement with local non-state actors positively impacts the implementation of two of their core principles: local ownership and human security.

REGIONAL COOPERATION IN CENTRAL EUROPE: A SYSTEMATIC REVIEW

The paper systematically reviews ten years of academic literature published from 2014 to 2023 and indexed in the Scopus database to establish the current state-of-the-art on how Central European regional groups operate. The review includes 52 publications on six regional cooperation formats: the Central European Defence Cooperation, the Slavkov/Austerlitz Triangle, the Salzburg Forum, the Three Seas Initiative, the Visegrád Group and the Bucharest Nine. The paper finds that regional cooperation research is very concentrated on selected aspects of Visegrád cooperation and follows poor methodological reporting practices. The majority of studies analyse the V4 in relation to migration and foreign policy issues, whereas research on cooperation dynamics in other policy areas and within other active regional groups is marginal. After identifying promising future research directions, the paper calls for greater methodological and topical diversity in Central European regional cooperation research.

Schramm, Lucas. 2024. Crises of European Integration: Joining Together or Falling Apart? Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. XVII, 303 pp. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-54748-5.

The book analyses the main factors of European integration crises, taking into account eight major cases from the early 1950s to recent times. The author pays special attention to constitutional crises, the euro crisis and the migration crisis, thus showing that crises have been an integral part of the process of European integration from its very beginning. Although the book does not analyse the current confrontation between Russia and the West, the author argues that European integration began with a serious setback, when member states failed to implement plans to create a European army through the European Defence Community. The global scale and radicality of the ongoing changes allow many researchers to suggest the formation of a new system of international relations. In parallel with these processes, many provisions and phenomena characterizing the system of international relations itself are being revised.

BENELUX COUNTRIES’ SECURITY STRATEGIES: BETWEEN EUROPEANISM AND ATLANTICISM

In the article, transformation of the foreign policy and security strategies of the Benelux countries – Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg – is analyzed against the exacerbating conflict in Ukraine. Using the comparative historical method, we outline the evolution of strategic trends of Europeanism – seeking deeper integration within the European institutional framework – and Atlanticism – pursuing a general strategic orientation towards the United States – in the three countries. As smaller-sized countries, they initially combined Europeanism and «moderate» Atlanticism, which left them some space for foreign policy maneuver. Since the 1990s, the Dutch foreign policy more closely follows the Atlanticist paradigm, while those of Belgium and Luxembourg are characterized more by Europeanism. The analysis of the EU strategic autonomy debate as a case study has shown that Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg seek the greatest possible economic benefits from the autonomy initiatives. Besides, the balance between the strategic trends remains; Belgium and Luxembourg positively view deeper EU defense cooperation, while the Netherlands mostly sees security guarantees in Euro-Atlantic cooperation. The current state in European security has thus not fundamentally changed the Benelux countries’ approaches to balancing Europeanism and Atlanticism that have been characteristic for them since the 1990s. Besides, for Belgium, support for deeper integration has become a key identity feature, while the Netherlands relies on special relations with the United States and ad hoc coalitions in the EU; Luxembourg’s foreign policy can be described to follow a free rider strategy.

Readiness Through International Cooperation: Finnish Defence Industrial Strategy in Changing Operational Environment from the Mid-1990s to the Early 2020s

ABSTRACT After the Cold War, European defence industrial capacity decreased; however, in the 2020s, there is again a need for products of the defence industry. Although Finland is a small country, it has significant production capacity for defence materials. In this paper, we analyse how Finland preserved it in changing operational environment. We utilize points of departure of source-based historical research to give any reader an idea over the history of the theme. To conduct this, we have used publicly available documents and other texts, which are findable from Finnish repositories, and analyse what was Finnish policy and why it was formulated in relation to wider security political contexts. Additionally, we will analyse the available statistical data related to exports of the Finnish defence industry as they are a key part of Finnish policy. Using statistical and econometrical tools enables us to reveal important tren5ds that could otherwise be left unnoticed. Our statistical sources include, for instance, Finnish Government publications, arms industry databases of AFDA and SIPRI, SaferGlobe data, and LSEG Data & Analytics platform. Our data sources contain the most reliable and informative data available publicly.

The EU’s evolving defence-industrial ambitions

Brussels has set the goal of achieving a more genuine European defence union, but taking a more unified approach to defence issues is a long-term endeavour, with fragmentation in defence procurement and divergent member-state interests serving as significant barriers to further progress. It is likely that, as the European Commission advances its plans, it will need to balance its desire for autonomy with the reality of its ongoing reliance on non-EU suppliers.

The value of national defense: Assessing public preferences for defense policy options

Defense spending accounts for a large share of the budget in many countries, but the value of the resulting public good – national defense – has so far escaped assessment. Much of the literature has instead considered indirect benefits of defense spending in terms of greater economic growth or technological spillovers. In this paper, we assess the direct welfare effects of defense policy, namely an increase in the security of citizens, by means of a survey-based discrete choice experiment. Drawing on a representative sample of the German population, results suggest substantial willingness to pay for an increase in troop numbers, the establishment of a European army and an improved air defense system. The reintroduction of compulsory military service does not enjoy public support. Results further indicate substantial preference heterogeneity across respondents and policy options which we explore. As such, these findings demonstrate how methods of survey-based, non-market valuation can help to refine research in this area of public policy.

European Union Military Missions and the War in Ukraine: Moving beyond the Jus ad Bellum Framework

European Union Military Missions and the War in Ukraine: Moving beyond the Jus ad Bellum Framework

Enhancing equity, diversity and inclusion in the European Union military schools and academies through collaborative initiatives and gender policy reform

AbstractThe European Union Military Schools and Academies (EUMSAs) have long grappled with persistent gender imbalances among their student body, indicative of an entrenched male‐centric culture within these institutions. In recognition of this issue, the collaborative Military Gender Studies initiative was launched under the auspices of the Erasmus+ program. This project involved partners from Bulgaria, Italy, Portugal and Romania, each offering unique insights shaped by their diverse socio‐political contexts. This research aims to go beyond mere acknowledgment of disparities and instead seeks to identify actionable strategies that can foster genuine equity, diversity and inclusivity within the EUMSAs. To this end, a comprehensive data‐gathering approach was employed, incorporating various qualitative methods including face‐to‐face interviews, face‐to‐face focus groups, direct observations and analysis of official documentation sourced from the referred EUMSAs. The resulting insights highlight the need for substantial improvements in institutional gender policies. Particularly, while efforts have been made to instill gender sensitivity within fitness assessments, their impact has been disappointingly limited. Furthermore, the practice of assigning military roles based solely on gender has been found to undermine both effectiveness and fairness within the schools/academies. Conversely, an encouraging sentiment pervades among the student body, advocating for a curriculum that incorporates gender‐related subjects into the EUMSA educational framework (curriculum). This suggests a growing recognition of the importance of addressing gender issues not only in policy but also in practice, signalling a promising shift towards a more inclusive and equitable environment within the EUMSAs.

A ‘Europe of defence’? The establishment of binding commitments and supranational governance in European security and defence

ABSTRACT Cooperation between EU member-states in the field of security and defence is increasingly difficult to reconcile with the notion of intergovernmentalism. The decisions to establish the European Defence Fund (EDF), Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO), the Coordinated Annual Review of Defence (CARD) and most recently the European Defence Industry Reinforcement Through Common Procurement Act (EDIRPA) have resulted in integrative commitments between EU member-states. In order to account for these commitments, we must analyse the positions and perspectives of key (France, Germany, Italy, and Spain) EU member-states. The article adds to the literature on European integration in two respects. First, by developing indicators to identify and establish the extent to which a move beyond intergovernmentalism has taken place. Second, through the application of a comprehensive approach, which is required in order to understand why EU security and defence integration has come about.

Strategic autonomy of the EU in the light of CSDP and the changing world order

The development of the European Union’s activity as a security actor is closely linked to the need for global capacity for action in this domain, with a clearly “softer” role definition than NATO, which is derived from a collective security concept. The aim of this study is to identify how and under what circumstances the European Union’s self-definition in the field of security and defense policy has evolved, how it has attempted to make the EU be present in the changing world order as an independent actor asserting its strategic autonomy with a specific voice. The paper looks back not only on the development of the EU security and defense policy, but also highlights the two decades of Hungarian operational involvement in it. Our central assumption is that the strengthening of the EU’s strategic autonomy, in which CSDP is one of the core instruments, cannot be avoided amid the challenges of the modern era if the EU wants to preserve its competitiveness and adaptive responsiveness.

From the “laboratory” to the “arena”: the EU’s quest for maturity and the instrumentalisation of conflict in Africa

ABSTRACT Since the 2000s the EU has used African conflicts as “laboratories” to develop its Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) and to mature its profile as a security actor; half of all CSDP missions have been deployed on the continent. However, the ineffectiveness of these missions, accusations of neocolonialism and the increasing appeal of Russian security assistance have raised fundamental questions about the legitimacy and efficacy of the CSDP model. Using a postcolonial decentring framework, which facilitates a clearer focus on African agency, I analyse why the EU has been unable to make sense of Russia’s increasingly prominent role in African security. Through interviews with EU staff, document analysis and fieldwork in Mali, this paper explores how the EU’s instrumentalisation of Africa as a “laboratory” – which positioned the continent as a depoliticised testing ground, with limited regard for the effectiveness of these tests – has had counterproductive effects on its long-term influence. It has left the EU unable to fathom why its geopolitical rivals enjoy popularity in Africa or to respond appropriately. In its preoccupation with its own maturation process, the EU has disregarded the agency of Africans and this myopia has been deliberately exploited by Russia.

(Not) Coming of age? Unpacking the European Union’s quest for strategic autonomy in security and defence

ABSTRACT Russia’s large-scale aggression against Ukraine brought back the debate about the European Union’s strategic autonomy ambitions in security and defence. The notion had slipped off the EU’s radar following the post-2016 thematic shift in strategic autonomy discussions to global economic interdependencies. Our article contributes to an appraisal of the strategic autonomy debate in security and defence since Russia’s full invasion of Ukraine, while also tracing the emergence and revival of the concept over the past 25 years. By unpacking the EU’s quest for strategic autonomy as a process of maturation since the late 1990s, we examine the extent to which the EU has grown into an autonomous security and defence actor. We further discuss the implications of maturation for EU security and defence policy. Drawing on 20 semi-structured interviews with policymakers and foreign policy experts in seven member states, our study brings the underexplored aspect of national acceptability of EU external action to the fore. We show that significant progress has been made regarding both ideational and material aspects of EU security and defence policy. Yet, prevailing differences in underlying national beliefs, perceptions and goals about security and defence continue to hamper the Union’s further maturation.

Exploring the speed of change: European defence budgets in an age of danger

ABSTRACT This essay explores the theme of speed of change in defence budgets for nations that experience violent deteriorations in their security environments, with a focus on responses to the Russia-Ukraine war. The analysis is innovative in exploiting both long-term historical data and especially collected national data on budget revisions within fiscal years. Recent increases in European defence burdens are comparable to those of European states during the 1930s. The increases are stronger for states that are geographically closer to Russia and, among those states, stronger for larger states. Smaller states tend to choose lower defence burdens, whether or not they are in an alliance. These findings challenge the traditional understanding of free riding within alliances and imply a need for defining new types of state behaviour. Two new behaviours are posited: binding for the case of Poland, and antagonistic free riding for the case of Hungary.

Reformy i ewolucja Wspólnej Polityki Bezpieczeństwa i Obrony Unii Europejskiej w latach 2016-2023

REFORMS AND EVOLUTION OF THE EU’S COMMON SECURITY AND DEFENCE POLICY 2016-2023: Achievements and Failures The aim of the article is to analyze the reforms of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) of the European Union, with particular emphasis on the new EU External Security Strategy adopted in 2016 and its evolution, achievements and failures in the years 2016-2023. In addition, the European Union’s position on Russia’s aggression against Ukraine on 24 February 2022 and its impact on the evolution and reforms of the CSDP and the necessary changes to the EU’s foreign policy and security strategy for Europe will be shown. The main thesis here is that the previous reforms of the European Union’s WSDiO have been defensive in nature and should be radically changed in view of the current international situation. Among other things, the EU’s soft power policy should be supplemented with hard power measures. The decision making process on matters relating to the EU’s foreign and security policy should also change, and in particular the use of the EU veto requires urgent reform. This will not be easy to achieve, but it is necessary for the European Union to be able to respond quickly and effectively to emerging threats to the security of its members and peace in Europe.

Stanowisko Niemiec wobec reformy Wspólnej Polityki Bezpieczeństwa i Obrony UE (2016-2022)

GERMANY’S POSITION TOWARDS THE REFORM OF THE EU’S COMMON SECURITY AND DEFENCE POLICY (2016-2022) The aim of this article is to analyze Germany’s position towards the development of CSDP between 2016 and 2023, that is, from the enactment of the EU Global Strategy to the publication of the Strategic Compass. For the CDU/CSU-SPD (2013-2017 and 2017-2021) and SPD-Green-FDP (2021-2022) coalition governments, deepening security and defense integration was a means to advance European integration. The reasons for Germany’s increased interest in developing CSDP from 2016 onwards, regardless of the international context (Brexit, Trump’s presidency), were linked to the political elite’s growing aspirations to develop a more influential international role for Germany. However, hesitation was evident. European defense was seen as an instrument for aiding European integration and as a factor for activating the Franco-German engine. However, France – in strong contrast to Germany – saw the development of a common defense as a means to achieve strong European autonomy in the sense of independence from the US. In Germany, it was feared that this would damage the traditional relationship with NATO. Acceptance of strategic autonomy was therefore limited by the primacy of the Atlantic orientation, which was even revitalized because of the war in Ukraine. Berlin’s ambivalent position on CSDP was also due to the lack of political will to act militarily, constitutional constraints, that is, the strong role of parliament and the influence of a restrained political-military culture.