European Far Right Research Articles

The Instrumentalization of Public Health Issues for Propaganda by the Far-Right.

Political opportunism of the far-right threatens the efficacy of public health policies and political stability in general. In this commentary, we outline some of the ways that the European far-right has misused public health concerns as propaganda tools. This is a significant threat to the goals of making health and science more inclusive, and we recommend some policies for mitigating the racist effect of the far-right. Notably, we recommend (a) transparency in health policies and robust implementation of the rule of law, (b) the use of operative public values and human rights in health policy making, and (c) investment in decolonizing mindsets which may be corrosive of health policies.

From the Fringe to the front-stage. European immigration and the Far-Right vote: An IV approach

We use regional data spanning over 4500 electoral outcomes at NUTS3 level between 2000 and 2017 to assess the impact of immigration on Western European Far-Right voting. To deal with potential reverse causation, we use immigration in neighboring countries as an instrument for domestic immigration. The estimated effects of immigration are positive, significant and larger compared to those obtained by simple OLS and fixed effects regressions. Depending on the measure of immigration used, we find that a 1% increase in immigration stocks leads to a between 1.78% and 2.97% in Far-Right voting. Similar results are obtained using electoral outcomes and immigration shares at the NUTS2 level, where the effect of immigration is estimated between 3% and 5.32%. Our results are consistent with possible negative feedback from the Far-Right to immigration. Our estimated effects explain a large part of the observed rise in Far-Right in Western European countries that experienced high levels of immigration during the span of our sample.

The European far right and human rights language

ABSTRACT In recent years, the European far-right movements have increasingly employed the language and terminology of human rights, even though resistance towards international influences continues to be one of their most consistent traits. The purpose of this article is to analyse how authors in the European far right use human rights language and concepts and what it reveals of their views on human rights. In this analysis, based on publications by major European parties, organisations, and activists in the far-right movement mainly in France, Germany and Finland, we argue that while the use of human rights language is primarily instrumental, it also utilises surprising remnants from the history of human rights thought, such as the relative natural law theory. In many cases, the observed uses are thinly veiled attempts to pass racism as legitimate rights claims, but others are more creative, for example when the criticism of Western bias in human rights is turned into an argument for white supremacy, repurposing the language of minority protections.

‘When in Rome do as the Romans do’ or ‘Rome is for Romans only’? How the search for a classification of the Finns Party could clear a way through the taxonomical jungle of the European far-right

The first aim of this study is to put the Finns Party on the academic map of the European far-right. Whilst averaging almost one-fifth of the vote over the last four general elections, it has been curiously absent from the comparative parties’ literature. The second aim is to consider how the search for an appropriate classification of the Finns Party might help to navigate a way through the terminological maze of parties parading under the European far-right umbrella. The starting point is a simple, working definition of the two main sub-types – radical right and extreme right – which the article provides. It also canvasses wider recognition of the intraparty dynamics and coalitional character of far-right parties and the need to incorporate a greater role for social media into work on party classification, not least in providing a mouthpiece for extremist elements. In the Finns Party’s case, an online extreme-right faction was able to exert disproportionate influence within, and ultimately capture the party.

Cloaking the Front National: Marine Le Pen, Femininity, and the Evolution of a ‘New’ European Far-Right

Cloaking the Front National: Marine Le Pen, Femininity, and the Evolution of a ‘New’ European Far-Right

An International Far-Right Alliance? A Comparative Analysis of the Linkages Between the Republican Party and European Far-Right Parties

An International Far-Right Alliance? A Comparative Analysis of the Linkages Between the Republican Party and European Far-Right Parties

Reconciling National and Supranational Identities: Civilizationism in European Far-Right Discourse

How do European far-right parties reconcile their long-standing nationalism with their allegiance to European “civilization”? Although they are certainly not contradictory, simultaneously adopting national and supranational identities requires considerable discursive maneuvering to articulate clearly. In this article, I argue that the European Far Right negotiates the boundaries between its national and supranational identities through two discursive mechanisms, abstraction and embedding, which present civilizationism as nonthreatening to and partially constituted by nationalism. Specifically, abstraction links European civilization to general features of a shared heritage, whereas embedding connects civilization to elements of the nationalist repertoire. I demonstrate the Far Right’s monopolization of civilizational discourse and use of these twin mechanisms through quantitative and qualitative analyses of more than 1,000 party manifestos and more than 650,000 tweets. These findings contribute to the growing scholarly literature that treats civilizations as supranational “imagined communities” and has implications for the study of nationalism, civilizationism, and the Far Right.

“Abendland”, “Latin Civilization” and “Civilization of Death”: Civilizationism and Right-Wing Notions of Doom in Poland, Germany and Austria

In recent years one could observe a trend towards “civilizationism” within the European far-right. Civilization seems to be a transnational umbrella concept covering different subjects, such as racist, anti-Muslim, anti-migration stances as well as the defense of a heteronormative-patriarchal moral and gender order. While German-speaking right-wing actors usually refer to the concept of “Abendland” (Occident), in Poland “Latin Civilization” and “Civilization of Death” are popular terms. The article explores the ideological roots, sources and semantics of far-right civilizational ideas in Poland, Germany, and Austria. On the basis of such an approach it is possible to show how the idea of civilizational decline functions as an element of a metapolitical far-right strategy within separate national discourses and how the concept is part of a transnational transfer of ideas. The paper will also discuss to what extent the concept of (Western) civilization can serve as a common rightwing paradigm across different countries. While attempts at concrete collaboration by right-wing actors from different countries and their joint political practices reach their limits rather quickly, the transnational and entangled aspect of civilizationism consists primarily in a transfer of ideas, a common horizon of perception, and a mutually complementary, affirming yet ambivalent, East-West imagination.

Trumpism and the European Far Right: An Analysis of Trumpism’s Impact on the Post-2016 AfD, Lega Nord, and Fidesz

The paper aims at investigating the relationship between Trumpism and the European far-right parties. The combination of shared ideological cores with the confrontation of similar “enemies” has resulted in the creation of an unprecedented relationship, wherein Trump takes the role of “international godfather” and inspiration for the European far right. To examine this relation, the paper focuses on references to Donald Trump and his policies and statements from 2016 to 2020 in the discourse of Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), Hungarian Civilian Alliance (Fidesz), and Lega Nord (Lega). The examination of the discourse of the three parties about security, immigration, foreign policy, and corruption shows that these parties have utilised Trumpism in three manners. Firstly, they have employed Trumpism to normalise certain pre-existing far-right ideologies and practices within their national and European context. Secondly, they have emulated Trump’s discourse and policies to capitalise on his popularity and support their national endeavours. Thirdly, they have used Trump’s fight and ideas to justify national measures, beliefs, criticism, or political goals. This paper thus aims to establish the leitmotifs governing the use of Trumpism by European far right to set the framework for future more critical analyses and a better understanding of this unprecedented relationship.

Victims of the Pandemic? European Far-Right Parties and COVID-19

AbstractIt has become received wisdom that the pandemic has “exposed” the political incompetence of far-right parties in government and that far-right parties in opposition have become its (first) “victims.” This is largely based on the generalization of one or two individual cases—most notably US president Donald Trump—who is the exception rather than the rule. This article provides a comparative analysis of far-right responses to the COVID-19 pandemic within the European Union. Based on theoretical insights from previous research, we expect the responses to reflect the main ideology and the internal heterogeneity of the contemporary far right as well as to show the increasing mainstreaming of its positions. We analyze four different, but related, aspects: (1) the narratives about COVID-19 from far-right parties; (2) the proposed solutions of far-right parties; (3) the electoral consequences of the pandemic for far-right parties; and (4) the success of far-right parties in dealing with the pandemic. Finally, in the discussion we shortly look ahead at the possible consequences of a highly likely second outbreak of COVID-19.

Alliance between Putin and European Far-Right: Where Does the Convergence of Interests Lead?

The study traces the development occurred in the alliance between Putin’s Russia and the European far-right parties since the European Parliamentary election held in May 2019. The article briefly summarizes the populist upsurge in Europe, exploring the reasons behind it. Consequently, the relations established between the political actors are outlined, starting with the concept of “sovereign democracy” to cover all the eventual points where the interests of the Kremlin match with those of the European far-right populists. The ultimate purpose of the study is to define three possible macro-scenarios for the alliance and, indirectly, for the European Union in the near term, concluding that even though the uprising of the populist parties has been somehow contained and the alliance has been widely exposed, the far-right still benefits from great success among public opinion. Furthermore, however ephemeral and transitory the collaboration between Putin and the populists may be, it has already laid the foundations for a more fruitful understanding. Russia’s importance as an economic and political partner will grow as its friendly political forces do and their mutual sympathy will stand until there are reciprocal gains.

Multiculturalism and the European Far-Right: Looking For the Other

Multiculturalism and the European Far-Right: Looking For the Other

REVOLUTION FROM THE RIGHT: THE RUSSIAN BLACK HUNDREDS MOVEMENT AND ITS PLACE IN THE HISTORY OF EUROPEAN FAR RIGHT PARTIES AND MOVEMENTS Part II-I: the Black Hundred understanding of Russianness in the general European context of the history of nationalism and the consolidation of nations: origins and development of varieties of nationalism in the Russian Empire and Europe

This series of articles investigates the Black Hundreds’ understanding of Russianness in the general European context of the history of nationalism. In brief, Russianness is the totality of nationally specific characteristics that define Russians as Russians and that distinguish Russians from other peoples. Through Russianness, according to the Black Hundreds, Russians should form a cohesive, selfidentifying community united in loyalty to the triple formula “Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality”. The Black Hundred understanding of Russianness strongly differed from the definition of Russianness by other Russian nationalists of the period. Several historians have noted that the Black Hundreds’ definition of a “true Russian” indicated not an ethnic but rather a political affiliation - loyalty to the triple formula “Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality”. The Black Hundreds’ understanding of Russianness had contradictory applications. The Black Hundreds emphasized the allembracing nature of the Russian people and considered many members of the non-Russian peoples as members of the Russian nation. However, they also excluded entire categories of Russians from the ranks of the Russian people and divided the non-Russian peoples of the Empire into the categories of “friendly to Russia” and “hostile to Russia”. The Black Hundreds also often used eschatological themes of demonization of external and especially internal enemies of Russia and the Russian people. Note that the Black Hundreds followed general European trends in political eschatology. It is important to note that the debates about Russianness were an integral part of the general European process of the consolidation of both ethnic and political nations against the background of competing understandings of identity of individuals, groups, and societies. The articles will give a comparative analysis of the Black Hundreds’ concept of Russianness with the concepts of Frenchness in the French Revolution and Germanness in Nazi Germany. The articles’ theme has a huge contemporary relevance in light of debates about national identities and values in the Russian Federation and many European countries.

United in Diversity: A Comparative Analysis of the Voting Behaviours of European Far-Right Political Parties in the European Parliament between 2009-2014

United in Diversity: A Comparative Analysis of the Voting Behaviours of European Far-Right Political Parties in the European Parliament between 2009-2014

The Breakdown of Socialization and Political Re-assertiveness of European Far-Right

Among other compelling factors, the ramifications of the Eurozone crisis and a contentious refugee crisis at the European shores and borders gave incentive to the re-assertion of European populism. Across continental Europe, populist politics is undoubtedly gaining political spotlight; though they remain peripheral within the large political sphere. Arguably, these parties often exhibit certain traits, which lead to their monolithic description, yet there is incongruity amongst them. In as much as democracy allows the freedom of expression and liberal political participation, it is nevertheless embedded with degree of contradictions. The narratives and actions of European populist parties and their constituents embody those contradictions. These contradictions by extension contrive radical effects on the European political theatre. Radical populist politics that now inundates European political landscape is actually spirited by the existence of hibernated but political radical germs. Populism and anti-Europeanism is trendy because of socialization breakdown, a political rupture that paves way for oppositional values based on radical ideology with the intent to cause radical replacement of the dominant ideology. Radical populism has reengineered political discourse, a shift from politically incorrect to acceptable political narratives. With the market theory of supply and demand, this paper considers political ideology as commodity and the electorates as rational actors (buyers), capable and at liberty to make rational choices on what sort of political commodity best suits their interest. The implication is the propensity of the electorates to switch loyalty from one (political) product to another. Lastly, the paper explores how impactful radical populism could be on the European political theatre and whether or not radical populism endangers democracy, breaches minority right, contribute to anti-egalitarian and anti-humanitarian policy.

Pegida as a European Far-Right Populist Movement

Historian Geoff Eley argues that the idea of Europe has contracted from the ideal of a pluralistic community with the potential to integrate cultural “Others” to a “narrowly understood market-defined geopolitical drive for the purposes of competitive globalization.” Global deregulation, he states, has produced streams of labor migrants and the tightening of Europe’s external borders, while the economic expansion of Europe to more member countries since 1992 has opened up new divisions and inequalities among them. Aftereffects from the break-up of the East bloc can be felt in the escalation of antiminority violence in Central and Eastern Europe, as well as “the smouldering slow burn of the legacies of colonialism” in Western Europe. These diverse pressures and anxieties coalesce on the spectral figure of the Islamic fundamentalist at Europe’s gates.

“Threatening other” or “role-model brother”?

In the late 2000s far-right parties made significant gains in numerous countries of the European Union. Sharing the same agenda and discourse of discrimination, many of these parties collaborate today at the European level as well. Yet, it is unclear whether the contemporary European far-right is indeed homogenous in terms of ideology. This project in critical discourse analysis shows that the far-right in the EU is actually characterized by ideological diversity. The paper compares and contrasts how China, an emerging great power with a booming economy, has been portrayed in the early 2010s by far-right parties in the UK and Hungary. By identifying major references, metaphors, frames and argumentation schemes, the article concludes that despite belonging to the same party family, and being actual political allies, the British National Party (BNP) and the Jobbik party in Hungary construct fundamentally different images of the “Chinese Other”. The far-right in the UK, a major Western power, presents China clearly in hostile terms, mainly as a “dangerous, threatening intruder” into the British market. Additionally, in the discourse of the British far-right China is primarily identified as a communist dictatorship and used as a metaphor of oppression in the domestic UK context. Meanwhile, in Hungary, a post-communist country in Eastern Europe and a relatively recent member of the European Union, an opposite picture of China is constructed by the far-right. Here, China serves as a tool to distance Hungary from the West. China is positioned by the Hungarian far-right as a state where communism has lost its significance. By stressing the Asian origin of Hungarians, brotherhood is claimed among Hungarians and Chinese and China is presented as a “role model country” which successfully resisted “Western dominance”.

Defending the West: Cultural racism and Pan-Europeanism on the far-right

Using terrorist Anders Behring Breivik’s manifesto as a barometer of right and far-right political rhetoric of the last two decades, this essay argues that two core ideas of Breivik’s manifesto reveal larger shifts in post-Holocaust racist discourse: first, that in a post-Holocaust world in which explicit biological racism is becoming more rare, Breivik and other figures on the contemporary European far-right have spotlighted a common Western identity, rooted in and bolstered by medieval imagery and rhetoric, as the chief quality marking the West as historically and culturally unique; second, that the ‘clash of civilizations’ theory of Lewis and Huntington has permeated far-right anti-immigration discourse.

Capitalist Development and the Rise and ‘Fall’ of the Far-Right

This article offers an alternative account of the European far-right from those prevailing in comparative politics and the history of ideas literatures. The article focuses on: (i) the historical evolution of the European far-right from its late 19th-century origins to its contemporary form as a current of anti-globalization; and (ii) the way in which international capitalist development explains the generalized emergence and ‘success’ of the far-right. I argue that uneven capitalist development has been integral to the evolution of the far-right. It has been the geopolitical expressions of capitalist development that best account for enabling domestic political contexts that have facilitated far-right mobilizations. Consequently, whilst the far-right has re-emerged, because of the post-1945 decoupling of uneven capitalist development from geopolitical rivalry, the international and domestic social, political and ideological resources that the contemporary far-right can draw upon are considerably weaker than the historical far-right.

The New Xenologies of Europe: Civil Tensions and Mythic Pasts

This article explores transformations in the ideologies and political languages of two main European far-right tendencies: the ‘counterjihad movement’ and the European New Right (ENR). The ‘counterjihad movement’ emerged as a widespread, concerted series of anti-Muslim campaigns and activities across many European countries from the mid-2000s, and its ideas and activities are critically explored. The ideas of the ENR, a much older and mainly intellectual tendency, have re-emerged in significant ways in the activities and policies of several European far-right and populist parties. The two tendencies are very different in origin and ideology. However, considering them together can help understand the broader themes and shapes of the ‘new xenologies’ recently emergent in Europe, ones that have complicated associations with ‘racism’ and ‘fascism’. These areas are discussed within the broader context of an enduring political narrative of ‘European decline’ and an assertion of regional ‘ethnic’ identities against the project of European Union.