Euro-Mediterranean Cooperation Research Articles

Finland in the Mediterranean

This article aimes to shed light on the rich, but rather enigmatic relationship between Finland and the Mediterranean world. These interactions have been approached since Antiquity, but this paper’s focus has been on 19th and 20th centuries and especially on the last three decades. About thirty years ago, when Finland was preparing itself to join the European Union, it also had to build up a real Mediterranean policy of its own. It was in the Corfu European Council in June 1994 when the then-president realised that the country needed such a policy. Thus, in 1995, when Finland joined the EU, it also participated in the Barcelona Euro-Mediterranean Conference and signed the Barcelona Declaration that established the Barcelona Process forming the structures for European Union cooperation with the southern and eastern Mediterranean countries. The participation into this structural process was felt important for Finland mainly for two reasons. Firstly, the country wanted to be a full and active member of the EU and thus contribute to every fi eld of activity that are important for the union. Secondly, we Finns realised that if we wanted the southern European countries to understand and to cooperate with our own ambitions in the northern part of Europe, we needed to show solidarity towards the aims and needs of our southern partners in the Mediterranean. All this resulted in Finland being surprisingly active in all Euro-Mediterranean cooperation environments. This concerned not only offi cial state activities, but also other public sectors as well as civil society actors and NGOs. These EuroMediterranean activities became so many and so multiform that we can deal only with a few of them here as examples.

Performance assessment of alternative SSS networks by combining KPIs and factor-cluster analysis

Performance assessment is a fundamental tool to successfully monitor and manage logistics and transport systems. In the field of Short Sea Shipping (SSS), the performance of the various maritime initiatives should be analyzed to assess the best way to achieve efficiency and guide related policies. This study proposes a quantitative methodology which can serve as a decision-support tool in the preliminary assessment and comparison of alternative SSS networks. The research is executed via a Mediterranean case study that compares a hypothetical Mediterranean ro-ro SSS network developed in the framework of a past Euro-Mediterranean cooperation project with the network of existing ro-ro liner services operating in the area. Performance benchmarking of the two networks is performed using a set of quantitative Key Performance Indicators (KPIs) and applying a factor-cluster analysis to produce homogeneous clusters of services based on the relevant variables while accounting for sample heterogeneity. Quantitative results mostly confirm the overall better performance of the prospective network and demonstrate that using KPIs and factor-cluster analysis to investigate the performance of maritime networks can provide policymakers with a preliminary wealth of knowledge that can help in setting targeted policy for SSS-oriented initiatives.

Populism and Euro-Mediterranean cooperation: The Barcelona Process 25 years after

ABSTRACT A populist surge in Europe is affecting Euro-Mediterranean cooperation 25 years after the Barcelona Process was launched, reinforcing existing trends of de-Europeanization and renationalization of foreign policies. This article analyses the landscape of political contestation of Mediterranean cooperation in Europe in a new age of populism, focusing on France, Italy and Spain as well as the Visegrad 4 states that have turned from bystanders to veto players in Mediterranean affairs. We find that the ‘thick’ ideologies from which populists are borrowing condition the thrust of their influence. The impact of right-wing populism trumps that of its left-wing counterpart in quantity and quality, while market-liberal populism is in decline and regional populism is mainly an issue only in Spain. Populism has personalized decision-making and shaped political agendas directly and indirectly, most notably on migration. It has whitewashed authoritarian leaders in the southern Mediterranean and fragmented the European Union’s position on key issues such as the Arab–Israeli conflict. National interests and the weight of institutions have, however, formed a counterbalance to the focus on migration emanating from domestic politics. Populism alone cannot be blamed for renationalization trends that have existed before, but it does build on and reinforce them.

BARCELONA PROCESS:CREATION OF THE UNION FOR THE MEDITERRANEAN

The article notes that the geographical location and historical links with the Mediterranean countries, together with the accession to the EU resulted in a special position of Spain as the initiator of the Barcelona process: meetings and conferences at various levels for the development of Euro-Mediterranean cooperation in different spheres within the EU. Creation of the Union for the Mediterranean was actually a continuation of the Barcelona process

Znaczenie energii odnawialnej w polityce eurośródziemnomorskiej - uwarunkowania i perspektywy rozwoju

The paper presents the conditions and prospects for the development of Euro-Mediterranean cooperation in the field of renewable energy sources (RES). The first part characterises the objectives of the European Union and member states in the field of renewable energy, the second concerns the energy situation in Mediterranean countries, in particular the renewable energy sector, the third presents renewable energy projects implemented within the framework of the Euro-Mediterranean initiative, and part four shows the problems related to the implementation of projects in the renewable energy sector, both in Mediterranean countries as well as within the framework of Euro-Mediterranean programmes. Europe’s energy strategy is closely linked to energy security and diversification of the energy sector by increasing production and consumption of energy from renewable sources. This goal is to be achieved by both domestic production of RES and through trade. Due to their geographical proximity, co-developed institutions and potential, Mediterranean countries are a priority in this strategy. The development of the renewable energy sector in Mediterranean countries may also generate indirect positive effects for Europe and stimulate enhanced Euro-Mediterranean coop- eration in other socio-economic fields.

Euro-Mediterranean Security and Cooperation: Immigration Policies and Implications

Immigration is a sensitive issue that has implications on the economic, political and social dimensions. It is practically impossible to effectively control cross-borders in any country especially in nowadays free-market economy which, in order to remain sustainable, have to maintain its borders open for the freedom of goods, services, capital and labour. In general immigration gains are much higher than its costs but countries are more sensitive towards free movement of people in comparison with free movement of trade and capital. Free movements of labour could be understood through push- and pull-factors among countries. Immigration could be explained through three approaches; ecological, behavioural, and systems. The EU concerns towards its external border control have increased especially after the Arab Spring in 2011 based on two main motives humanitarian and security. The council of the European Union has assigned new funds towards the countries that have massive people movements through four policies: readmission, deployment, EU border assistant mission, and capacity building.

The Union for the Mediterranean: An Intergovernmentalist Challenge for the European Union?*

The Union for the Mediterranean (UfM) has had a troubled infancy. French ideas for enhanced Euro-Mediterranean co-operation, influenced by functionalism, actually brought increased disputation among the partners during its first two years. There has been deep disagreement over whether European Union (EU) Mediterranean policy should be based on common positions or accommodate French leadership ambitions. Adverse external conditions have affected the prospects of the infant UfM, but so too have intra-EU differences and problematical institutional structures.

Third Time Lucky? Euro-Mediterranean Energy Co-operation under the Union for the Mediterranean

Energy co-operation has appeared as a priority area on the EU's Mediterranean policy agenda since the promulgation of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) in 1995. The Union for the Mediterranean (UfM) has pledged to do more than previous policy frameworks in the area of energy co-operation, and has specifically identified renewable, particularly solar, energy as a possible catalyst. This study aims to assess the prospects for Euro-Mediterranean energy co-operation within the framework of the UfM. To this end, it will examine the reasons behind the failure of both the EMP and the ENP to achieve meaningful progress in their equally sanguine enunciated policy objectives in this area, comparing their respective approaches with that of the UfM. It will be argued that the prospects for Euro-Mediterranean energy co-operation under the UfM will hinge more on the shifting priorities of European consumers and SMC producers, informed in particular by concerns over climate change, the need to diversify sources of primary energy supply and the depletion of proven conventional fossil fuel reserves, than on the attributes of the UfM per se.

Convergence on the Fringe: The Environmental Dimension of Euro-Mediterranean Cooperation

This article examines environmental policy convergence in the Mediterranean from three different perspectives. First, it describes the main features of this convergence. Namely, that convergence is more about principles and approaches than about environmental quality standards, and that it is undifferentiated in sectoral and geographical terms, but there is scope for normative differentiation. Secondly, the article explores the strategies available to promote convergence. Actors in charge of environmental Euro-Mediterranean cooperation cannot resort to conditionality, and thus have developed two alternative strategies, functional cooperation and international legitimation. Finally, the article reviews the results delivered by these strategies.

European Union responses to conflict in the western Mediterranean

The European Union (EU) announced an increased commitment to conflict resolution beyond its external border when it adopted the European Neighbourhood Policy in 2003, yet this has not led to any practical initiatives in the western Mediterranean. While the more latent nature of conflicts there puts less pressure on the EU to act than do the ‘hot’ conflicts of the Middle East, various disputes over territorial sovereignty persist and tend to undermine the broader EU ambition to promote stability, Euro-Mediterranean cooperation and region-building. In addition to the bilateral disputes over Gibraltar, Ceuta, Melilla and a number of Spanish islands and rocks off the Mediterranean coast of Morocco, there is the broader regional conflict over Western Sahara, which has long brought tension to relations between Morocco and Algeria and between Spain and each of these North African countries, while also frustrating efforts to build the Arab Maghreb Union. Analysis of the EU's weak responses to both the deadlocked Saharan conflict and to the more recent confrontation that took place between Spain and Morocco over Parsley Island in 2002 shows the importance of internal EU divisions and the Union's concern not to upset partners in North Africa, especially Morocco. Yet, despite the EU's reluctance and/or inability to engage in conflict resolution in the western Mediterranean, its policies do have consequences for regional conflicts, even when the EU claims to be neutral. Its privileging of relations with Morocco involves an acceptance that the Moroccan authorities are valid interlocutors for reaching agreements that affect Western Sahara.

Strategic Management Committee (SMC) meeting for NEuroMed

Event Abstract Back to Event Strategic Management Committee (SMC) meeting for NEuroMed Driss Boussaoud1* 1 CNRS -Universite Aix-Marseille, INCM, France Europe and the Mediterranean Partner Countries (MPC) possess a good potential of well-trained researchers in the field of brain function and dysfunction in disease. However, neuroscience remains poorly represented in collaborative projects amongst the Mediterranean and European countries. Yet, as the MPC access to the status of developed economies, they face the severe health burden of brain dysfunction in relation with developmental issues, education, aging, neurodegenerative diseases, mental and addictive disorders. It is thus crucial for the MPC to invest in this theme of research, and it is strategic for the European Union to strengthen it cooperation with South countries to help them become full R&D partners in Neurosciences. In this context, the European Commission has recently funded a Mediterranean Neuroscience Network (N€UROMED) with the aim of supporting MPC research institutions infrastructure and potential development in brain research. The project, built on existing collaborations and local networks, gathers a strong human potential from 23 Universities and research centres from 7 countries (Algeria, Egypt, France, Italy, Morocco, Spain, and Turkey). More precisely, the objectives are to promote and improve: (1) twinning between centres of excellence in the EU and the MPC; (2) recruitment, training and secondments in MPC centres; (3) transfer of knowledge and know-how to the MPC research centres; (4) physical research infrastructure in MPC centres. N€uroMed focuses on four major relevant societal issues: neurodegenerative and mental diseases, neuroplasticity, adaptation to environmental stress and brain imaging, where cooperation with EU research entities can help increase the human potential and physical infrastructure in MPC. N€uroMed will pave the way to the creation of solid links amongst institutions in MPC and Turkey, and to step up Euro-Mediterranean Cooperation in the field of Neurosciences. In parallel to the implementation of specific activities, N€uroMed will also improve the participation of the MPC to the FP7. Finally, the project is expected to have broader impacts on other key EU policies as it contributes to the fulfilment of the neighbourhood policy, as well as the international aspect of the European R&D policy.N€uroMed will last for 36 months (November 2009 to Octobre 2012). The first meeting of the Strategic Management Committee takes place during the 3rd Mediterranean Conference of Neuroscience to adopt the programme and agenda proposed by the workpackage leaders. It will be followed by the kick off meeting in Marseille, January 2010, which will gather all Partners and Associated Partners to launch the work program. One of the strategic actions of the project is to recruit four post-docs. A call will be published in the 1st three months of 2010. The N€uroMed Social (SE01) will take place in the VIP lounge of the Bibliotheca Alexandrina on Sunday, December 13, 2009 at 19h. fig 1 Conference: 3rd Mediterranean Conference of Neuroscience , Alexandria, Egypt, 13 Dec - 16 Dec, 2009. Presentation Type: Oral Presentation Topic: Satellite Events Citation: Boussaoud D (2009). Strategic Management Committee (SMC) meeting for NEuroMed. Front. Neurosci. Conference Abstract: 3rd Mediterranean Conference of Neuroscience . doi: 10.3389/conf.neuro.01.2009.16.188 Copyright: The abstracts in this collection have not been subject to any Frontiers peer review or checks, and are not endorsed by Frontiers. They are made available through the Frontiers publishing platform as a service to conference organizers and presenters. The copyright in the individual abstracts is owned by the author of each abstract or his/her employer unless otherwise stated. Each abstract, as well as the collection of abstracts, are published under a Creative Commons CC-BY 4.0 (attribution) licence (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/) and may thus be reproduced, translated, adapted and be the subject of derivative works provided the authors and Frontiers are attributed. For Frontiers’ terms and conditions please see https://www.frontiersin.org/legal/terms-and-conditions. Received: 30 Nov 2009; Published Online: 30 Nov 2009. * Correspondence: Driss Boussaoud, CNRS -Universite Aix-Marseille, INCM, 13331 Marseille, France, driss.boussaoud@gmail.com Login Required This action requires you to be registered with Frontiers and logged in. To register or login click here. Abstract Info Abstract The Authors in Frontiers Driss Boussaoud Google Driss Boussaoud Google Scholar Driss Boussaoud PubMed Driss Boussaoud Related Article in Frontiers Google Scholar PubMed Abstract Close Back to top Javascript is disabled. Please enable Javascript in your browser settings in order to see all the content on this page.

Between a Rock and a Hard Place: Euro-Mediterranean Security Revisited

The study of the EU's relations with its near abroad is increasingly important in the wake of the 2004 enlargement of the Union because it directly relates to the question whether the EU might help to foster peace and stability in its neighbourhood. Euro-Mediterranean relations are highly interesting in this regard since the EU has a rather long, but not entirely successful, history of trying to promote security and cooperation in its southern vicinity. In this article the Regional Security Complex Theory, developed by Buzan and Waever (2003), is applied to shed new light on security aspects of Euro-Mediterranean relations. The article's main argument is that the ‘ups and downs’ of Euro-Mediterranean security cooperation is better understood if the Mediterranean is not considered as a region in itself but rather as a link between two separated regional security complexes.

ENERGY MODELS IN THE MEDITERRANEAN COUNTRIES: A SURVEY TOWARDS A COMMON STRATEGY

The development of energy analysis and planning models has closely matched the emphasis on energy policies over the past three decades. The policy arena is now dominated by the concepts of market reform, sustainable development, and global climate change. The needs that an energy model should meet are constantly changing, due to technological, social, and political reasons. Effective energy planning is a dynamic process that is repeated periodically and adjusts to changing conditions. The models identified as in use in the 12 countries of North Africa and Eastern Mediterranean are ENPEP, LEAP, MARKAL, and PRIMES. Each energy model has advantages and disadvantages that users have to trade off. This article reviews the energy-planning models used internationally and throughout the 12 countries and proposes the most practical route to harmonizing energy models in use throughout this region, in the framework of the Euro-Mediterranean Energy Cooperation.

Introduction: The Study of Euro-Mediterranean Cultural and Social Co-operation in Perspective

When the Foreign Ministers of the European Union (EU) and the then 12 Mediterranean Non-Member countries (MNC) in November 1995 met in Barcelona and solemnly inaugurated the Euro-Mediterranean Part...

Euro-Mediterranean Cultural Cooperation in the Field of Heritage Conservation and Management

Euro-Mediterranean Cultural Cooperation in the Field of Heritage Conservation and Management

The Use of Conditionality in Support of Political, Economic and Social Rights: Unveiling the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership's True Hierarchy of Objectives?

For about a decade the European Union has imposed conditions on the delivery of financial aid to third countries in order to promote economic, institutional and political reform. This approach has also been applied to the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, which provides rather sophisticated legal and institutional resources to organize political conditionality. Whilst the general advancement of human rights remains a major topic for Euro-Mediterranean co-operation the efficiency of the conditionality methodology in supporting social and economic rights, as compared to strictly political rights, remains uncertain. This study examines the actual enforcement of such social conditionality in the case of two test countries, namely Morocco and Turkey.

Culture and community in the Euro-Mediterranean partnership: a roundtable on the third basket, Alexandria 5–7 October 2003

Almost eight years into the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP), social and cultural co-operation between the European Union (EU) and the 12 partner countries in the southern Mediterranean is still in its infancy. Although the third basket was originally considered as one of the main innovations within Euro-Mediterranean relations, its pitfalls prevail – a fact that is reflected in the lack of a common shared discourse within academic as well as practitioner circles.

04/01135 Energy policy assessment of the Euro-Mediterranean cooperation: Kagiannas, A. G. et al. Energy Conversion and Management, 2003, 44, (16), 2665–2686

04/01135 Energy policy assessment of the Euro-Mediterranean cooperation: Kagiannas, A. G. et al. Energy Conversion and Management, 2003, 44, (16), 2665–2686

Energy policy indicators for the assessment of the Euro-Mediterranean energy cooperation

The Euro-Mediterranean Partnership was initiated in 1995 and is highly motivated by the mutual interests that both parties have. The Mediterranean countries involved see it as a vehicle to associate themselves with their partner in the north and secure technical assistance provision for the development of their energy sector, while for EU the process is expected to create a favourable and stable climate for energy investments and to secure access to the energy sources available in the region. The energy cooperation is directed by the three common energy policy objectives, namely security of supply, competitiveness of the energy industry and environmental protection. The paper discusses the challenges derived from this cooperation and presents the level of achievement of the energy policy objectives adopted. A set of energy policy indicators have been developed in order to provide a quantitative assessment of the status of the above objectives. The use of these indicators is expected to provide an impetus for the identification of policy actions and guidelines for the achievement of the objectives of the partnership.

Mare Nostrum: The Sources, Logic, and Dilemmas of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership

Etel Solingen and Saba Senses Ozyurt emphasize institutions and socialization within the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership. The paper begins with an analysis of the theoretical foundations of the institutional theory that underlies the of the EMP, that is, economic reforms, democratization, and regional multilateralism, and elaborates on specific arguments on which each pillar of the rests. Subsequently they use Turkey as a study in order to analyze the at work, paying attention to both the role of institutions and the effects of socialization. By exploring the difficulties of the triple logic in the of Turkey, a state that might be expected to provide an easy case for Euro-Mediterranean cooperation, Solingen and Senses Osyurt point out a number of intrinsic dilemmas within the on which the future of Euro-Mediterranean region building will hinge.