EU Leaders Research Articles

Analyzing the European Union’s CSDP and the evolution of European security and defense training at the ESDC: prospects and pathways

ABSTRACT This article presents a thorough examination of the European Union’s Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) in comparison with the educational programs offered by the European Security and Defense College (ESDC), with a specific focus on the High-Level CSDP Course. We conducted a comprehensive analysis using a meta-synthesis research approach. Our research commenced with a Systematic Literature Review and was further validated through a qualitative case study, which included interviews with the 2023 high-Level CSDP course participants. Our research findings highlight the need to prioritize emerging topics such as climate security and identify new areas in cyber and space domains to potentially expand the CSDP. We emphasized the importance of developing strategic approaches to facilitate the dissemination of comprehensive CSDP knowledge generated by the ESDC to higher education institutions. This initiative aims to equip future EU leaders with the necessary knowledge and skills to effectively engage in CSDP-related matters.

Polite protectionism, or deglobalization?

This study aims to explore persuasion and emotion in Western political discourse, as triggered by the passing of the American IRA, an utterly protectionist act, ostensibly aimed at curbing inflation and fighting climate change. An ad hoc corpus has been compiled containing propagandistic speeches by Joe Biden and responses to this law by EU leaders Von der Leyen and Vestager. A contrastive analysis was carried out, to unveil the lexical traits of persuasive and politically correct language, and then to analyse emotional polarity in either subcorpus. Finally, a discussion on narratives through the deployment of metaphors, personifications and presuppositions was undertaken. The ultimate goal of this study is to make translators and interpreters aware of the discursive traits deployed in modern political discourse defending or reacting to economic protectionism and unilateralism, and thus to reveal the inevitability of the defragmentation and deglobalisation trends that have started looming worldwide.

Emotions and norms in the Syrian refugee crisis: the comparative responses of the EU and Turkey

ABSTRACT This paper delves into the evolving research area of emotions and norms within international relations, focusing on the EU-Turkey dynamics amid the Syrian refugee crisis. Utilizing Emotion Discourse Analysis (EDA), it examines discourses from key EU and Turkish leaders between 2011 and 2023 to understand how their emotional responses to Syrian refugees influence the universal norm of human rights. Since the specific interconnection between leadership emotions and human rights norms remains largely unexplored, this study seeks to fill this gap by examining how emotions expressed by leadership in Turkey and the EU variously challenge, protect, or construct human rights norms related to Syrian refugees. Preliminary findings reveal contrasting emotional expressions: while President Erdoğan’s discourse often aligns with the protection and construction of human rights norms, EU leaders’ emotions reflect a tension between human rights commitments and border security priorities.

Talking cheap, or speaking Euro? Assessing congruence between leaders’ communication and negotiators’ positioning in the Eurozone crisis*

ABSTRACT Whether European leaders ‘talk the walk’ is a key question in EU studies. Prior research has made substantial inroads into explaining how EU and national leaders communicate about European integration, as well as what positions member states and EU institutions take in EU negotiations and why. However, we do not know to what extent leaders’ communication is congruent with what their negotiators do in Brussels, nor what explains such (in)congruence. This article presents a first dive into these questions. It formulates two theoretical arguments on why leaders’ communication and negotiation positions may diverge: accidentally, due to coordination costs, or intentionally, due to strategic and electoral calculations. Leveraging three novel databases on the Eurozone crisis, we come to two important conclusions: first, the degree of incongruence is substantial and similar to what is found at the national level. Second, our results favour a political-strategic argument for incongruence, but many important questions remain.

Regional development policy in Galilee periphery in Israel

AbstractIn Israel, regional clusters serve as a mechanism for regional development, achieved through the integration of interests, pooling of resources, knowledge transfer, and the facilitation of agglomerations. This study gains insights from two EU regional development programs, LEADER and URBACT, to potentially benefit the regional clusters in Galilee, Israel's northern periphery. The research examined five municipal clusters in Galilee, aiming to identify their distinct characteristics and place them within a wider theoretical and comparative framework. A qualitative research approach was adopted, involving semi‐structured interviews with the clusters' CEOs and an analysis of pertinent policy documents. The findings suggest that Galilee's municipal clusters encounter challenges similar to those faced by the EU's LEADER and URBACT programs. These include establishing regional networks, achieving recognition for their capabilities, and cultivating trust and cooperation gradually. The CEOs shared their experiences in navigating the challenges posed by wary mayors and government ministries. The recognized success of these clusters, as evidenced in policy documents, could signify a shift from Israel's traditional centralist political culture to a more decentralized power structure.

From optimist to sceptical liberalism: reforging European Union foreign policy amid crises

Abstract Russia's invasion of Ukraine brought both condemnation and vindication to the European Union. EU policies were condemned for being complacent, naive and greedy. However, when European leaders conducted a coordinated response backing Ukraine, the war also vindicated the EU as a liberal project. The crisis has led to a surge in support for the EU, unprecedented cooperation across policy areas and new accession negotiations with the EU's eastern neighbours. To understand this shift, the article argues that crisis has catalysed the EU becoming a sceptical liberal actor. Sceptical liberalism is characterized by a bleak view on the trajectory of the international order, a self-critical understanding of Europe's role in it, and a willingness to intervene, including with military means, to tackle political predicaments. The transition changes EU leaders' previous optimistic liberal approach of pursuing peace and prosperity though mediation and interdependence. Distinguishing between ideals and actions, the article argues that liberal ideals remain intact, but a sceptical outlook implies different actions to pursue those ideals. The article's argument challenges longstanding scholarly debates on ‘normal versus normative power Europe’, which build on an excessively bifurcated assessment of EU foreign policy that fails to capture contemporary dynamics and the dilemmas they cause.

Pros and Cons of the EU–Turkey Refugee Deal and Why the Cons Prevail

The ‘EU–Turkey deal’ is a catchy nickname of the official document the ‘EU–Turkey Statement’; a result of meetings between EU and Turkey leaders. Although the EU–Turkey deal served as a basis for actions taken in relation to migration both on the side of the EU with its member states and on the side of Turkey, its legal nature remains questionable. Accusations emerged that the EU–Turkey deal resulted in the EU states’ failure to comply with the obligations in the field of human rights, particularly the rights of refugees. Yet, according to the judicial review, the individual member states are the ones responsible for implementing the EU–Turkey deal. The purpose of this article is to examine migration-related issues of the EU–Turkey deal. As the EU–Turkey Statement deals mainly with the status of Syrian refugees, legal implications of their status after the deal are one of the main subjects of this research. This article focuses primarily on the deal’s legal effects and its predominantly negative effects.

Strengthening the EU’s defence cooperation

In an expeditiously changing world, security challenges have become more intricate, multifaceted and complex. The 21st century is an epoch of strategic competition and multisided relations. The influence and rate of occurrence of hybrid security threats are constantly rising and deepening. World is in era of transition, characterized by creating new dynamics by emerging players along with significant shift of geopolitical and economic power, and currently, global attention is drawn to the Russian aggression against Ukraine, which is the consequent catalyst for the EU states, obligating them to take more responsibility and improve security and defence. Russia does not use force only to dominate on Ukraine, but this war aims to reverse and strike down western dominance - it is a big threat-economically, militarily, and politically. In an international competition, other powers are challenging the European countries’ ability to protect their interests and values that was the motivation for the idea of collective security building called "strategic sovereignty". For this reason, both defence and security fields are essentially important for the European Union. The EU leaders have long been trying to improve common defence policy - the European Union External Action Service in 2011, and later in 2016, the EU Commission president Jean-Claude Juncker called for a common defence fund, a “European headquarters.“ In March 2022, the EU council approved the Strategic Compass. The Compass gives the European Union an ambitious plan of action for strengthening the EU's security and defence policy by 2030 (EU, 2022. French President Emmanuel Macron urged Europe to invest in its own collective security framework in the face of Russian military moves on the bloc’s doorstep - "Europe needs to finally build its own collective security framework on our continent." We argue about the prospects of collective security and the fact that it may now be time for the EU member States to take the necessary decisions.

NATO and the CSDP after the Ukraine War: The End of European Strategic Autonomy?

Abstract The paper debates the impact of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine on the relationship between the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union’s Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). It argues that the invasion has changed dramatically Europe’s security landscape, carrying major implications for both organizations and their relationship. After its withdrawal from Afghanistan and deepening frictions between the US and its European allies about burden-sharing, the war instilled a new sense of purpose into NATO, placing renewed emphasis on its core functions of territorial defense and deterrence. However, the war was also a reality check for the EU, raising important questions about the future of the European security architecture, the Union’s role within it, and its relationship with NATO (hereafter also referred to as the Alliance). The aim of this article is to try to answer some of these questions, by providing an initial assessment of the impact of the war on the relationship between NATO and the CSDP, and to sketch out potential avenues for strengthening the EU’s role in transatlantic security. More specifically, the paper will try to answer the following questions: what are the implications of the conflict on the Alliance? How did the war impact on the CSDP and the Union’s aspiration to strategic autonomy? Where is EU-NATO cooperation heading as a result of the war? Will the conflict ramp up cooperation between the two organizations or will European defence efforts be channelled mostly through NATO? Will EU leaders grab the momentum created by the war to further institutional integration also in security and defence and or will the war turn into another missed opportunity to promote a more effective burden-sharing in transatlantic security?

An Analysis of Bülent Ecevit’s Policies, Decisions, and Attitudes Towards the European Union Membership Process of Türkiye

This study focuses on the analysis of the EU membership policy of Bülent Ecevit and scrutinized his attitudes through the lens of continuity and change, seeking to trace the imprints of influential factors and dynamics in the decision-making process. In this way, this study contributes to the scholarly literature by not only revealing the limited influence of leaders on Türkiye's EU accession process but also explaining the effects of Ecevit's ideological orientations on the course of Türkiye-EU relations. As a result, it is understood that Ecevit's stance on the EU was shaped by various internal and external factors, such as economic crises in the country, the attitudes of EU leaders, and individual factors such as ideological inclinations. Nevertheless, it is claimed that Ecevit's decisions regarding the EU generally followed the fundamental principles of Turkish foreign policy.

How the impossible became possible: evolving frames and narratives on responsibility and responsiveness from the Eurocrisis to NextGenerationEU

ABSTRACT This paper explains how a turn in EU governance which was unthinkable only a few months prior became possible in 2020. Rather than a sudden paradigm shift brought about by the pandemic, we argue that it occurred through successive episodes of reinterpreting the rules and layering on new instruments while fostering investment and fiscal sharing on top of the pre-existing ordoliberal regime. Through a discursive institutionalist lens, the paper supports these claims by studying the frames and narratives of French, German and EU leaders during three rounds of reforms, namely the flexibilization of the European Semester (2014–2016), the adoption of the Budgetary Instrument for Convergence and Competitiveness (BICC) (2017–2019), and the adoption of the Recovery and Resilience Facility (2020–2021). The analysis shows that an increased awareness of a responsiveness imperative, going beyond national constituencies, transformed European elites’ conceptions of ‘responsible’ government thus at least momentarily closing the gap between responsibility and responsiveness.

Study of Best Practices of Green Energy Development in the EU Countries Based on Correlation and Bagatofactor Autoregressive Forecasting

Abstract Russia’s military aggression against Ukraine has undermined the global energy system, leading to high energy prices and increased concerns about the EU’s energy security EU leaders have adopted a number of laws and developed the REPowerEU plan to reduce dependence on Russian energy imports by accelerating the transition to clean energy and creating a more sustainable energy system in Europe. The plan includes measures to save energy, diversify supplies and rapidly replace fossil fuels with clean energy sources, as well as prioritizes equity and solidarity, taking into account the energy balances of each EU member state. It builds on the Fit for 55 proposals and supports the ambitious goal of achieving at least -55% net greenhouse gas emissions by 2030 and climate neutrality by 2050.The aim of the article is to study the use of renewable energy in the European Union, the application of autoregressive models to predict the development of renewable energy.The results and conclusions. As a result of the study, based on the methodology of transients, a model of change in the volume of investment in wind energy was developed in the form of a differential equation. It was proved that the transition process is stable, even with time constraints or reduction of investment in the development of wind energy over time it will return to a stable growing trend (which was obtained by means of bagatofactor autoregressive models).

Monitoring Convergence in the European Union with the convergEU Package for R

Upward convergence, that is an improvement of Members States’ economic and social indicators’ performance, is a core policy target of the European Union. This concept isembodied in the European Pillar of social rights (EPSR) proclaimed by EU leaders in 2017. In 2018 Eurofound has developed a methodology to measure convergence, which has beenimplemented in the convergEU R package described in this work (rel. 0.5.0). The package extends the original STATA toolbox developed by Eurofound beyond the calculations ofthe four main measures of convergence as it provides functions to download, filter, impute, smooth indicators. Country and indicator fiches are automatically prepared and compiledin HTML format. Graphical output includes qualitative patterns of change along time to emphasize the key behaviour of an indicator with respect to the average of an aggregationof Member States. Besides EU Member States, the analysis of other collections of regions is supported for general indicators if context information is provided. A user-friendly,no coding required, shiny-based web application provides policy makers with a tool to produce convergence reports on selected indicators and countries.

The EU’s 2020 summit on the COVID recovery fund: leading the divided house to a consensus

Research methodology The writing of this case study was triggered by the numerous media reports in 2020 that talked about the EU nations losing its solidarity. EU being a very appropriate example of economic, monetary and customs union while teaching theories of economic integration and international relations, the post-pandemic approach of EU leadership to rebuild the crisis-ridden member nations seemed an excellent material for developing a teaching case study. The case study was written based on secondary data and published information available. Enough desk research was undertaken to build the characterisation of the protagonists and due diligence done to chronologically report all facts of the case as the story developed. It was decided to build the epilogue into the case study so that the case analysis had enough depth. Case overview/synopsis The case is set in 2020 when the global economy was reeling under the massive impact of a lockdown and the aftermath. The case study examines the model of economic union in international business and the various challenges that governance of an association of nations such as the 27 member EU can throw up. It examines the conflict of interest that can arise among member nations during critical circumstances such as the pandemic and its massive tolls. EU had established itself as a critical international trade player and had already proven their might as a united entity to the world trade partners, given the fact that they were not only a customs union but also a monetary union. In this scenario when the pandemic threw them into the whirlwind of lockdown-induced crisis, the united front of the mighty EU all but crumbled. As the worst-hit economies of Italy and Spain struggled to pull themselves back to normalcy, EU experienced one of its worst solidarity crises. EU’s president Angela Merkel and ally French President Emmanuel Macron with support from the EU Council’s President Charles Michel stepped forward to resurrect the badly hit economies. They viewed this as the best opportunity to bring about a united front by coming together at Brussels for a summit when lockdown eased up in July 2020. It was to be a show of unity to jointly bail out the severely affected member nations by grants rather than loans. The summit, however, snowballed into bitter arguments and open bickering between the wealthy and not-so-wealthy members, and they could not agree upon the issue of debt vs aid. The fact that the EU was an agglomeration of 27 nations, which were far from homogenous in socioeconomic status, not to speak of divided political ideologies, only added dimensions to the dispute. Negotiations repeatedly hit roadblocks. Can the EU leaders lead their bitterly divided house to a consensus? Complexity academic level The case is suitable for graduate and post-graduate levels. Management courses where international business studies, international trade blocs and global leadership are part of curriculum can use the case to teach concepts of “Regional economic integration”, “Economic and Political union” and theories of “International relations” and “Negotiation”. It can also be ideally used in an executive management programme on “Global Leadership” to highlight the complexities of “governance of international associations” and “consensus building amidst diversity”.

Deal! Market reactions to the agreement on the EU Covid-19 recovery fund

In response to the Covid-19 crisis, EU leaders agreed on the creation of a €750bn recovery fund (the Next Generation EU, NGEU). We investigate the short-term impact of this landmark deal on bank stocks, sovereign credit default swaps (CDS) and bank CDS. First, we find that stock market investors firmly welcomed the agreement as we find sizeable positive abnormal returns in bank stocks as a response to the NGEU proposal by the European Commission. Spreads on sovereign and bank CDS significantly declined, with more pronounced movements for heavily indebted countries and those that strongly advocated the creation of the recovery fund and for the banks located in these economies. Second, we show that banks’ sovereign exposures towards other European countries, especially those with weaker financial conditions and limited fiscal capacity, play a key role in driving the strength of the stock market reaction. Overall, financial markets responded positively to the credibility of the NGEU policy as an extraordinary common effort to support the post-Covid-19 recovery and enhance economic growth in the region.

A Comparative Study of Two Networked (neoendogenous) Development Approaches: The EU LEADER and China’s Resident Work Team in Poor Villages (RWTIPV)

A Comparative Study of Two Networked (neoendogenous) Development Approaches: The EU LEADER and China’s Resident Work Team in Poor Villages (RWTIPV)

Energy Efficiency Lookouts

Abstract This article aims to carry out a comparative analysis in the European Union and in Romania, in the period 1991-2021, on the achievement of the ambitious energy efficiency objectives, by assessing the achievement of the assumed targets for primary and final energy consumption at the level of the years 2020 and 2030. Since 2007, EU leaders have been concerned about the decarbonisation of the energy sector, a first essential measure being to reduce energy consumption by 20% by 2020. As part of the decarbonisation objectives for 2050, we start from this premise, according to which energy efficiency must be improved, thus accelerating the transition of all member states of the European Union to clean energy and sustainable growth of economies. So, by using energy more efficiently and therefore consuming less, we can contribute both to protecting the environment and to mitigating climate change. The hypothesis from which we start in this study is that the target for 2020 of the level of primary and final energy consumption has been met, due to the negative effects of the COVID-19 pandemic. In order to test this hypothesis, Eurostat data were analyzed using the quantitative research method for both the European Union and Romania. As a result of the analysis carried out, this hypothesis can be fully confirmed, since from 2021, which coincides with the beginning of the recovery of economies, an increase in primary and final energy consumption can be observed again, after a sharp decrease in 2020, even below the level of the targets set for 2020. With regard to the targets assumed by the European Union for 2030, the consumption of primary and final energy is well above the predetermined values. And the conclusions show us with certainty, the need to make an additional effort in order to achieve them.

Poverty and social exclusion in the EU: third-order priorities, hybrid governance and the future potential of the field

EU leaders have agreed to reduce the number of people who are at risk of poverty or social exclusion by 15 million (including at least five million children) by 2030. This article explores this ambitious target and analyses the positioning of the field throughout the EU’s broader governance hierarchy, as well as the governance arrangements within the field. It finds that throughout such governance arrangements, the issue of being at risk of poverty or social exclusion is largely dealt with by intergovernmental agreements and is thereby a third-order priority for the EU, with economic integration first-order and employment policy second-order. Meanwhile, within the field EU governance arrangements are currently being transformed to further encourage the Member States to take action. While this is a significant development, the overall ability of the EU to reduce the number of those at risk of poverty or social exclusion requires the field to move beyond its current third-order status.

ESTONIAN ENERGY POLICY IN THE CONTEXT OF MODERN CHALLENGES

In today's political reality, the resilience and sustainability of Estonia's development depends on its ability to respond adequately to existing challenges and threats. Given the historical peculiarities of the development of the energy sector and the resulting dependence on Russian energy resources, energy independence is a key issue of national security. This raises the issue of developing the basic principles of energy policy, including the creation of new, potentially profitable gas and energy markets and the development of renewable energy. In developing its national energy sector, Estonia is taking into account EU initiatives aimed at overcoming dependence on Russian energy resources and transitioning to climate-neutral production. The subject of the study is the content and peculiarities of the Estonian energy policy formation. The purpose of the paper is to identify key areas and mechanisms for the implementation of Estonia's energy policy in the context of today's challenges. Research methodology: systematic approach, methods of analysis and generalization. The content of Estonia's energy policy is set out in a number of important documents, including the Strategy Estonia 2035 and the National Energy Development Plan until 2030. The key areas of energy policy implementation are synchronization with the power grid of continental Europe, participation in the formation of the European energy and gas market, renewable energy, development of cross-border cooperation in the energy sector, fulfillment of obligations under the European Green Deal to reduce CO2 emissions, and the role of shale production in Ida-Viru County. The issue of energy sustainability of Estonia and other countries in the Baltic-Finnish region is a key issue on the EU energy agenda. This is evidenced by the active public diplomacy of EU leaders to intensify cross-border cooperation of energy sector stakeholders in order to completely abandon Russian energy resources under the REPowerEU plan and to intensify the transition to climate-neutral production in the context of the European Green Deal. The EU's main energy security initiative is the Baltic Energy Market Interconnection Plan (BEMIP), which implements various projects. Estonia uses both economic and political mechanisms to implement its energy policy. Economic mechanisms include active participation in strategic projects (Baltic Synchronization, Balticconnector), 75% of which are financed by the Connecting Europe Facility. The potential of cross-border cooperation, especially with the countries of the Baltic-Finnish region, aimed at intensifying the development of renewable energy and regional energy and gas markets, is actively used. Estonian government officials pay considerable attention to the formation of dialogue and cooperation among energy sector stakeholders, which is evidenced by their participation in various special events and declaration of their intentions for mutually beneficial cooperation in the energy sector. Research findings: the key areas of implementation of the Estonian energy policy are synchronization with the EU energy system, participation in the formation of regional gas and energy markets, and intensification of energy production from renewable sources. The implementation of Estonia's energy policy is correlated with EU initiatives and is carried out through a number of economic and political mechanisms.

EU의 공동외교안보정책과 우크라이나 전쟁

This paper seeks to anlayze whether the Capability-Expectations Gap (CEG) of the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy has been narrowed after the War in Ukraine broke out on 24th February 2022. It compares in the components of the CEGs before and after the war. Christopher Hill defines the capability as being composed of the resources (economic and diplomatic), policy instruments and policy cohesiveness.
 Before the war, Brexit left the EU’s economic power dwindled by 2.17% point from 15.7% to 13.62% in world output. Policy instruments have seen some changes, as the EU could manage to give military as well as economic aid to Ukraine for the first time. Although the EU is not a military alliance, EU leaders could reach agreements on sending military equipments in the face of Russian aggression. Policy cohesiveness refers to the ability to reach agreements and implement such ones among differing national policy preferences. Hungary remained opposed to banning Russian oil and gas imports to the last moment, thus gaining exemption from the EU’s sanction until the end of 2023, at least a year later after such sanction entered into force.
 With regard to expectations from within and without of the EU, citizens in Europe have wanted the bloc to play a more active role in major international affairs such as in the Ukraine War. The EU also could follow through many sanctions in close consultation with the United States, which has led Western efforts in giving aid to Ukraine.
 EU’s international role is likely to grow in the process of mediating the war, as the war is probably to last another a year or two. It will also shoulder significant burden to help Ukraine reconstruct after the War.