EU Candidate Research Articles

Examining Ukraine’s EU Candidate Status: (When) Does the Accession Process Turn from Political to Legal?

This article explores the nature of the notion “candidate country status” in the context of EU accession. In particular it enquires whether the candidate status, which was granted to Ukraine by the European Council on 23 June 2022, has any actual legal implications or is the whole accession process up to the point where accession agreement is signed entirely devoid of legal consequences. Legal doctrine seems to generally answer this question in the affirmative, explaining that the candidate status was a rather political concept bearing primarily symbolic relevance. However, the example of Ukraine, which was granted candidate status much more rapidly than a number of other countries before it, challenges to explore the topic in more depth, in particular by delving into the CJEU’s existing case law on candidate status and the possibility of challenging the granting of candidate status through litigation in the CJEU.

Деформації інституту соціального діалогу в Україні як чинник суспільної десолідаризації

It is shown that the effect of solidarity significantly enhances the mobilization potential of society, being applied at all levels of social organization, including the family, territorial community, and the business environment. The authors emphasize that the new social reality in Ukraine, which is being formed in the context of a full-scale Russian invasion, as well as the risk of loss of state integrity and statehood as such, determines the need to lay the basic principles of solidarity based on the coherence of actions of all subjects of social organization in the basis of the ideology of national state-building. The authors reveal the social phenomenon of solidarization as a result of reaching joint agreements and making consolidated decisions on the formation and implementation of the State socio-economic policy, which allowed establishing its close connection with the process of social dialogue. The relevance of the societal dimension of the functioning of the national system of tripartite social partnership in the context of military shocks is substantiated. Within the framework of institutional and comparative methodology, the modern role of tripartite social partnership and the impact of the institution of social dialogue in Ukraine on the processes of its social solidarity in the (pre)war period are revealed. It is proved that social dialogue plays a leading role in addressing issues related to achieving the criteria of decent work, ensuring social guarantees, promoting international labour standards, regulating non-standard forms of employment, ensuring equality in the field of labour, as well as digital and "green" transitions. It is established that the imbalance of interests of the parties to social dialogue in Ukraine is characterized by insufficient protection and lack of guarantees of decent work for employees, on the one hand, and the unmet needs of Ukrainian business for qualified and highly productive labour, on the other. It is emphasized that one of the consequences of this imbalance is the desolidating phenomenon of labour poverty. The authors identify and statistically substantiate the main deformations of the institution of social dialogue in Ukraine, which were formed in the pre-war period. On the basis of specific examples from the period of martial law in Ukraine, the contribution to social solidarity of domestic employers' associations and trade unions is shown. Considering social dialogue as an institutional component of the social contract, the article establishes that the deformed system of social dialogue in Ukraine causes the erosion of its social contract – the framework for solidarity of citizens. It is shown that maintaining a high level of solidarity among the population of Ukraine is important in the context of its official status as an EU candidate country in June 2022. The article summarizes recommendations for solving the problems of social dialogue in Ukraine in the post-war period of reconstructive recovery of the Ukrainian economy, based on modern international approaches and practices. The authors propose relevant directions for the development of tripartite social partnership, taking into account current trends in the digitalization of the economy and society, as well as the spread of new non-standard forms of employment, including platform employment.

Перспективи розвитку транскордонного співробітництва на рівні місцевого самоврядування в Україні

The irreversible course of Ukraine’s accession to the European Union is vividly demonstrated every day in the media by the unwavering support of our country by international partners and organisations, as well as by the top officials of foreign states. The key task is to adapt the acquis communautaire into the national legislation of Ukraine. All reforms are taking place in parallel with the Ukrainian government’s accession negotiations, starting with the ratification of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement in 2014. An integral attribute of EU accession is the implementation of decentralisation reforms, including the development of cross-border cooperation of territorial communities. This is an important tool for the development of regions, cities and territorial communities, especially those bordering on neighbouring countries or having partnerships with territorial partners in other countries. Since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the EU countries have virtually unanimously expressed political support for our country. The EU candidate status granted to Ukraine allows us to create the best conditions for the development of cross-border cooperation. Regardless of the duration of Ukraine’s accession process, the prospect of Ukraine’s membership in the EU has become a political reality and will sooner or later mean its integration into the EU single market and the Schengen area. Cross-border cooperation of subnational actors should be seen as a tool for territorial development of regions and communities, which ultimately benefits the whole country and should be in the public interest. State support for the development of cross-border cooperation at the regional and local level should be understood as a necessary investment that brings mutual benefits to all its partners. They will be able to use the opportunities offered by EU programmes for cross-border cooperation through various funding projects. In addition, such cooperation is of public interest to every European country. The state is obliged to be interested in this and provide opportunities to develop such cooperation. Therefore, in June 2024, the Law of Ukraine ‘On International Territorial Cooperation of Ukraine’ was recently adopted, which addresses a number of shortcomings and problems of local government functioning within the framework of international cooperation between territorial communities and regions of foreign countries.

Правова заборона як метод обмеження політичної влади

The issue of legal prohibitions in national and European law has a pronounced interdisciplinary content. The modern Ukrainian environment, through which the legal values of European (Euro-Atlantic) and universal civilizations – principles, norms, institutions, sources of law, legal procedures, etc. – are “refracted” (“passed through”), is quite heterogeneous and contradictory, and this cannot but affect the peculiarities of Ukrainian law. These problems include, in particular, the absence, unlike in many European countries, of an explicit enshrinement of the principle of proportionality in the Constitution of Ukraine. This refers to the balance, proportionality of public interests and the interests of an individual in case of need to restrict his or her rights; excessive restrictions on human rights; distortion of the essence of the restricted rights; failure to comply with ECHR judgments at the “home level”; examples of risks when both the purpose and the means are inadequate to the specific situation requiring such a restriction, i.e., in an acceptable ratio to the weight and importance of the fundamental right. The author suggests the following areas of legal measures’ effectiveness: bringing regulations in line with international standards; further improvement of legislation; bringing restrictions of different levels (interstate, national, municipal) into the system; social justification and scientific validity of their establishment and use; increasing the legality and effectiveness of restrictions in the exercise of law; creation of real guarantees of lawful implementation of restrictive measures; legal education and legal education for all segments of the population. The prospects opened up for Ukraine in connection with its EU candidate status require not only further adaptation of Ukrainian legislation to the EU legal framework, continuation of reforms of the judicial system, law enforcement agencies, etc., but also a significant change in legal awareness, legal mentality and legal thinking of both ordinary Ukrainian citizens and, above all, public officials, judges, law enforcement officers, etc.Without such a change, these prospects may not be realized. It is stated that Ukraine’s heroic struggle against the Russian military invasion for freedom and independence significantly accelerated the formation of a full-fledged modern political Ukrainian nation. The war proved that an excessive focus on regional differences based on the principle of “what difference does it make” whether certain regions profess Soviet, national Ukrainian, or European values is futile. Of course, we are not talking about forming the same views on historical events or contemporary problems for all people, let alone the same type of thinking, which is what all totalitarian regimes have sought. The point is that, despite all the regional differences that are inherent in almost all states, the basic, fundamental values that define national identity should be common to all regions of the state. Modern history knows of no examples of democratic and legal states being built along different civilizational vectors. This is typical only for empire states, whose fate ultimately ends in the same way – in catastrophe.

European integration and economic growth in emerging Europe: the role of institutions and policy factors

ABSTRACT The purpose of this study is to contribute to an investigation of the role of European integration as a potential growth driver or convergence engine for emerging Europe. We classify emerging Europe into two groups of economies: (1) 11 new EU member states from Central and Eastern Europe; and (2) six EU candidate countries from the Western Balkans. Our results are also highly relevant for the so-called ‘association trio’ within the EU’s framework of Eastern partnership. The more specific research objectives are to explore (1) what the main driving forces behind growth dynamics in post-communist economies in Europe are; and (2) whether the experience of fast-reforming new EU member states can be replicated or adapted to the EU candidate countries. We provide evidence that the process of European integration holds strong transformative power to accelerate institutional progress and support economic growth.

Welfare regimes of European countries and their development in the context of membership in the European Union

Welfare regimes represent potential approaches to the implementation of redistributive policies worldwide. In European countries, several significant regimes have been identified, including the Conservative, Southern, Social Democratic, Liberal model, the Post-Communist European model, and the Model of the Former USSR. The present study focused on identifying the welfare regimes of EU members and candidate countries and examining whether shifts between these regimes occur over time. The k-means method was employed, generating a different number of clusters for two observed periods: 2013 and 2022 on the sample of 27 member and 4 candidate countries and 2023 on the sample of 27 member countries of EU. The input variables consisted of redistributive indicators focusing on income inequality and the risk of poverty. The analysis results confirmed that countries transitioned between regimes in all observed periods. In the mixed group of member and candidate countries, the number of clusters decreased from five to two. For member countries in 2023, the number of clusters was three, mainly due to the worsening risk of poverty in some countries. Notably, none of the clusters represented a pure form of the originally defined welfare regimes. A significant finding of the study was that all observed EU candidate countries have shifted towards the redistributive policies of EU member states. This shift was noted towards regimes of geographically proximate countries. Within the member countries, however, the adopted measures have also lead to the negative phenomenon of mutual distancing of social regimes.

Key stages of adapting the acquis communautaire to Ukraine's legal system: a historical overview

The article is aimed at clarifying the status of regulatory and legal support for the process of adaptation of the national legislation to the acquis communautaire. It is stated that the Ukrainian state has already completed most of the steps to join the EU. Attention is focused on the relevance of the study, which is due to Ukraine's officially obtaining the EU candidate status and the transition to the negotiation process between the EU and Ukraine on the latter's accession to the EU. The author analyses the provisions of Ukrainian legislation and scientific research on the understanding of the concept of ‘acquis communautaire’. The author's definition of this legal phenomenon is formulated, which should be understood as the sources of EU law, standards, principles of external and internal activities and other achievements of the European Communities. The author's own approach to distinguishing four stages of adaptation of the national legislation to the acquis communautaire in chronological order is proposed. The first stage was when Ukrainian legislation implemented the EU norms and standards to establish economic cooperation between Ukraine and the EU in various areas for the development of various relations between the partners. The second stage was a testament to the irresistible desire of Ukraine and Ukrainians to be part of the EU community and contributed to the signing and entry into force of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement. The third stage demonstrates Ukraine's path from the signing of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement to the EU candidate status. The fourth stage is connected with the European Council's announcement of the start of negotiations with Ukraine on the country's accession to the EU and the need for comprehensive harmonisation and adaptation of Ukrainian legislation to the EU acquis in connection with the prospect of EU membership. It is emphasised that the implementation of the acquis communautaire into the national legal system should pursue national interests and be a political, economic, legal and social consensus on key issues of European integration transformations

"Exploring the role of lithium in Al2O3 tritium permeation barrier development: A crucial challenge for fusion reactor progress"

The development and application of robust tritium permeation barriers (TPBs) are crucial for a safe and economical fusion reactor operation because tritium permeation could cause serious safety problems, such as the brittleness of the structural material, fuel loss, and radioactive contamination. Coatings may effectively inhibit the permeation through the structural materials of tritium fuel generated inside the breeding blanket (BB) reducing the loss of lithium inventory contamination of the ancillary systems and the exposure of workers and the population. Al2O3 has been preliminary selected as the EU candidate for tritium permeation reduction of structural steels in the Water-cooled lithium–lead breeding blank (WCLL) concept, because of its very high permeation reduced factor (PRF). However, because of the chemical reactivity of lithium, several authors report the formation of Lithium aluminates after exposure to PbLi baths, based on different experimental techniques. In this contribution, we will show recent results about the quantification of the extent of the reaction and the thickness of the reacted layer and discuss the possible effects, that may happen under neutron irradiation based on the species produced (T and He) in the nuclear reactions (n, T) and (n, α) with 6Li and 7Li, with the Li atoms in the reacted layer To do that, the atomic density of produced T and He per second out of the transmutation reaction and the He/T ratio are calculated for diverse Li contents. Subsequently, we implant He into the coatings and characterize the desorption rate and the morphology. Finally, discussion and recommendations for further coating development will be presented.

Countries’ green brands within the context of sustainable development goals

This study aims to fill the gap in estimating the Green Country Brand Strength Index and its convergence among EU countries and Ukraine (as a potential EU candidate) from 2006 to 2020. Drawing upon data from the World Data Bank, Eurostat, and The Food and Agriculture Organization, the study employs various analytical tools including principal component analysis, the global Malmquist‒Luenberger productivity index, the entropy method, and σ- and β-convergence theories. The findings suggest a notable increase in the green brand values of the analyzed countries from 2006 to 2020, with a significant expansion of the measurement scale. Notably, France, Germany, Spain, the Netherlands, and Sweden emerged as leaders in the Green Country Brand Strength Index by 2020. Furthermore, the study uncovers convergent policies among EU countries aimed at fostering green brands aligned with the Sustainable Development Goals, as evidenced by a decline in σ- and β-convergences. This research provides valuable insights into the dynamics of green branding and policy convergence within the EU and prospective candidate countries. It introduces a distinctive approach to assessing and analyzing green brand strength, emphasizing its critical importance to the formulation of sustainable development policies and strategies.

Adoption of an evidence-based practice approach in the child and family care system in Europe: A comparative survey study

The European policy is placing a strong emphasis onadopting an evidence-based practice (EBP) approach. However, this process has not been sufficiently described and comparatively explored between countries with different family policies, delivery systems, target populations and professional cultures of evaluation and intervention. This study proposed a multicomponent model of implementation strategies to empirically examine the degree of adoption of EBP at national, agency, and practitioner levels in a sample of20 member countries of the European family support network: A bottom-up, evidence-based and multidisciplinary approach (EurofamNet), with a great geographical distribution and different political status: 12 EU members, 6 EU candidate members and 2 non-EU members. Consensual responses to the survey (17 questions) were provided by members of EurofamNet national networks made up of entities at the national, regional, and local levels across sectors. Three clusters of responses were identified, Cluster 1 Initial Level (30%, mainly EU candidates), Cluster 2 Medium Level (40%, EU and non-EU members) and Cluster 3 Advance level (30%, EU and non-EU members). Countries at the Initial Level showed a lack of / or less degree of achievement in the implementation strategies. Countries at the Medium and Advance levels showed progressive steps towards EBP adoption through the implementation of collaborative leadership, translational efforts on agreed EBP guidelines, official recognition of services and professional teams applying EBP guidelines, multi-agency and intersectoral EBP adoption, professional training on EBP guidelines, and dissemination strategies. Our findings highlight the complexity of the transformation process and the multiple determinants involved in bringing the quality standards into the practice environment. Lines of improvement are suggested to help countries reinforce the culture of quality assurance in the child and family services.

Political Regime and Governance on climate Change. Evidence from the Western Balkan Economies

Abstract The political environment plays a crucial role in steering societies to address the challenges posed by global warming and contributing to global initiatives toward a resilient and environmentally sustainable future. Political regimes in different places in the democracy-authoritarianism spectrum show varying degrees of effort to reduce their nation's respective carbon emissions. This paper aims to determine the role of political regimes along with governance dimensions in climate change mitigation. The analysis uses the V-Dem database and the World Governance Indicators (WGI) to conceptualise and measure each country's political system and its institutional quality of governance, respectively. The empirical model uses a panel database of the variables of interest for the years 1998-2022 regarding the Western Balkan (WB) economies. The target group of countries sparks our interest due to their significant challenges, such as widespread pollution, political regime changes, and severe governance problems. Furthermore, integrating the Environmental Kuznets Curve (EKC) hypothesis, which suggests a complex relationship between economic growth and environmental sustainability, the analysis provides evidence that the relationship between CO2 emissions and GDP per capita follows a quadratic trend, suggesting that as GDP per capita increases, the associated CO2 emissions may not change linearly but instead follow a parabolic pattern. WB countries also share the ambition of EU accession and hold the EU candidate status. To the extent these states manage to overcome their institutional issues, they will be in the position to implement the EU environmental acquis efficiently, which will amount to a critical step in the region's environmental health. Policymakers and scholars of the field will benefit from this paper since it determines the impact of political systems precisely matched with empirical results to derive conclusive answers regarding the political systems and climate change debate.

Georgia-EU Cooperation in the Field of Culture in Multilateral and Bilateral International Format

In the realm of international relations, the significance of culture and soft power is steadily growing, particularly in the establishment of diplomatic ties and the fostering of cooperation among nations. As Georgia progresses in its integration into the European Union—a political and economic endeavor given the union's nature—its motto of "unity in diversity" exemplifies the European commitment to peace, citizen well-being, and the celebration of cultural diversity. The European Union stands as a prominent example of effective soft power utilization in international relations, with culture representing one of its most intricate integration domains. In the context of Georgia's deepening ties with the EU, a thorough examination of European and developed countries' cultural pathways and experiences becomes imperative. This analysis is essential for Georgia to chart a coherent, unified, and effective cultural policy, both domestically and on the global stage. Following the European Commission's recommendation on November 8, 2023, Georgia was granted the EU candidate status by the European Council on December 14, officially becoming part of the EU's enlargement policy. Consequently, it becomes even more pertinent for Georgia to scrutinize and understand the EU's cultural policy, a cornerstone of its foreign relations strategy. The influence of cultural policy on the EU-Eastern Partnership relations emerges as the significant force shaping their development. Cultural cooperation serves as a linchpin, fostering mutual understanding, identity preservation, and the cultivation of shared values. The analysis of progress and challenges within Georgia-EU cooperation, both bilaterally and multilaterally, offers insight into how cultural relations are cultivated within the Eastern Partnership framework. The EU cultural policy, operationalized through various mechanisms like association agreements and support packages, prioritizes democracy, human rights, and cultural cooperation, adapting to the unique circumstances of each partner country. Examining the EU's cultural policy within the Eastern Partnership context underscores culture's pivotal role in diplomacy, cooperation, and economic development. Establishing an effective vision centered on cultural cooperation is crucial for Georgia's engagement with the EU, positioning it as a cornerstone of the partnership's success. Keywords: EU cultural policy, soft power, European integration, European perspective.

Assessing Economic Development and Quality of Life: A Management Perspective on Romania and the Republic of Moldova

This article presents a comparative analysis focusing on the economic dimensions of quality of life and explores the factors influencing economic growth and well-being between two countries located in Eastern Europe: Romania—an EU member state since 2007, and Moldova—an EU candidate status since June 2022. By examining statistical data, we assess the relationship between economic growth and development, aiming to discern patterns and dynamics within these countries’ economies. Through this comparative approach, we aim to elucidate how economic factors contribute to societal welfare and living standards. The study underscores the significance of economic management policies and structural reforms in fostering growth and enhancing the quality of life for citizens. By focusing on the economic landscapes of Romania and Moldova, we aim to offer insights into the challenges and opportunities faced by transitioning economies in Eastern Europe, shedding light on strategies for sustainable development and improved well-being.

Can Small States Reshape Their Regional Identities? Examining Georgia’s Cognitive Dissonance between South Caucasus and Eastern Europe

Abstract Georgia represents an interesting case to study the agency of small states in reshaping their regional identity and external environment. Although much of the world has considered Georgia as politically part of the South Caucasus region, the country’s political elites themselves have long attempted to escape the geographic boundaries of the South Caucasus region and relocate their country into Eastern Europe. We argue that Georgian elites were partially successful in their quest for foreign political identity change. Although they did not manage to entirely change the international perception about Georgia’s geographic belonging, the country has politically moved closer to Eastern Europe and is considered to be part of “Associated Trio” together with Ukraine and Moldova—and recently became an EU candidate. From a theoretical perspective, we argue that Georgia’s quest for foreign policy identity recalibration fits the constructivist paradigm of international relations well. It can be argued that Georgia’s political elites were partially driven by ideational factors and were ignorant of the balance of power in their external environment, which cost the country the lost wars and compromised territorial sovereignty.

Adaptation of national legislation to EU law: experience of member states and candidate states for Ukraine

The article is analyzed the experience of EU member states and candidate states for EU accession in the sphere of adaptation of national legislation to EU law. The relevance of the topic is due to the fact that on June 23, 2022, Ukraine received the status of a candidate state for EU membership, and today it is very close to the beginning of the negotiation process on joining the EU. Negotiations on accession to the EU provide for the screening of the compliance of the national legislation of the candidate state with EU law in order to identify differences between them in each part of the negotiations. After the screening, direct negotiations begin on the conditions under which the candidate state accepts and applies EU law. Each candidate country operates according to a separate schedule and can be accepted into the EU as quickly as it can adapt its national legislation to EU law (a decisive criterion for EU membership). Adaptation of the national legislation of the candidate country to EU law is a long-term process that continues even after the state has acquired full membership in the EU. It is not only about the formal adaptation of legislation, but also about the creation of institutions that ensure its compliance and implementation in practice. Ukraine, which is at the beginning of the negotiation stage, will be helped to speed up its path to the EU by using the positive and taking into account the negative experience of other states in adapting national legislation to the EU acquis. The experience of the EU member states shows that they overcame the process of joining the EU and the related adaptation of national legislation through various legal and institutional mechanisms, but always in one form or another, success depended on the coordination of the actions of the parliament and the government. In particular, it is the development and implementation of programs for the adaptation of national legislation to EU law; establishment of special institutions responsible for European integration; consultative, methodical and financial assistance of the EU and member states; control of projects of normative legal acts for compliance with EU law; a high level of coordination of the activities of state authorities involved in the process of adapting legislation to EU law, etc. At the same time, the main guarantee of successful European integration is the presence of the political will to carry out the necessary reforms in the state, a quick transition from declaring intentions to become a full member of the EU to concrete actions along the way, as well as the support of civil society. The adaptation of national legislation to EU law as a process of bringing the laws of Ukraine and other normative legal acts into compliance with the EU acquis is, first of all, a separate direction of law-making activity that requires proper legal, institutional, methodological, organizational and personnel support. However, the experience of other countries shows that the approximation of the national legal system to the EU law should also include the application and interpretation of the law in the spirit of the EU legal standards.

French attitude to Ukraine’s EU membership: from indifference through securitisation to alternatives

ABSTRACT After Russia invaded Ukraine in 2022, EU enlargement rebounded from the sidelines to take centre stage in the European debate. The overall support of the EU towards Kyiv was framed by a sudden moral imperative to help Ukraine enter the EU even though it had been stuck in the perpetual waiting room of Eastern Partnership for quite some time. France repeatedly attempted to form a pan-European body and created the European Political Community (EPC), allegedly intended primarily to help Ukraine. However, France has had an ambiguous attitude to EU enlargement which is domestically a politically sensitive topic. We examined to what extent a rationalist or securitisation-driven stance to EU enlargement prevails in France. To do so, an analysis of the geopolitical ambitions of France in Central and Eastern Europe together with its pan-European projects such as EPC was carried out. Our analysis proves that despite all the political statements of support for the EU candidate states, the French ruling elite and society do not favour enlargement. Potential member states are securitised in the political discourse and potential cons of their entry are emphasised. Moreover, French president Emmanuel Macron openly stated he expects the accession process of Ukraine would take decades.

The effect of EU membership on tourism in Croatia

This study examines the impact of EU membership on tourism in Croatia, one of the most important economic sectors in the country. Using the counterfactual synthetic control method, the causal effect of EU membership on overnight tourists in Croatia in the period from 2013 to 2021 is estimated. The results suggest there is a large, positive, and long-term effect of the EU joining on overnight visitors in Croatia, with European tourists being the main contributors to tourism growth. In the period before COVID-19, the maximum discrepancy between the observed number of tourists and the synthetic value was achieved in 2017, with Croatia receiving an additional 3 million visitors, or 23 percent more than the value of the synthetic. Although these results are context-specific, the resemblance of Croatia to some EU candidate countries provides insights into possible tourism outcomes of integration in Europe.

The impact of the Russian invasion of Ukraine on public support for EU enlargement

ABSTRACT The full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 has become one of the greatest security crises since World War 2, with profound geopolitical and socio-economic implications for Europe and beyond. The upsurge of political and media attention to this war may have increased public support for EU enlargement, with new countries in the Eastern neighbourhood and the Western Balkans receiving the official EU candidate status. By drawing on mechanisms of securitisation and solidarity, this paper tests to what extent the Russian invasion has generated a positive politicisation of EU enlargement. While this crisis may have indeed fostered a permissive consensus in EU public opinion regarding Ukraine’s future accession, I observe no such effects for the Western Balkans or Turkey. This finding also remains robust to identity and socioeconomic controls, which have traditionally structured public support for European integration. The empirical part is based on descriptive and regression analyses of data from a representative survey of 7678 respondents in France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, and Spain conducted at the end of 2022.

Training to Achieve Sustainable Employment for Youth and Young Adults

This paper presents the outcomes of the “Training for Sustainable Employment of Youth and Young Adults” project, originally developed with the assistance of a consortium of institutions in six countries. These countries comprised five EU member states, Portugal, Italy, Romania, the Czech Republic, and Spain, and an EU candidate, Turkey. The main objective of the project was to analyse the gap between the needs of employers and the skill sets of youth and young adults, in order to assess the training needs of young people to equip them to be sustainably employed. In addition, the project set out to create a course programme that contained targeted training to meet the identified training needs of both employers and young people. The data collection was performed using a focus group (n = 144) and an online survey aimed at a convenience sample of the target groups (n = 244) in the six participating countries. The data were analysed qualitatively and quantitatively. The findings indicated six main competencies to develop in training: flexibility, inclusivity, diversity, and wellbeing; innovation and knowledge management; mobilisation of human resources; international orientation; entrepreneurship; and presentation. In conclusion, this study illustrated the need for a course programme to be established, structured around the six categories that correspond to the main topics obtained through the consortium’s research. Therefore, the main gain of the project study was the creation of a course programme, focused on improving young people’s inclusion in the job market and meeting companies’ needs for skilled employees.

How to make EU enlargement work? A grass-roots approach to strategic preparations

Enlargement is back on the EU agenda. Leaders have broken long-established foreign policy taboos by green-lighting accession talks with Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova, and by awarding EU candidate country status to Georgia. This bold step has elevated the expectations of the existing candidate countries, instilling renewed optimism in the Western Balkans Six. At the same time, the EU has recognised the need to carry out its own reforms to be prepared to integrate potentially 10 new member states. However, given the complexities of EU institutional reform, coupled with the uncertain political context, expectations of EU enlargement may lead to disillusionment. This article argues that the EU should not tie its progress on institutional reform too closely to its enlargement policy and that it needs to take a grass-roots approach to enlargement. It should focus on strengthening horizontal cooperation, enhancing efficiency and increasing public involvement in the EU enlargement process.