EU Aid Research Articles

SPECIFICS OF THE EU DEVELOPMENT POLICY

The article deals with the current stage of EU development policy. The evolution of the EU aid system is retrospectively analyzed. Attention is also paid to the key EU documents wherein the principles of current development policy are set forth. The background the EU is delivering its aid against is outlined. It involves political and economic crises, competition with the «rising» donors, including China, discussions on strategic autonomy, rise of the far-right parties. The pivotal changes in EU development policy are investigated, which are a new financial instrument, geographical redistribution of ODA flows, introduction of the Team Europe and Global Gateway initiatives, substantive change to the EU normative power concept. EU development policy is revealed to be increasingly acquiring a tactical character, with the focus having shifted onto the neighborhood and EU mainstream issues. Aspiration to make the aid system more flexible to rapidly respond to crises is noted as well.

Article 6 of the Anti Tax Avoidance Directive – Living a Life on Its Own?

Art. 6 of the Anti Tax Avoidance Directive (ATAD) includes a minimum harmonization standard for so-called General Anti Abuse Rules (GAARs) in the field of corporate income taxation. A significant number of Member States has not enacted the provision but referred to their domestic law already fulfilling the demands of the directive. While this is possible, it could point towards a lack of awareness of what ramifications Art. 6 ATAD has on Member States’ tax systems. Against this background, the article aims to shed light on the life Art. 6 ATAD has, as part of EU law, begun to live on its own. In doing so, we will reflect on five dimensions: (i) the impact of the Philip Morris line of case law on Member States’ ability to go beyond the minimum standard included in Art. 6 ATAD, (ii) the relation between Art. 6 ATAD and the EU’s general anti-abuse principle, (iii) the impact of the EU fundamental rights protection on the application of the national implementation of Art. 6 ATAD, as well as (iv) the interpretational insights to be won from other secondary EU and (v) state aid provisions. ATAD, GAAR, abuse, tax avoidance, principle, implementation, interpretation, fundamental rights, unshell, state aid

A Comparison of the EU and China's Aid Policies in Africa

Since the beginning of the 21st century, the rise of African power has become a major factor influencing the international political situation, but Africa itself is still objectively lagging most parts of the world in terms of its level of development. China and the European Union, in conjunction with the UN's development programme, have become important players in supporting Africa's rise. As a long-established political and economic phenomenon in state relations, foreign aid policy is also an extension of the internal political economy of national alliances or organizations of states and is one of the most important means by which each state can safeguard its economic interests and achieve its strategic objectives. China and the EU differ in their aid policies towards Africa and have many features that can be learned from each other. By starting from the aid policies of China and the EU towards Africa and using comparative regionalism as a theoretical guide, this paper summarizes the strengths and weaknesses of the aid policies of the two parties towards Africa and will propose constructive ideas for the establishment of a new inter-aid international structure and the promotion of closer cooperation between China, the EU and Africa.

Spatial factors affecting the functional diversity of regenerated brownfields: The case of Silesian Voivodeship (Poland)

Abstract Until 1990, the Silesian Voivodeship was one of the most industrialised regions in Central Europe. The restructuring of the national economy after the change of the political system, in particular the extensive deindustrialisation, resulted in the emergence of substantial quantity of post-industrial brownfields. During the research we identified a total of 125 post-industrial brownfield sites that had undergone a regeneration process between 1990 and 2019. The total value of these regeneration projects was estimated at over EUR 1.7 billion. About 55% of the projects were carried out by public bodies, 40% by private enterprises and 5% by non-governmental organisations. The EU aid from structural funds was used in 37% of projects. The aim of the paper is to provide new empirical evidence about the role of spatial factors on the regeneration and new functional use of the brownfields. The analysis has revealed that there is a statistically significant relationship between the distance from the city centre and the functions of regenerated brownfield sites: commercial services were located closest to the centre, whereas manufacturing plants and investment zones were found at the greatest distance from the city centre. The research has also shown the crucial role of post-industrial heritage for projects related to redevelopment for public services, which was insignificant for other project types. These results have been interpreted in the context of the rent gap theory and the brownfield redevelopment potential model (the so-called ABC model).

CHARAKTERYSTYKA DEFINICJI LEGALNYCH „BENEFICJENTA” W RAMACH POLITYKI SPÓJNOŚCI

The term ‘beneficiary’ used for the purposes of spending the EU aid funds was introduced into the Polish legal system before Poland became member of the European Union. Initially, the national legislator used this term only in the domestic regulations on the basis of which public funds were transferred. Over time, the legislator also introduced the definition of the beneficiary to national regulations adapted to the needs of the cohesion policy. It can be observed that the legislator, while initially providing own definitions of the beneficiary, recently has only referred to particular provisions of the directly applicable EU regulations. Obviously, national authorities must operate in an integrated legal system, in which there are many sources of binding law that define ‘beneficiaries of funds allocated to the implementation of the cohesion policy’. In this context, one can speak of the Europeanisation of national law with regard to the implemented policy.

What guides citizen support for redistributive EU measures as a response to COVID-19: Justice attitudes, self-interest or support for European integration?

In 2020/2021, the EU and its member states had to tackle the largest shock of the twenty-first century yet, the COVID-19 pandemic. COVID-19 led to an unprecedented health and economic crisis. In this article, we analyse public opinion on redistributive EU measures based on an original survey in Austria, Germany and Italy and ask whether EU citizens support a common aid package, common debt and redistribution to those countries that are economically most in need. Testing the influence of three explanatory concepts – self-interest, justice attitudes and general support of European integration – we find that all three explanatory concepts have predictive power. However, we find stronger effects on support for EU-level redistribution for citizens’ instrumental calculations concerning whether their country benefits from EU aid, and on general support for EU integration, than for justice attitudes.

Structural and Investment Funds of the European Union as an Instrument for Creating a Low-Carbon Economy by Selected Companies of the Energy Sector in Poland

The main objective of this research is to identify the scope of the use of EU funds for the formation of a low-carbon economy by enterprises providing energy services in Poland in 2014–2020. As a result of the identification, a model for the use of EU funds based on the following criteria was identified: the purpose of the investment, the type of fund, the type of support program, the range of support values and the form and level of funding. As a research gap has been identified due to the insufficient investigation of the use of EU funds by the largest energy companies in Poland to shape a low-carbon economy, the findings presented are novel and contribute to a better understanding of the use of EU funds by Poland’s largest energy sector companies. Data on investment projects financed by EU funds were obtained from the database of the Ministry of Funds and Regional Policy for 2014–2020, while the characteristics of the companies were obtained from industry reports, the National Court Register and the Central Statistical Office. The results showed that EU funds were important in the financing of investments by the largest energy companies to decarbonize the economy. The analysis showed that the surveyed companies were pursuing the goals of Directive 2012/27/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council for energy efficiency, primarily concerning a low-carbon economy. Most EU aid funds were used for infrastructure investments, including those related to renewable energy sources. Little use has been made of EU funds for innovation and public awareness.

Democracy in Central Eastern Europe and European Union

Some of the countries in the region have contributed through assistance programs to develop and align their democracies with what the EU itself lobbies. EU aid to CEE is seen as a phenomenon of EU-perceived responsibility in the interaction of new democracies in Central and Eastern Europe. This paper will create a genuine study of the perceived responsibility for the development of democracies in these countries. It paints a clear picture of the development of democracy and the need for CEE countries to be under EU assistance. The assistance coming from this institution has given and continues to contribute to developing a democracy with strong executive foundations for society and beneficial to the region. In this way, the EU manages to achieve its objectives of achieving a federal union. When we say federal union we mean a Europe with the same democratic values and executive standards.In this paper the EU's responsibility for the new democracies of Central and Eastern Europe is seen in activities with EU programs to enhance institutions above democratic values. Having access to the issues facing the democracies of Central and Eastern Europe, the Council Acquis provides an overview in the field of democracy. The paper gives us the opportunity to look more closely at democratic forces in countries where the latter is still developing, aiming not only at the analysis of democracy, but also at the analysis of the European common market. We will look at these two EU phenomena in the context of the EU's perceived responsibility for the interaction of new democracies in CEE. The EU has undertaken this responsibility in the context of strengthening, developing and maturing new democracies on the European Continent. Giving its contribution through various programs designed in the form of grants, which are given to countries that are in the process of maturation, in the form of programs that pave the way for development. The question that arises at this stage is: Does democracy help in a market economy?

EU aid for trade as contested trade policy intervention: The case of the EU-MUTRAP project in Vietnam

Abstract This paper explains the EU's Aid for Trade (AfT) and trade relations with Vietnam, and examines how EU AfT influences Vietnam's trade policy reform. It provides an analysis of EU AfT as a contested trade policy intervention by using the results of the EU-MUTRAP project in Vietnam. The finding is that EU AfT can interfere as an “external impacts” on Vietnam's trade policy reform. Based on the priorities of EU trade policies towards Vietnam, the EU uses AfT projects to support and change the Vietnamese trade environment. The paper partially proves the contribution of the EU-MUTRAP on the EU-Vietnam Free Trade Agreement negotiations and implementation.

Democratizing EU democracy support in Uganda: embedding democracy aid within local negotiations of justice in Acholiland

ABSTRACT This article scrutinizes the way the European Union’s (EU) democracy aid corresponds to how “a just society” is negotiated among the Acholi – an ethnic group in Northern Uganda. Through document analysis of EU aid projects, qualitative interviews with project implementers and through secondary analysis of ethnographic literature, this article finds that EU democracy aid in Acholiland – through its emphasis on individual responsibility, entrepreneurship, and its exclusion of elders – selectively aligns with the life worlds of urban youths. Such approach, however, risks further antagonizing Acholi social cohesion. As such, this article points attention to the fact that democracy support will always intervene in a contentious debate on what is perceived as locally just and whom participates in such negotiation. When considering questions of how international democracy support could be improved, it is, therefore, necessary to first of all deconstruct the validity of one’s underlying conceptions of what is a just political order, and secondly, to acknowledge that any reconstruction on the grounds of including a plurality of alternatives will always require a political intervention. Such considerations, it is argued, would open up the debate on improving EU democracy support to concerns of how such democracy support itself can become more democratic.

The Death of the European Agency for Reconstruction

Among many issues regarding the work and functioning of EU agencies, the termination of an agency is an important aspect to consider. The European Agency for Reconstruction (EAR), an EU agency that managed EU aid to the Western Balkans from 2001 to 2008, proved to be an efficient and effective agency in delivering aid. Although termination of any EU agency is a rare phenomenon, the EAR was terminated in 2008, despite its successful record. The termination of this highly successful agency stands as an example for the utility of putting termination theory into a larger framework of the existence of EU agencies, as scholarly literature has largely ignored the issue of termination in the work of the EU agencies. The EAR represented an institutional model of independence from politics and policy-making. The purpose of this paper is to assess the structure and operations of the EAR and reasons that led to its termination.

Selected legal issues related to agricultural real estate during the COVID-19 pandemic

The aim of the article was to determine whether, during the COVID-19 pandemic, the provisions on agricultural real estate, including those contained in the Act of April 11, 2003 on shaping the agricultural system (hereinafter UKUR), matched the socio-economic needs. Secondly, whether and to what extent agricultural producers running agricultural activity on agricultural real estate obtained additional aid due to the epidemic. First, the considerations focus on the acquisition of agricultural real estate with an area of up to 1 ha and often used for the construction of a house with a home garden. Reference is also made to the statistical data on the exercise of the pre-emption right and the acquisition by the National Center for Agricultural Support. Subsequently, the issue of ensuring food and food security in times of the pandemic is indicated to be of greater importance in the context of the obligations of the owners of agricultural real estate, including running a farm for 5 to 15 years after its acquisition. Next, the considerations focus on state support for agricultural producers during the COVID-19 pandemic, referring to lease tenders conducted by the National Center for Agricultural Support, the rules for paying tax, EU aid and benefits granted to agricultural producers in relation to the COVID-19 pandemic. Finally, the problem of making investments in renewable energy on agricultural land and concluded lease agreements is discussed.

Agency and governance in European Union international development

The European Union’s actorness in international development has been mainly approached from the perspective of EU foreign policy studies, by accounting for the type of power that the EU institutions have aimed to project around the world. Turning this theoretical puzzle upside down and starting from an analysis of indirect governance in EU aid policies, the current article unveils additional instances of EU agency, such as the EU as a policy facilitator and as a policy interpreter. The theoretical argument builds on indirect governance theories, a novel theoretical tool that has not been previously used for analysing EU international development actorness. Empirical examples include regional programmes in Latin America and show how delegation and orchestration as mechanisms of indirect governance have been used by the European Commission in order to continue playing a relevant role in a complex and changing international development context.

Impact of the European Union and China in Central Asia: a comparative analysis of the dimensions and dynamics of distribution

This article provides a comparative analysis of the influence of the European Union and China in Central Asia, including Kazakhstan. The question of the extent to which EU and Chinese aid has local impact will be considered. The article uses the method of situational analysis, which allows us to consider two cases: “The manifestation and results of the European Union’s policy in Central Asia and Kazakhstan” and “The dynamics of the development of China’s policy in Central Asia and Kazakhstan”. Despite the fact that the European Union has invested heavily in the Central Asian region over the past two decades and is one of the main trading partners of Kazakhstan, from 2013-2014, there is a tendency towards a decrease in its influence. And China, in turn, is expanding the scale of its participation in the region. However, despite commitments from China, especially for the «Silk Road Economic Belt project» under «the Belt and Road Initiative» for the development of transport and electricity infrastructure, China faces negative perceptions among the local population related to the fear of economic and financial dependence. Special attention is paid to Kazakhstan due to the fact that it is the main partner among the countries of Central Asia, both the European Union and China. It is concluded that the influence of these two regional powers is different in nature, therefore, Kazakhstan should continue to develop bilateral cooperation in its favor, taking into account all these features. Key words: European Union, Kazakhstan, China, “One Belt One Road”, official development assistance.

Territorial Conflict, Domestic Crisis, and the Covid-19 Pandemic in the South Caucasus. Explaining Variegated EU Responses.

Territorial Conflict, Domestic Crisis, and the Covid-19 Pandemic in the South Caucasus. Explaining Variegated EU Responses.

The EU-LAC strategic partnership under revision: towards a more differentiated relationship

ABSTRACT In 1999, at their first inter-regional Summit, the EU, Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) established a Strategic Partnership. Two decades later, the attempt to create a more horizontal relationship has not been successful, because the one-size-fits-all approach does not respond to the increasing heterogeneity of the region divided into high income, low and upper middle-income countries. Those states that are still qualifying as recipients of EU aid face two major development problems: inequality and insecurity. Brussels addresses these challenges by two recent paradigms: development in transition and the security-development nexus. As a litmus test for reducing inequalities and insecurity, the authors ask whether Latin America will experience a comeback in EU development policy under these new labels, and if they offer an opportunity to reactivate declining relations by a more appropriate differentiated country-wise response that replaces traditional inter-regionalism.

Whose and what aid securitisation? An analysis of EU aid narratives and flows

Whose and what aid securitisation? An analysis of EU aid narratives and flows

Common Transit Procedure and NCTS Implementation: the Case of Ukraine

The article analyses the EU policies towards the extension of a Common Transit Procedure and the New Computerised Transit System (NCTS) over associated countries given a case of Ukraine. A reasonable amount of the EU actions and aid on implementing the NCTS are performed within frameworks of the Eastern Neighbourhood Policy. It is instrumental for approximation of customs legislation, capacity budling, and modernization of customs authorities of the EU neighboring states. However, the impact of the NCTS implementation goes far beyond mere transit arrangements. It has the potential to introduce basic principles of the EU administrative law and best practices of administration into the day-by-day performance of national customs authorities. Ukrainian customs have favorable start conditions; so far, the national customs authorities and traders have experience in utilizing customs IT solutions. However, the transition to the new transit procedure may face specific issues due to disproportionately strict authorization criteria for transit simplification set by national legislation that exceeds the relevant rules of the EU legislation. Such restrictions cause low popularity of the new procedures harmonized with the EU legislation. Besides, in some cases, the approximation to the EU customs legislation results in discontinuing the existing simplification of customs procedures, which raises the question of possible distortions in the implementation of respective obligations and failure to share basic principles of good administration promoted by the EU.

Who are we calling vulnerable in EU aid projects?

Who are we calling vulnerable in EU aid projects?

Whose and what aid securitisation? An analysis of EU aid narratives and flows

There is a growing perception that arguments favouring security are gaining ground in the aid narrative and that aid allocation is changing accordingly. This work explores the extent and features of such shifts in the particular case of the EU. We observe the evolution of development paradigms (social development, sustainable development and security) and aid motives (solidarity, common interests and self-interest) in the aid discourse. This is done by means of content analysis of strategic aid documents of a selection of European donors (the EU institutions, the Netherlands, the UK, Germany, France, Sweden and Spain). We then explore the eventual shift in the aid budgets of those same donors. In line with previous work on EU aid securitisation, we find evidence of securitisation in both narratives and aid flows. However, this trend is far from homogeneous, showing the complexity and diversity within the Union. There is practically no evidence of securitisation in the EU institutions, Spain or Sweden. We find mixed evidence for the Netherlands, Germany and France (where narratives and flow changes towards securitisation do not necessarily match) and, finally, a significant shift in the UK, where aid narratives and aid flows have been significantly securitised.