Introduction As studies increasingly show differences in human experiences according to sex and gender, researchers are recognizing the importance of equitable gender representation of research participants. In studies of traditional ecological knowledge, while it is accepted that differences exist between men's and women's physiology that may affect their ability to metabolize a medicine (Sica et al. 2005), concepts like community and local often mask the gendered nature of cultural knowledge. This is not to say that men and women cannot possess the same knowledge; however, there are often cultural factors that can lead to gendered knowledge spheres' especially in cultures where gender roles are clearly defined and interaction between genders is limited. While most researchers who seek to understand and document local knowledge aim to include both male and female participants, in societies with unequal and segregated gender dynamics this may be easier said than done. Women are often less educated, more reserved, and under cultural restraints that do not allow them to work alongside male researchers or participants. Here I discuss some of the challenges I faced, how I overcame them, and what benefits I received by trying to include women in my field research. My hope is that readers can use this case to think of how it applies to their own research and how they can increase participation of persons from all genders or underrepresented groups. As ethnoecological research often seeks to assess the positive and negative impacts of human activities on socio-ecological systems, to disregard genderdifferentiated activities could grossly underestimate socio-ecological effects,2 and/or introduce a strong bias to the data. Some researchers choose to limit the scope of their question to only one gender, but in ecological research, many effects are synergistic and limiting the scope of the question may actually limit the explanatory power of the results. Here I discuss the methods employed to engage women during my field research on how local knowledge can inform conservation in Niger's Park-W biosphere reserve. Although the challenges discussed are not unique to that location, I draw on examples from my fieldwork in southwest Niger, so I will first briefly explain key elements of the culture and history of this region. Niger has a long history of gender segregation that at first glance seems to relegate women to a position lacking power and means. The national statistics often quoted to summarize the status of women are dreary: literate women make up only seven percent of the national population. Seventeen, the average age at which women get married, is one of the lowest in the region, and the average number of children (7.9) and maternal mortality rates (1/7) are among the highest (United Nations 2006:156-168). Unreported are some advantages for women such as their right to divorce and their right to separate incomes. In parliament, there are only a token number of women in positions that are culturally suited to and created for them. Yet at the same time, there are several powerful female leaders in both the traditional government and religious arenas. In fact, Niger has a duel governance policy in which there are traditional counterparts to any government officials at the state, regional and local level and policy making is split between these two arenas. The traditional governments have distinct male and female spheres of influence and power that operate simultaneously. While these are important facts for practitioners, development agents, and aid workers, these also have implications for participatory researchers. The research project that provides the context for the analysis is situated in the tri-national biosphere reserve, Park W.3 I work with a team of conservation agents, students and villagers to assess the conservation status of the region and ascertain the positive and negative impact of different human activities on the plant communities in and out of Park W. …
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