Ethnic Russian Minority Research Articles

External Threat, Group Identity, and Support for Common Policies – The Effect of the Russian Invasion in Ukraine on European Union Identity

A major theory from social psychology claims that external threats can strengthen group identities and cooperation. This paper exploits the Russian invasion in Ukraine 2014 as a sudden increase in the perceived military threat for eastern European Union member states, in particular for the Baltic countries bordering Russia directly. Comparing low versus high-threat member states in a difference-in-differences design, I find a sizeable positive effect on EU identity. It is associated with higher trust in EU institutions and support for common EU policies. Different perceptions of the invasion cause a polarization of preferences between the majority and ethnic Russian minorities.

External Threat, Group Identity, and Support for Common Policies - The Effect of the Russian Invasion in Ukraine on European Union Identity

A major theory from social psychology claims that external threats can strengthen group identities and cooperation. This paper exploits the Russian invasion in Ukraine 2014 as a sudden increase in the perceived military threat for eastern European Union member states, in particular for the Baltic countries bordering Russia directly. Comparing low versus high-threat member states in a difference-in-differences design, I find a sizeable positive effect on EU identity. It is associated with higher trust in EU institutions and support for common EU policies. Different perceptions of the invasion cause a polarization of preferences between the majority and ethnic Russian minorities.

Intercultural Relations in Georgia and Tajikistan: A Post-Conflict Model

The paper presents the results of two studies of intercultural relations in post-Soviet Georgia and Tajikistan. These countries have in common a sharp decline in cultural diversity as a result of wars and conflicts, and this model of intercultural relations on post-Soviet space was identified as a post-conflict model. The goal of this study was to evaluate three hypotheses of intercultural relations: multiculturalism, contact and integration (Berry, 2017) among majority members and the ethnic Russian minorities. We surveyed 312 Ethnic Russians and 298 Georgians in Georgia; 277 Ethnic Russians and 317 Tajiks in Tajikistan. The studies used scales from the MIRIPS questionnaire. To test the three hypotheses of intercultural relations we followed a Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) approach. The multiculturalism hypothesis found partial support in all four groups in Georgia and Tajikistan. The contact hypothesis received partial support in Tajiks and in Ethnic Russians in Georgia and was not supported among Ethnic Russians in Tajikistan and Georgians. The integration hypothesis was fully supported in Tajiks and Ethnic Russians in Georgia, partially supported among Ethnic Russians in Tajikistan and was not supported among Georgians. The results obtained in these two countries are discussed taking into consideration the sociocultural contexts and recent history of wars and conflicts.

The mediating role of identity incompatibility in the relationship between perceived discrimination and acculturation preferences in two generations of the ethnic Russian minority in the North Caucasus

The present study tested a model in which the perceived incompatibility of ethnic Russian and regional North Caucasian identities mediates the relationship between perceived discrimination and acculturation strategies in two generations of ethnic Russian minority members living in the Kabardino-Balkar Republic, North Caucasus, Russian Federation. Two identities might be perceived incompatible when they represent conflicting sets of norms and values and the two communities may place competing demands on individual commitment and loyalty. We sampled 105 dyads from ethnic Russian families (youth: M = 18 years, SD = 2.35, 48.6% female; parents: M = 43 years, SD = 6.97, 68.6% female). The questionnaire included measures of perceived discrimination, perceived identity incompatibility, and acculturation strategies. The results of multigroup path analysis showed that the perceived identity incompatibility mediated the relationship between perceived discrimination and two strategies, aimed at culture maintenance (integration and separation) in both generations. Identity incompatibility is regarded as a psychological mechanism that explains the impact of perceived discrimination on minority acculturation preferences in a multicultural region.

Ethnic Russian Minority in Estonia

The article examines the position of Russians in Estonia and their relation with ethnic Estonians. The author analyzes models of the society integration introduced by Tallinn after 1991. The results raise questions regarding language education in Estonia, the proficiency level of Estonian is getting widely known by Russians, but on the other hand, there is still a significant part of the population that cannot communicate in Estonian. Those who have a good command of Estonian tend to be better integrated and to coexist with both Estonians and Russians. Russians living in Estonia are supposed to be equally involved in social and political life of the state. The potential of all residents has to be effectively and considerably used, especially when the number of population is decreasing. The position of Russians in Estonia is a major domestic and bilateral issue in the relations with the Russian Federation.

Kazakhstan’s challenge: the threat posed by Astana’s ethnic russian minority and what it means for International Law

Trabalho enviado em 27 de junho de 2015. Aceito em 03 de agosto de 2015. DOI: 10.12957/rqi.2015.18815 Resumo Durante dois séculos o Cazaquistão funcionou sob o jugo do imperialismo russo e soviético. Talvez o legado mais duradouro do período é a grande minoria étnica russa no norte do Cazaquistão. Ao longo dos últimos vinte e cinco anos desde que Astana declarou sua independência, tem havido pouco ou quaisquer sinais visíveis de tensões étnicas no Estado. Entretanto, o uso do Kremlin de minorias étnicas russas na Geórgia e na Ucrânia como justificativa para uma ação militar agressiva nos assuntos internos de ambos os Estados provou ser desconcertante para muitos dos vizinhos da Rússia. Talvez o maior agravante tem sido a falta de uma resposta em espécie pela comunidade internacional. Na ausência de uma ação mais demonstrativa, há uma preocupação crescente na Eurásia de que a Administração Putin estabeleceu um novo precedente em matéria de política regional. Independentemente disso, o Cazaquistão deve desenvolver uma campanha diplomática e planejamento estratégico coerentes para construir os meios e mecanismos necessários para dissuadir potencial agressão russa. Promover oportunidades de envolvimento de cooperação com os seus vizinhos regionais e parceiros internacionais oferece a contundência necessária para potencialmente dissuadir futura agressão russa. Envolvimento holístico para reforçar a defesa e a economia, e a elevação dos níveis sociais irá demonstrar a todos os envolvidos que Astana tem as ferramentas à sua disposição para conter a agressão estrangeira. Palavras-chave: política internacional - Cazaquistão - conflitos territoriais - soberania - Direito Internacional Abstract For two centuries Kazakhstan functioned under the yoke of Russian and Soviet imperialism. Perhaps the most lasting legacy of the period is the large ethnic Russian minority in northern Kazakhstan. Over the last twenty-five years since Astana declared its independence there have been little if any noticeable signs of ethnic tensions in the state. However, the Kremlin’s use of ethnic Russian minorities in both Georgia and the Ukraine as justification for aggressive military action in both states’ internal affairs has proven disconcerting for many of Russia’s neighbors. Perhaps compounding matters further has been the lack of a response in kind by the international community. In the absence of more demonstrative action there is growing concern in Eurasia that the Putin Administration has established a new precedent in regional policy matters. Regardless, Kazakhstan must develop a coherent diplomatic and strategic planning campaign to build the necessary means and mechanisms to deter potential Russian aggression. Promoting cooperative engagement opportunities with its regional neighbors and international partners offers the necessary forcefulness to potentially dissuade future Russian aggression. Holistic engagement to strengthen defense, economic, and social levers will demonstrate to all involved that Astana has the tools at its disposal to curb foreign aggression. Keywords: international politics - Kazakhstan - territorial conflicts - sovereignty - international law

Latvia's Russian minority: balancing the imperatives of regional development and environmental justice

Abstract This article examines the political, economic and social marginalization of Latvia's ethnic Russian minority in the post-Soviet era, and considers the impact of marginalization on both regional development and issues of environmental justice. I argue that demographic concentration of Russians in the region known as Latgale in southeast Latvia as well as the severe marginalization of this population has led to growing economic disparities in regional development since 1991. Contrary to expectations, however, the marginalization of ethnic Russians in Latvia does not appear to have led to increased environmental injustices relative to this group; based on an examination of siting decisions of new hazardous waste facilities in post-Soviet Latvia, I argue that industrial facilities commonly viewed as environmentally hazardous in advanced capitalist democracies hold quite different connotations in struggling transitional societies. Rather than the tendencies of growing regional underdevelopment and increased environmental discrimination reinforcing each other (as is commonly observed in developed capitalist societies), in these transitional societies the two tendencies appear to work in opposition to each other. In this article, I will investigate this unexpected relationship and highlight unique aspects of post-communist transitions that provide an explanation for this outcome.