Ethnic Parties Research Articles

Clientelism and digitalisation of Roma parties' electoral campaigns: a case study

AbstractContrary to recent developments within party politics, Roma political parties in Romania fail to incorporate digital technology into their activities, although they face a continuously decreasing level of support from their voters. To explain this phenomenon, this article argues that elections governed by non‐programmatic strategies create not only different incentives towards digitalization, but also pose more challenges for certain ethnic parties, which also face internal shortcomings. It looks at the 2020 local elections in Romania and focuses on the two largest Roma political parties. The qualitative analysis, based on interviews with county Roma party leaders, confirms that the lack of digitalization is influenced by local clientelism, which affects the Roma electorate because of their socioeconomic situation. Besides, internal shortcomings further constrain such an option.

Against the Odds: Explaining Mainstream Montenegrin Parties Domination of Bosniak and Albanian Minority Representation in Postcommunist Montenegro

Abstract The Bosniak and Albanian minorities in postcommunist Montenegro have supported and been represented by mainstream Montenegrin parties more than by their ethnic parties. This stands in striking contrast to the situation in neighboring Serbia and North Macedonia where the Bosniak and Albanian minorities vote almost exclusively for their ethnic parties. The Montenegrin case stands out as deviant also when one considers a number of extant explanations, all of which would predict a different outcome. Montenegrin Bosniaks and Albanians constitute two native, sizeable and geographically concentrated minority groups inhabiting a country with an institutional framework and several special electoral arrangements favoring minority parties. Drawing on original data on Bosniak and Albanian legislators elected across 12 parliamentary elections in Montenegro (1990–2023), municipality and country-level parliamentary election results and 12 semi-structured elite interviews, I argue that what explains the deviance in the Montenegrin case is the peculiar nature of Montenegrin identity, specifically the fact that it does not pit the majority against minority, but rather it pits the Montenegrin and Serbian components of the Orthodox majority against each other and in such a context the non-Orthodox minorities become critical political allies of the Montenegrin bloc against the Serbian one.

Pork Barrel and Identity Politics: Explaining a Minority Party’s Electoral Success in Lithuania

Abstract Our article describes the lifecycle of Lithuania’s Electoral Action of Poles–Christian Families Alliance (LLRA-KŠS) party that has been a part of country’s political landscape for near 30 years. Despite its seemingly ethnic program, the party has a poor track record for delivering on its electoral promises. Yet, it has been continuously supported by the majority of Polish-speakers in Lithuania. The background of the nationalizing state, which encourages the party elites to conflate substantive representation with the signposting of ethnic identity in party politics, offers one of the reasons for the LLRA-KŠS’s electoral success. Although the party effectively consolidated its regional electorate, it came to control service delivery to their ethnic constituency by engaging in pork barrel politics. Poor performance in recent national and municipal elections put this strategy to bond with its voters into question, casting doubt on the LLRA-KŠS’s ability to survive as an ethnic party in the long term.

Co-ethnic core intermediaries: Swedish speakers in Finnish party politics

ABSTRACT Scholars have unpacked the conditions out of which electorally successful ethnic parties in Europe emerge and the important roles they play in diverse contexts. But the existing research overlooks important political actors, whose influence explains some of the behaviors of these ethnic parties. In this analysis, we explore the different roles of co-ethnic core intermediaries (CCIs) – that is, officials who come from the same ethnic groups as those whose interests ethnic parties champion but represent other mainstream political parties. Based on an illustrative case study of the Swedish-speaking Finns, this article demonstrates that CCIs both benefit and threaten ethnic parties: they generate support among and facilitate collaboration with other mainstream political parties; however, they also cause voter attrition and pursue ethnic causes in ways that differ from the ethnic party.

Can Ethnic Minority Political Parties Influence the Policy Process in Fragmented Societies? Insights from Sri Lanka

Existing scholarship from developing countries explores the dynamics of identity/ethnocentric politics and finds that in fragmented societies, politicians’ identities tend to influence government policies to favour their own community or group. Against this backdrop, the article explores how the Hill Country ethnic minority community of Sri Lanka influences the policy process through electoral politics. Findings reveal that ethnic minority parties systematically use rational choice theory to influence policy processes to gain material and welfare benefits. The study highlights the fact that ethnic parties tend to induce strong ethnic feelings using ethno-populism to mobilize voters, provide unconditional support, maintain an ever-changing coalition with the ruling administration and have political bargaining based on ethnic headcounts to influence policies. The article informs that this pattern is harmful to post-conflict societies striving for sustainable peace and reconciliation and highlights the necessity of inclusive and impartial policies and institutions, political consolidation and inter-ethnic justice to accommodate ethnic minorities in the mainstream politics and development to prevent deepening ethnopolitical cleavages in the guise of electoral politics.

Examining the objectives of ethnic parties: A comprehensive analysis of the dynamics of ethnic party competition beyond the constraints of the outbidding model

AbstractThis study scrutinises the core assumptions of Donald Horowitz's outbidding model, which defines ethnic party competition as a rivalry between extremist groups focussed solely on ethnic politics, deeming other socio‐economic issues insufficient for voter mobilisation and electoral success (Horowitz, 1985). Through a comprehensive analysis of ethnic parties in Iraqi Kurdistan, this study demonstrates how these parties extend their focus beyond ethnic concerns to include broader administrative matters, such as social and economic issues within the local governance framework. Utilising content analysis of Kurdish newspapers and a comparative perspective, this study challenges the prevailing notion of ethnic outbidding, revealing the multifaceted strategies employed by Kurdish parties.

The federal project in Pakistan: beyond fixing the design

ABSTRACT Federalism remains a contested matter in Pakistan. This article analyses the issues of representation, territoriality, ethnicity and asymmetry of the federating units in the federal theory and practice in Pakistan. It focuses on the pattern of conflict between the federation and the provinces following the implementation of the 2010 18th Amendment. While the mainstream and ethnic parties in general welcomed the amendment, un-elected institutions such as the military establishment, the civilian bureaucracy, and the judiciary implicitly, and sometimes explicitly, expressed reservations. Periodic conflict about the relocation of officers, the fiscal transfer regime, the operational aspects of the joint ownership of mineral resources by the federation and provinces, and distribution of water resources continued to make intergovernmental relations controversial. An unintended consequence of the empowerment of provincial governments was the demand for creation of new provinces from minority communities of the provinces.

Ethnolinguistic Attitudes as Drivers of Affective Polarization against Ethnic Parties: The Case of the Swedish People's Party in Finland

This study explores the link between ethnic divides and affective polarization by proposing that individual differences in outparty affect towards ethnic parties are associated with either prejudice against the ethnic group or dissatisfaction with minority accommodation at the sociotropic or egotropic level. We test this proposal through a case study of the Swedish People’s Party in Finland. Using survey data, we find that sociotropic concerns have the strongest link to affective evaluations of the ethnic party. However, among right-wing populist voters, egotropic concerns also stand out. The association between ethnic prejudice and evaluations of the SFP was weak and ambiguous.

A Move towards Improving Good Governance in Kenya- Roles of Citizens in Promoting Good Governance

Aim: Governance is at the very apex of human society, wherein, the success of every facet of human life is anchored highly on improved government that is answerable to the needs and interests of the citizens. Good governance, therefore, impacts immensely on human life, as it creates conducive political, social, and economic environments for human survival and development. Every citizen is thereafter able to feel part and parcel of decision-making and all the activities and programs of the government. This paper, sought to articulate the role and obligations of citizens towards improving good governance in Kenya. Methods: The research is grounded upon a theoretical perspective using the literature drawn from various scholars from the year 2014 to 2024. The paper relied on secondary sources such as books, journals, reports and government records through government anti-corruption agencies. Results: Views from stakeholders such as government anti-corruption agencies, private sector, civil service organization, among others are considered. However, the people of Kenya in their diversity have been left aside in almost all the reviewed literatures, something which the paper believe is the reason for the word “mitigate corruption” instead of end corruption. The paper thereby, after perusing these literacy records from 2014 to 2024, is convinced that the people have cardinal role to play to end corruption. Conclusion: The study conclude that people’s involvement is required for any genuine move toward realizing the envisaged good governance in Kenya. Recommendations: A framework that allows the people to be at the center of decision-making in government’s activities should be sought. People must refuse manipulation and ethnic party politics, enforce the implementation of Kenyan 2010 constitution, and report any corrupt practices regardless of who is the victim. More studies should be conducted especially on the roles of citizens in ending not mitigating corruption.

Ethnic Media and the Mobilization of Identity

This paper studies the relationship between ethnic media, which produce content in a minority language, and the success of ethnic parties. I argue that, by embedding cultural traits in entertainment products, media outlets can shape the salience of group identity, which helps parties’ mobilization efforts. I test this argument in the case of the Basque Country where, in the late phase of the Franco regime, an independent radio station operated by local clergy promoted the revival of regional language. Using contemporary, archival, and survey data, I show that exposure to ethnic radio increased support for new radical independentist parties and that the effect is driven by formerly Spanish-speaking municipalities with low historical support for Basque nationalism. I also show that radio increased bilingualism in subsequent generations and contributed to the bundling of ethnic identity revival and radical political ideology during the democratic transition.

Between Conflict and Cooperation: Electoral Strategies of Ethnic Parties

Between Conflict and Cooperation: Electoral Strategies of Ethnic Parties

The Employment Effects of Ethnic Politics

We study the labor market consequences of ethnic politics in African democracies. Using subnational georeferenced data from 15 countries from 1996 to 2017, we compare individuals from ethnicities linked to parties at the margin of electing a representative in the national parliament. Having a local ethnic party politician in parliament increases the likelihood of being employed by 2–3 percentage points. The effect is concentrated in the agricultural sector and mostly driven by self-employment, suggesting increased access to land as the main channel. We also show that religion and age are salient markers in African politics that trigger similar employment effects. (JEL D72, J15, J23, J43, O15, O17, Z12)

The 2021 Sarawak State Election and Dayak Politics: Dayakism, Development and Division

This article analyses the performance of the candidates and political parties contesting in the Dayak-majority constituencies in the 2021 Sarawak State Election. It explains why, despite the promotion of Dayak issues by Parti Sarawak Bersatu (PSB) and Pari Bumi Kenyalang (PBK) and the presence of ethnonationalist parties such as the Parti Bansa Dayak Sarawak Baru (PBDSB), the Dayak continued to support the ruling Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS). The article argues that the success of GPS in securing the Dayak support can be attributed to three reasons: first, GPS’s ability in accentuating the “Sarawak First” sentiment among the Dayak; second, the ruling coalition’s ability in dispensing tangible development and economic benefits to the Dayak; and third, the political division among the Dayak which weakened their representation and influence outside of GPS. In the larger scheme of things, even though the theory of ethnic party competition can be used to explain the growth and survival of ethnic-based parties and ethnic politics in West Malaysia, it is only partially applicable in Sarawak, as the dynamics of the Dayak politics shows.

Why do voters elect criminal politicians?

Voters across the world are often complicit in electing bad-quality legislators to political office. This problem is particularly salient in India, where candidates accused of criminality often succeed at the polls. Why do voters show a willingness to cast their ballots for candidates accused of wrongdoing? Using primary individual-level voter survey data from the Bihar 2020 state assembly elections, this paper examines whether ethnic voting can explain this surprising voter behavior. Contrary to voter preference theory, I find that voters exhibit a stronger negative response to candidates accused of criminality when they belong to their preferred ethnic party. Voter support for the non-ethnic falls by 89.2% for violent charges. Coethnicity further reduces electoral support by 67% for violent criminals. This pattern holds regardless of the voters’ level of news consumption, political knowledge, education status, and income. These findings suggest that the electoral success of criminal politicians could be attributed to other factors such as a lack of proper institutions or lower state capacity rather than the voters’ underlying ethnic preferences.

Этнические партии в политических системах мультиэтничных государств

The article provides a comparative study of the place and role of “ethnic parties” in the modern world, in which ethnicity is extremely politicized, which often contributes to the emergence of interethnic conflicts and destabilization of the political systems of multiethnic states. The author analyzed six really practical ways of including ethnic parties in the political process: (1) ethnic parties representing minorities living compactly in a region advocate changing the status quo – an institutional transformation of center–regions interactions associated with an increase in the status and subjectivity of such a region/minority; (2) a regional ethnic minority, through an ethnic party, fights for the preservation of the status quo if there is a threat to the already existing status of the group or it has been lost for some reason; (3) the use of ethnic parties as a factor of influence from the outside, which is fraught with increased tension in the relations of two or more neighboring states; (4) situations when activities of ethnic parties contribute to the split, degradation and even destruction of political systems; (5) a situation when an ethnic/regional party seeks greater territorial autonomy or even the (re-)creation of “its own national state”; (6) activities of ethnic parties in the conditions of so-called “ethnic democracies”. Further, the institutional conditions for ensuring the political representation of ethnic minorities, while maintaining the stability of the political system, are investigated. As a result, the author comes to the conclusion: despite the fact that the ethnization of the political process potentially divides and even opposes people of different ethnicities and thereby can strengthen the split in society, the inclusion of ethnic parties in the developing of a national political course allows reducing interethnic tensions, and ethnic minority groups receive a channel for broadcasting their own needs and attitudes both to the state power and to non-ethnic citizens of the country. Therefore, the ban on the creation of ethnic and regional parties cannot be considered as a universal anti-crisis remedy and even more so as a panacea for all political ills.

Making Representative Politics Work: Cross‐Segmental Parties in Consociations

AbstractCross‐segmental parties are outliers in consociations dominated by ethnic parties. While they often receive comparatively limited electoral support, they have the ability to make representative politics work. Cross‐segmental parties can successfully represent cross‐communal interests and encourage governments to focus on non‐segmental issues by bringing their ‘second policy dimension’ to the attention of segmental parties and encouraging ‘issue seepage’. To demonstrate this, we draw on evidence from these parties in cases including Northern Ireland, Belgium, Bosnia‐Herzegovina, Lebanon and South Tyrol, and argue that we need to look beyond election results to gauge their ‘success’. We identify three key areas – electoral dynamics, interactions in legislatures and contribution to government – where cross‐segmental, not segmental, parties can make representation work in consociations. This is true not only in liberal consociations that (can) explicitly accommodate cross‐segmental interests in legislative and executive arrangements but also in corporate consociations where formal accommodation does not exist.

Challenges of Ethnic Party Adaptation in Power-Sharing Systems: Evidence from Malaysia

In authoritarian systems, ethnic power-sharing arrangements include important ethnic groups in government and decision-making while putting restraints on political competition. However, under conditions of democratization, we might expect power-sharing arrangements to fragment as political parties seize opportunities to expand their base and appeal across ethnic lines. This article draws from the case of Malaysia, where multiethnic coalitions built around ethnic parties ruled for 61 years but where increasing electoral competitiveness has destabilized coalition politics. I focus on the Democratic Action Party (DAP), one of the country's most successful parties, which has sought to build a more multiethnic support base. I show that its attempts have been stymied by enduring norms of ethnically informed coalition building and efforts to protect existing ethnic bases by both rivals and allies. The findings shed light on the barriers to ethnic party adaptation and on why power-sharing practices remain so enduring, even in more fluid and democratic political environments.

The first post-war electoral campaign in the modern statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina

The article examines the preparation, course and practical results of the first post-war election campaign of 1996 in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The 1995 Dayton Accords, which became the foundation of modern Bosnian-Herzegovinan statehood, represented a compromise imposed from without and it could not resolve the fundamental contradictions of the country's national communities. Consequently, the situation in Bosnia retained a significant conflict potential. Сoncerned international actors, primarily the United States and the EU countries, that directed the process of resolving the crisis in Bosnia, used institutional peace-building as the main method of post-conflict settlement. Therefore, the first post-war election campaign played a key role in building a new political system of BiH, since the process of formation of new authorities depended on its results. The lack of real harmonization of community relations, their mutual bitterness on national and religious grounds predetermined the inability of ethnic parties to reach the necessary compromises independently. This fact, fully represented by the first post-war election campaign, predetermined high involvement of Western countries in the state's domestic political life, the formation of a supranational structure of governance and the transformation of Bosnia into an international protectorate. The research is developed on unintroduced for scientific use materials of the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Federation (AVP RF) and based on historical method.

Invisibility or Inclusion? Ethnic Parties, Ethnic Seats, and Gender Quotas and the Representation of Minoritized Women

ABSTRACT This article seeks to understand the circumstances under which minoritized women are descriptively represented. Drawing from a unique dataset of 7,978 legislators in 37 countries, we conduct the first cross-national examination of minoritized women’s representation at the level of individual legislators. We find that gender quotas, ethnic parties, and ethnic seats are effective at enhancing minoritized women’s political representation across different electoral systems, especially when clustered together. And, although ethnic parties and ethnic seats promote the representation of both minoritized women and men, ethnic seats provide a more level playing field between minoritized women and men than ethnic parties.

Ethnic Visibility

AbstractThe political utility of ethnicity is typically attributed to the ease with which it can be observed. However, ethnic visibility is not universal, and I argue that its variation has political implications; namely that more visible group members support ethnic parties at higher rates because they have the most to gain (or lose) from ethnopolitical competition. Using original data from Malawi, I find that individual‐level ethnic visibility is indeed strongly associated with ethnic party support. I provide further evidence that visibility induces party support instrumentally by shaping expectations about others’ ability to correctly infer ethnic belonging. I also show that the theory generalizes to the group level, with more visible ethnic groups across Africa being more likely to vote ethnically. These results qualify a central assumption in instrumental theories of ethnic politics—that ethnic identities are always visible—and help explain variation in the success of ethnic political mobilization.