Ethnic Mobilization Research Articles

Ethnic politics via digital means: Introducing the Ethnic Organizations Online dataset

With the increasing relevance of ethnic groups as political actors, the literature has attempted to identify and study the ethnic organizations representing these groups. How do these organizations use digital communication channels to reach their domestic and international audiences? To enable research on these questions, this article introduces the Ethnic Organizations Online dataset, a new data collection focusing on the online channels that ethnic organizations use. The dataset includes four types of channels: Twitter (since July 2023, rebranded by Elon Musk as X); Facebook; Instagram; and regular websites. It relies on the Ethnic Power Relations – Organizations database, and is therefore compatible with an entire family of datasets on ethnic politics. Featuring more than 2000 online channels used by 265 groups, it allows researchers to study a wide variety of questions related to digital ethnic mobilization. The article presents three examples of how the dataset can be used. We study: (a) how a group’s political goals influence social media adoption; (b) how elections impact the organizations’ communication frequency and how this differs between democracies and autocracies; and (c) how the power status of a group affects the content of their communication. We provide replication codes facilitating the use of the dataset in applied research.

The State of Political Ethnic Mobilisation among Kenyan Communities in Postcolonial Era, 1963 to 2007 A Case Study of Bukusu People

There is a growing body of scholarly work on political behaviour in Africa that accords much credence to the salience of ethnicity as a rallying point during electoral processes. Yet at the country level, we still understand very little about the interactions between ethnicity and voting behaviour and what demographic groups are more likely or less likely to be susceptible to the effects of ethnic cues, if at all, when voting or expressing support in other ways for political parties. Such features are dominant in Kenyan politics and are characterized majorly through ethnic-based politics where the formation of political parties and coalitions are motivated ethnically. Taking Bukusu as a case example, it is clearly seen how political game and electoral mobilisation is largely contested ethnic terrain. This explains why the majority of the leaders in Bungoma are Bukusu who have had a defining moment and significant effect on political leadership and electoral politics since independence. This paper focused on the state of political ethnic mobilisation among Kenyan communities in postcolonial era, 1963 to 2007with reference to Bukusu people of Bungoma District. The study examines ethnic politics as an instrument for political mileage among the Bukusu people. It is noted herein that since the migration and eventual inception of imperialism, the Bukusu people just like other communities in the country resisted colonisation which eventually cemented them together up to date. Karly Popper’s instrumentalism theory and AchilleMbembe’s postcolonial theory were the two theories used in the study. This study relied heavily on archival materials, oral interviews, and a review of linked secondary literature. Convergence and divergence were produced after thoroughly reviewing, analysing, and compiling all the data. Ex-post facto as a research design was used with purposive and snowball as sampling techniques. Elderly men and women were target population and the sampling size was guided by historical principle of not less than twenty eight participants. It is argued that this data will be useful to policymakers in formulating and comprehending the factors that affect political patterns and behaviour both at the national and local levels. The study should be of importance to historian scholars and more specifically on those who have an interest in state of political ethnic mobilisation among Kenyan Communities.

Armenian-Americans and the semicentennial of the Medz Yeghern: Ethnic mobilization in action

In the wake of the 100th anniversary, this paper examines the shift in Armenian genocide commemorations materializing in the USA for the 50th anniversary of the 1915 genocide. Explored are ritual aspects of the commemorative practices undertaken to pay homage to its victims. Accentuated is the 1965 landmark year during which Armenians from diasporas around the world (including the American at the heart of this analysis) took to the streets, for the first time, to demand Turkey’s recognition of the Medz Yeghern. Through the prism of two newspapers published in English ( Hairenik Weekly and The Armenian Mirror-Spectator), the author explores this ethnic mobilization of the Armenian-American community with its public protest against the decades-long injustice and silence. Unveiled are the inner workings of the commemoration planning, as well as the ways by which Armenian-Americans narrated their tragedy to the host community (in which they were already well-settled). The article depicts the preparations for and the semicentennial itself as the moment of formation of an ethnic body politic – one transcending intra-ethnic competition and dispute even as the group remained formally divided.

Resentment and Polarization in Indonesia

Abstract Is political polarization in Indonesia here to stay? For years, scholarly consensus on partisanship in Indonesia viewed weak partisan identity, collusive party behavior, and the predominance of personality as features of a system that would prevent the emergence of deep polarization. In the wake of religious and ethnic mobilizations during three contentious elections, the question of whether polarization has come to Indonesia is increasingly salient. Where previous studies have focused on elite polarization, we focus on whether polarization has a mass base. Using an original, nationally representative survey of 1,520 Indonesian adults shortly before the 2019 election, we tested whether political preferences in Indonesia reflected any of four underlying sets of resentment—religious, anti-Chinese, anti-Java, or regional. We found links of varying strength between each of these resentments and political preferences. Analyzing the sources of resentments, we find evidence that different resentments may travel through different channels: religious resentment through organizational membership, anti-Chinese resentment through exposure to social media, regional resentment through awareness of regional resource disparities, and resentment of Java through having experienced the old politics of Java—Outer Islands conflict. These links between political affiliation and resentment suggest that polarization is here to stay, so long as politicians make use of real, underlying resentments.

Hybrid Extremism: Ethnonationalism and Territorialized Islamic Fundamentalism in Afghanistan

The US withdrawal, coupled with the instantaneous collapse of the Afghan government, brought the radical Islamists, the Taliban, and the Haqqani Network back to power in August 2021, making them the first militant fundamentalist group to regain power and ascent to a ruling status. For Afghanistan, burdened with politicized ethnic divisions, ethnic mobilization, and fragmented political culture and social structure, the failure of the post-2001 political process and its retrograding impact has proved destructive and devastating. While both ethno-nationalist and radical Islamist passions are active in Afghanistan’s socio-ecological system, the Taliban has introduced a hybrid version of extremism that is built upon the long-standing Pashtun ethnonationalism and the Taliban’s radical Islamism. This article examines the historical roots of the complex Islamism-nationalism/ethno-nationalism problématique and their intermittent resurgence and explores how the Taliban’s hybrid extremism has resulted in an “impossible state,” and the dynamics for change and transformation toward more inclusive and participatory governance.

Ethnic mobilization and national integration: Dissecting the contours of Saraiki province movement in Pakistan

The movement for a Saraiki province in the South Punjab region of Pakistan has gained momentum in recent years. The Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf government promised during the election campaign to establish a South Punjab province along administrative lines. However, the Saraiki ethno-nationalists have demanded the establishment of the province along ethnic lines. The government fears this would challenge national integration by dividing the nation along ethnic lines. This study seeks to analyze the general sentiments of the people of South Punjab, where Saraikis form a majority, in order to explore whether the public sentiment resonates with the ethno-nationalist parties and factors behind the demand for a separate province. This study is conducted using quantitative methodology. Cross-sectional survey is used as a research tool for data collection, and SPSS is used for data analysis. Results show that mass sentiment does not support ethno-national federalism. Ethnic identity is not a significant factor in the demands for political autonomy.

Constructing Ethnic and National Belonging: Ingrian Finnishness in a Museum Exhibition

Abstract A temporary exhibition called Ingrians—The Forgotten Finns was on display at the National Museum of Finland in 2020. The exhibition presented the ethnic minority of Ingrian Finns, concentrating on their memories of persecution in the Soviet Union, ethnic mobilization, and migration to Finland. By examining the exhibition's meaning potentials across different semiotic modes, the article explores the ways in which it discursively constructed Ingrian Finnishness. The findings suggest that the exhibition strongly argued for the inclusion of Ingrian Finns in the Finnish nation and highlighted cultural features associated with Finnishness, but also presented them as a distinct group. Remembering the difficult past was viewed as the very essence of the collective identity.

Rioting for Representation: Local Ethnic Mobilization in Democratizing Countries by Risa J. Toha

Two central questions have guided scholarship on ethnic riots: identifying factors that motivate groups to mobilize for violence and analyzing state responses to these conflicts. Risa Toha's book, Rioting for Representation: Local Ethnic Mobilization in Democratizing Countries, breaks new ground in addressing both questions by examining the ethnic violence that swept across Indonesia during its democratic transition. In a compelling account that weaves together detailed quantitative evidence with qualitative fieldwork, Toha argues that ethnic groups previously excluded from power during three decades of authoritarian rule under the New Order regime used violence to demand increased political access in Indonesia's new democracy. When these demands were accommodated through institutional reform, the violence stopped. Scholarship on riots has mostly examined mature democracies, where elites are experienced in running for competitive elections and improve their chances of winning by mobilizing for violence before or during voting.1 What sets Toha's book apart is that it examines riots in a transitional setting, where new democratic rules are being tested and ethnic elites are uncertain about how they will fare in a new set-up. The analysis shows that Indonesia's first freely held elections in 1999 produced considerable subnational variation in outcomes. In some areas, old regime elites represented by the Golkar party lost their foothold, but in others, they managed to maintain their dominance. Quantitative evidence, which merges district-level election results with data on incidence of ethnic riots, shows that violence occurred after the elections and was more prevalent in areas where democratic elections failed to break Golkar's hegemony (141).

Critical citizenship and civic participation in three generations of Russian Israelis

ABSTRACT Civic behaviour of immigrants reflects both their pre-migration political socialization and the exposure to new political realities in the host country. Jewish immigrants to Israel receive citizenship soon upon arrival and are endowed with all political and economic rights in their adopted country. This essay highlights the long-term dynamics of civic attitudes and participation in three consecutive generations of ex-Soviet Israelis: from adult migrants (Gen 1.0) to their USSR/FSU-born children socialized mostly in Israel (Gen 1.5), and the Israeli-born Gen 2.0. Drawing on the combined analysis of national surveys and qualitative studies conducted over the last 20+ years, we examine shifts in attitudes and practices of citizenship reflected in voting patterns, volunteering, feelings of belonging, and ethnic mobilization for common community causes. We discuss the shifting civic agendas of Russian-speaking Israelis: from mainly economically driven during the 1990s to mainly symbolic and ethno-national since the early 2000s. Our analysis contributes to theoretical discussions on critical citizenship and sub-politics in immigrant-receiving societies.

The Wrong Place at the Wrong Time? Territorial Autonomy and Conflict During Regime Transitions.

This article evaluates how territorial autonomy affects ethnic mobilization and conflict during regime transitions. Previous research has highlighted its conflict-inducing role during prominent transition contexts. Alternatively, it has shown its pacifying role in the "average" case, without distinguishing transition periods from stable contexts. Addressing these gaps, we argue that the de-escalatory consequences of autonomy depend on critical stabilizing factors which are themselves "muted" during transitions. We test our expectations in a cross-national analysis, covering all regime transitions between 1946 and 2017. We also revisit the 1989 transition from Communism, focusing on the role of "inherited" autonomy in the post-communist successor states. This enables us to address concerns whereby autonomy is offered to ward off transitions or whereby transitions are themselves induced by mobilization. Our findings indicate that during transitions, territorial autonomy increases the likelihood of ethnic mobilization, government concessions in response, and violent escalation where these are not forthcoming.

“Hosts, not guests, in Israel”: younger generations of Russian Israelis on the path to active citizenship

ABSTRACT Jewish immigrants to Israel (olim) receive citizenship soon upon arrival and are endowed with all political and economic rights in their adopted country. Civic attitudes and behaviour of olim reflect both their pre-migration political socialization and their exposure to Israeli realities. This article highlights the dynamics of citizenship and civic participation in the younger cohorts of ex-Soviet Israelis (generations 1.5 and 2.0) vs. their parents who immigrated in the 1990s as adults (Gen 1.0). Our theoretical framing draws upon the concepts of critical citizenship, sub-politics, and cultural public sphere. Drawing on the combined analysis of national surveys and qualitative studies conducted over the last 20+ years, we examine shifts in voting patterns, volunteering, feelings of belonging, and ethnic mobilization for both national and community-specific causes. We argue that the civic agenda of ex-Soviet Israelis has evolved from mainly economically driven during the 1990s to mainly symbolic and ethno-national since the early 2000s. The findings also highlight gender differences in civil engagements of younger immigrant cohorts.

Identity Entrepreneurs and Cultural Framers in Contemporary Ethnic Identity Mobilisation in Malawi

Abstract After the re-introduction of multiparty system of governance in Malawi in 1993, ethnic associations have become popular for mobilising and re-asserting identity. Some of the most notable ethnic associations are Chewa Heritage Foundation, Mulhakho wa Alhomwe, and Mzimba Heritage Association. These associations mainly claim that their establishment is mainly to promote and preserve their culture while some go further to add that they also aim at facilitating socio-economic development of its membership or community. At the center of this mobilisation process are highly publicised annual cultural festivals which bring together members of the ethnic community led by their traditional leaders and political figures. This paper discusses the ethnic mobilisation through cultural associations in Malawi. The paper examines key actors, their roles and interests. The paper also discusses implications of ethnic groups on mobilisation for national building.

Rioting for Representation: Local Ethnic Mobilization in Democratizing Countries. By Risa J. Toha. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2021. 355p. $120.00 cloth.

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Chosen Peoples: Christianity and Political Imagination in South Sudan

Chosen Peoples: Christianity and Political Imagination in South Sudan

Эвенки Якутии в XX–XXI веках: пространственно-временная дифференциация численности и расселения

The article reveals features, intra-regional and local differences in the dynamics of the number of Evenks living in the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) over a long historical period. Based on data from the Soviet Union and Russia population censuses from 1926 to 2020, maps of changes in the number and rate of increase/decrease of Evenks have been compiled. Intra-regional and local differences in the dynamics of the number and settlement of the Evenk population of the Sakha Republic (Yakutia) were revealed using QGIS. The maps cover the inter-census periods matching with the stages of the ethnic history of the Evenks: the first stage was in 1926–1959 with collectivization and the beginning of the transfer of nomadic household farms to sedentarization; the second stage was in 1959–1989 with the enlargement of collective farms (from kolkhozy to sovkhozy ) and the final sedentarization of the nomadic population; the third was in 1989–2002 with the processes of ethnic mobilization and the fourth stage was in 2002–2020, characterized by an increase in the number and expansion of the area of the Evenk ethnic group in Yakutia. The analysis of the maps confirms that the historical territories of the concentration of Evenks in the north-western, south-eastern and southern regions of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) are preserved. The dynamics of the Evenk population is determined by the geographical location, the features of economic activity and the space in the ethnic palette of the republic. The stable growth of Evenks is characteristic of mono-ethnic national-territorial formations that have only a rural population and economic specialization associated with traditional activities—Zhiganskij and Olenekskij uluses (districts). In recent years, there has been a shift in the placement and an increase in the number of Evenks in Central Yakutia. For the North-Eastern regions, the decline in the number of Evenks is associated with the change of their ethnicity to another at the beginning of the XXI century.

Beyond a centre‐periphery approach: Inter‐minority tensions and the development of contested categories of Kurdish mobilization in Iran

AbstractA significant feature of Kurdish history over the last several decades has been the proclivity of the Kurds for ethnic mobilization. The socio‐political incentives that lead to the mobilization of different Kurdish sub‐groups are usually complex and occasionally serve ambiguous political aspirations. To unpack such complexities, as the title of this paper suggests, it is useful to add an additional analytical lens to the common centre‐periphery approach (i.e. state nationalism vs. Kurdish resistance) by focusing on the mobilization incentives within the local context. To do so, the paper presents an ethnographic study of the social processes that shape the dynamics of Kurdish mobilization in the multi‐ethnic city of Urmia in northwestern Iran, where Kurmanji‐speaking Kurds live together with Azerbaijani Turks and in close proximity to Sorani‐speaking Iranian Kurds. The paper argues that the mobilization incentives for the Kurmanji‐speaking Kurds in the local context of Urmia often serve contradictory political ends, ranging from denial of the Kurdish nation at the inter‐ethnic layer to dividing it at the intra‐ethnic layer, and romanticizing it at the transnational layer. The broader contribution of this paper is to elucidate how these different and sometimes contradictory forms of ethnic mobilization are able to coexist, given that they are all characterized by the same emancipatory force – ‘a politico‐symbolic struggle over power and prestige’, in Bourdieu's terminology.

Insurrection or Ethnic Mobilization? An Afrocentric Review of the 2021 KwaZulu Natal and Gauteng Looting Spree

Insurrection or Ethnic Mobilization? An Afrocentric Review of the 2021 KwaZulu Natal and Gauteng Looting Spree

Ethnic Mobilization and the Type of State Birth: Why Do Grievances Lead to Violent or Nonviolent Uprisings?

It has been more than five decades since Ted Robert Gurr asked the question, “Why Men Rebel” (1970), in the most popular scholarly work of political rebellion and protest. The subsequent research often focused on grievances as the main motivation behind collective mobilization (Collier and Hoeffler 1998; Fearon and Laitin 2003). Yet the questions of how and why grievances lead to group mobilization and violent or nonviolent conflict onset still attract much scholarly attention. Not all groups with grievances engage in violent and/or nonviolent mobilization. Some do. This is the puzzle Manuel Vogt addresses in this theoretically novel and empirically rich book. He focuses on the type of state birth, i.e. colonial settler or decolonized states, as the backbone of several causal paths from grievances to ethnic conflict onset.

Rioting for Representation: Local Ethnic Mobilization in Democratizing Countries

Rioting for Representation: Local Ethnic Mobilization in Democratizing Countries

ETHNICITY AND POLITICS: TERMINOLOGICAL DEBATES AND NODAL POINTS OF INTERSECTION

A critical interpretation of the existing academic texts devoted to various phenomena related to ethnic politics raises the following questions: what are the criteria for ethnicity? What are the nodal points of intersection of ethnicity and politics? Based on the constructivist interpretation of ethnicity as a changeable concept that cannot be reduced to cultural and linguistic originality, the definition of an ethnic group as a social group that has distinctive cultural features (in the broadest sense) and the idea of the hereditary transmission of group membership is proposed. Based on this definition, it is proposed not to limit the subject field of ethnopolitical science to the interaction of the state with ethnic groups, but to include populism (in the form of right-wing populism, understood as ethnopopulism) and nationalism (as a product of ethnic mobilization). Particular attention is paid to regionalism as a particular but very important case of nationalism. The conclusions are supported by examples from Western European political practice. Based on the extremely inclusive constructivist definition of ethnicity, it is possible and necessary to understand the subject field of ethnopolitical science as broadly as possible in order to strengthen its position in the circle of sociopolitical disciplines, in particular, in studying sociopolitical processes in the European Union.