Ethnic Actors Research Articles

Golden Triangle to Bangladesh: Regional Analysis of ATS Sources, Trafficking Routes and Kingpin Involved, and Role of Regional Organizations

Background: Beyond traditional routes to East and Southeast Asia, Excessive ceaseless flow of ATS (yaba/crystal meth) and synthetic drugs in South Asia especially Bangladesh are the new dimension of drugs which have little study of its sources, routes, prices and the kingpin involved to ATS trafficking and production. Security forces have been taking stringent action for the non-conventional security threats including ‘war on drug’. Large information and reasoning gaps are seen which influenced to find the source of ATS, its trafficking routes, its prices and role played in Bangladesh and the region. The research aimed to identify the major sources, trafficking routes of ATS, prices level & economic impact, Kingpin involved and to explore its different regional implications for national and regional level decisions.Methods: A long array of national and international reports, publications etc. reviewed and analyzed. 300 face to face interview survey to drug law enforcement officers, drug dealers and drug consumers with many more qualitative & quantitative interviews.Results: ATS (yaba/crystal meth) problem for Bangladesh and most South Asian countries are intertwined with Golden Triangle drug problems. Potential new drug production & trafficking prone regions such as ‘Black Triangle’ have been becoming sources of ATS for South, East and Southeast Asia. Myanmar non-state ethnic actors, Myanmar military affiliated militias & BGFs, Chinese-Myanmar-India-Bangladesh etc. transnational syndicates involved and per piece of yaba has become as minimum as less than USD $1 dollar.Conclusion: Golden Triangle, especially Myanmar Shan State with expanding trafficking region, anarchic situations and military policies are continue breeding drugs that linked to different routes and actors, changing environment changes sources, routes and actors.

Государство и этническая идентичность: противостояние или союз?

Introduction. The article is devoted to the analysis of the relationship between the state and ethnic group, state and ethnic identity. It reveals the mechanisms of state formation based on the development of cultural baggage created within the framework of the ethnic communicative space. Theoretical analysis. One of the distinctive features of modern states is the complex nature of the identities that comprise their citizens. The article shows in what ways and due to what the president of the state asserts the beginning of the state. On the one hand, the state is trying to bring in the best examples of ethnic culture. On the other hand, it seeks to use the possibilities of new types of identity in its manifestations (digital identity). Materials borrowed from other types of identity are improved and adapted to the situation of their use in the process of development. They tend to be integrated into modern mass culture. In the process of development of the state, there is a change in the balance of “I” and “We” identities towards strengthening individual identity. The state is trying to counter this. Conclusion. The state uses ethnic communicative space and ethnic identity as a source of borrowing valuable plots, historical characters, and holidays. It also seeks to attract to its side ethnic activists who are the carriers of this information.

DEMOGRAPHIC “CATASTROPHE” OF THE RUSSIAN FINNO-UGRIC PEOPLES: SOCIAL AND POLITICAL MOTIVATION FOR THE DRIFT OF IDENTITIES

The results of the 2021 population census showed a sharp and significant decrease in the number of Finno-Ugric peoples in Russia. For example, the number of Karelians decreased by 46.7%, Komi-Permyaks - by 41%, Mordovians - by 35% (in 1939, the number of Mordovians was 1375 thousand people, in 2021 -484 thousand). Between the 2002 and 2010 censuses there was also a large-scale decline in the number of Finno-Ugric peoples, which allowed some local ethnic activists to talk about a “demographic catastrophe”, “extinction of peoples”. The idea of “extinction” began to be actively exploited at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s. and became the basis for the formation of ethno-national movements, the programs of which were built on the concept of "the revival of peoples". In Komi, the "Committee for the Revival of the Komi People" was created, in Mordovia, the society "Velmena" ("Revival") arose. The leaders of ethnic and ethno-political organizations strove to act not only as culturetragers, but also as moral censors not only for their own ethnic groups, but also for regional communities as a whole. But their mission failed, because ethnic entrepreneurs not only failed to become leaders of public opinion in the regions inhabited by the Finno-Ugric peoples, but turned out to be incapable of developing effective programs for ethno-cultural development, which was shown by the results of the census. In addition, the census showed that the transformation of the Finno-Ugric ethnic groups from agrarian to urban ethnic groups leads to an obvious strengthening of the processes of individual integration into the host urban communities, in which the Russians are the dominant group, and the Russian language dominates in all spheres of communication.

CONFLICTS BETWEEN TRIBES IN SOUTHERN KADUNA: A COMPARISON TO EAST UKRAINE

The goal of this study is to investigate the ethnic conflict in southern Kaduna in connection to eastern Ukraine, which has now spread internationally as a result of major countries' action on Ukraine's behalf. The Hausa-Fulani are Muslims, whereas indigenous Christian communities make up the bulk of the population in southern Kaduna. Although the root causes of the situation in southern Kaduna are multifaceted given their theological and sociopolitical undertones, they are primarily cultural and patriotic in the case of Ukraine. The special status of the Russian language is a subject of heated debate among those on the side of Ukraine's government and opposition nationalists who are pro-Russia. The study's purpose dictated that premordialism theory be used as a working model. Ethnic activists and nationalists commonly employ primordialist ideas to explain and defend ethnic wars, like the ones under study (in southern Kaduna and eastern Ukraine). In addition to hoping that the United Nations is permitted to fulfil the purpose for which it was established so that peace can return to Ukraine, we also hope that the same can be achieved in southern Kaduna if the recommendations of the state and federal governments assigned to investigate the crisis are dusted off and implemented. In conclusion, it is hard to discuss peace in an environment rife with injustice and nepotism. More peace advocacy is needed from the main international political powers, but they can only do that if they allow the United Nations (UN) to function freely. Primordialist theories are frequently used by ethnic activists and nationalists to explain and justify ethnic conflicts, such as those in southern Kaduna and eastern-southern Ukraine, which is why this research supports the use of the primordial theory of ethnic conflict despite its flaws.

Russian State-Civil Identity Through the Perception of History, Culture and Socio-Political Life

The article is devoted to the analysis of the current state of the Russian state-civil identity in comparison with other macro-identities. The current state of the Russian identity and the significance of the components of its structure in the views of respondents are analyzed on the materials of the Federal Research Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences, WCIOM, RLMS-HSE, in-depth and expert interviews and focus groups. The experts were humanities scientists, university and school teachers, journalists, public and ethnic activists from different cities of Russia. In 2020 COVID-19 has affected people’s moods, and the willingness to associate themselves with Russians has greatly decreased, which could be affected by insufficient support from the state, combined with strict restrictions. The analysis of mass perceptions of Russians about the role of civil, historical, cultural and emotional components of Russian identity was carried out. The study showed that the common state remains the basic consolidator of Russian identity, and in less than a year the share of Russians who consider the “historical past” and “native land” to be important unifying components has increased. The memory of the military victories won by our people is currently the main historical consolidator of the identity of Russians. The tragedies experienced together turn out to be a little less important, although they are not completely forgotten. Young people and creative intelligentsia in interviews spoke about the importance of a versatile approach in teaching history: “it is necessary to study both ups and downs.” Culture is still an important integrator of Russian society, but we are not talking about “high culture”, but rather about mass culture. In the “culture”, Russians are most united by common holidays, wellknown songs, works of literature and films. But the civil component of Russian identity is still poorly developed – people practically do not associate participation in elections, referendums, meetings, rallies and volunteer movements with Russian citizenship.

Analysis of the Ideas about the Russian language in the All-Russian Identity: Expert Discourse

The article analyzes the meanings given by experts to the Russian language in the all-Russian identity based on the materials of in-depth and expert interviews and focus groups. The experts were humanities scientists, university and school teachers, journalists, public and ethnic activists from Moscow, Kazan, Ufa, Nalchik and some other Russian cities. The analysis of the discourses of these translators of the meanings of Russian identity is important for creating a picture of the meanings of the national language of Russians disseminated and supported by them, since they participate in the formation of mass consciousness and can set the directions of perception of Russian identity in the circles covered by their influence. The key sets of ideas about the Russian language in the Russian identity are associated with the following interpretations of it. Russian language is considered by universalist discourses as the cultural code of Russians, often associating it with the literary-centricity of all-Russian and Russian ethnic culture. Such discourses note the importance of its functionality and influence, and also regard it as the language of Russian everyday life and the life of the state, in which school education plays an essential role, thus “cementing” society. In the discourses of experts in the republics, other facets of the perception of the Russian language are also important. First of all, it is considered as a “language of interethnic (interethnic) communication”, which is the result of the influence of Soviet national policy, established terminology, in particular, in the understanding of the nation, most often in the ethnic sense and the opposition of Russian and native languages. In the historical context, it can be considered as an intermediary language, an instrument of familiarization with world culture. Ethnocentric discourses often emphasize the role of the Russian language as the language of the state and/or the language of the dominant people, including actively contrasting it with native languages and emphasizing the damage to them. The interpretation of the Russian language as the national language of Russians, its positive perception as an all-Russian integrator in such discourses are complicated.

An ethnicity discussed: Legal status and the realization of language rights among Kashubians in Poland

This article is focused on the study of the current legal status of the Kashubian minority in Poland. The Kashubians are a West Slavic minority ethnic group that was recognized as a regional language community in 2005. Based on the materials collected during a long-term ethnographic fieldwork in places of compact settlement of ethnic Kashubians, the author analyzes the experience of realization of language rights among Kashubians and the community’s perception of the state ethnic policy. As this study will show, language recognition, which has been perceived initially by regionalists in Kashubia as a victory, is now criticized more and more by members of the ethnic group. The processes of rapid language assimilation among Kashubians provoke ethnic activists to rethink their current legal status and seek to increase it by recognizing the Kashubians as a separate people or ethnic minority in Poland. As the materials of this article show, today the possibility of such recognition is hotly debated by the Kashubians and causes disputing attitudes both inside and outside the community. At the same time, the analysis of the sociolinguistic status of the Kashubian language presented in the article shows that language remains a key marker of Kashubian ethnic self-determination, though the regional activist community is gradually debating a possible change in the conceptualization of Kashubian society, its transformation from linguistic to the cultural community. Meanwhile the ideology of the Kashubian language revival coexists with bilingual or predominantly Polish-speaking practices of ethnic activism.

Сохранение языков коренных малочисленных народов в условиях глобализации (опыт Северо-Запада России)

The preservation and development of the languages of indigenous minorities is one of the most urgent problems in the functioning of the ethno-cultural diversity of the planet. The problem poses certain tasks to both the academic community and public and governmental organizations. In this paper, the author analyses the documents and draws on the basic research and his own field materials to consider the preservation of the language of three Balto-Finnic minorities - the Vepsians, the Votians, and the Izhorians. The research has established that the three indigenous minorities face both common and unique problems of language preservation, related to the demography, socio-economic situation of the region, and social aspects of language functioning. One of the most important current problems for the Vepsian, Votic, and Izhorian languages is the gradual loss of their communicative function. A review of the language use has shown that despite all the efforts of ethnic activists and publishing fiction and educational literature in their native language, the functionality of the languages is reducing both in the public and private spheres. The article also discusses the ways to solve the problem. First, the author draws attention to the programs being implemented to support the native languages of indigenous minorities and assess their effectiveness, in terms of both results and the language representatives' perception. At the same time, the author analyses new possible approaches to language support proposed by representatives of the academic, cultural, and educational community. The general message of the article is to recognize the need to exchange views and experience, conduct research and support a social movement aimed at finding optimal solutions to preserve the languages of indigenous minorities in Russian Federation as well as in Central and Eastern Europe.

Dual Identity of Pattharkatta (Kusbadiya) Community of Nepal

Caste and ethnic categories are social and historical products. In the case of Pattharkatta2 , there was only (Tarai Dalit) caste identity among all Pattharkattas of Nepal before a couple of decades. Most of them shared origin myths, history, social memories (knowledge), and livelihood strategies. After the penetration of ethnic identity politics, there was a division among the Pattharkatta. Some of them claimed that they were Kusbadiya, not Pattharkatta, and listed themselves in an ethnic community of Nepal. The rest of them continued their caste identity and cultural practices. The government of Nepal also recognized both Pattharkatta and Kusbadiya. The researcher is interested to explore why the community changed and continued its identity. Is it possible to be a caste and an ethnic group at the same time? If yes, how and in which contexts? What are different evidences and cultural practices that support their claims of Kusbadiya and Pattharkatta? What are the motivational factors of identity change? What are the cultural relations between the Pattharkatta and Kusbadiya? By employing a mixed methods design, the researcher explored that the community has a dual identity. Politically active elites of Pattharkatta were influenced by ethnic activists in the name of the social security fund. When the marginalized community was lured by a per-month bonus, they were ready to change their identity. In spite of similar stories of origin and cultural practices, the community is officially recognized by two different names. There is no fixity to ethnic differences and boundaries of caste ethnic identity.

”Kyss mig, jag är en sverigefinne!” Gränsdragningar mellan invandrarskap och minoritetsskap i den sverigefinska etnopolitiska mobiliseringen 1980–2020

Unlike immigrants, national minorities are awarded recognition based on their long historical presence in the nation-state. While the political boundary between national minorities and immigrants is governed on state level, minorities’ own agency is significant for constructing and contesting ethnic and political boundaries. This article shows how Sweden-Finns, recognized as a national minority in Sweden since 2000, have contested the immigrant/national minority dichotomy in their transition from stigmatized post-war migranthood to recognized national minority-ness. By asking how boundary-making between migranthood and minority-ness is expressed in Sweden-Finnish ethnopolitical campaigns from the 1980s to the 2010s, we bring attention to how shifts in the socio-political and media technological contexts of these decades have shaped their mobilization. Through an analysis of newspaper articles, campaign material, and interviews, we show how Sweden-Finnish ethnic activists discursively construct identity and draw boundaries of belonging during different time periods.

How Does the Politics of Fear in Russia Work? The Case of Social Mobilisation in Support of Minority Languages

The article examines the social movement of ethnic minorities in defence of republican state languages in ethnic regions of the Russian Federation in the context of politics of fear. In particular, the article focuses on how the repressive context shapes this social mobilisation both in offline and online domains. The article offers a detailed description of responsive as well as pre-emptive and visible as well as covert repressions aimed at ethnic activists and explains how these repressive practices change the nature of dissent, pushing it online and thus inadvertently leading to the development of grassroots activism. It also suggests that the repressive turn in Russia started long before the poisoning of Aleksei Naval’nyi in August 2020.

AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION AS THE BASIS OF IDENTITY POLICY IN THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION

The article is devoted to the consideration of amendments to the Constitution of Russia approved during the vote on July 1, 2020, which set the main parameters of identity policy in our country. Special attention is paid to the reaction of public figures, experts and representatives of the leadership of the republics within the Russian Federation. During the discussion of the amendments, there was a strong public demand to clarify and fix in the form of constitutional provisions the main content of cultural and civilizational parameters of the Russian identity. The adoption of the amendments demonstrated broad public agreement on the constitutionally defined parameters of Russian national identity. The discussion showed an ambiguous attitude of ethnic activists in the republics to the set parameters of identity policy. And the leaders of a number of republics expressed their dissenting opinion, which reflected a certain tension over the inclusion of the concept of “state-forming people”in the article on the state language.

Linking to the State: Hierarchical Statebuilding After Ethnic Conflict in the Western Balkans

Fighting in Kosovo, Serbia, and Macedonia ended with internationally-sponsored settlements aimed at constituting unified states, but participatory politics by ethnic groups differed afterwards. This study asks how institutional mechanisms of statebuilding led to disparate forms of participation at different levels of governance. The principle conclusion is that both participation and ways of contesting government policies or actions are conditioned by the institutional means for ethnic elite actors to access distributable patronage. Providing ethnic elites with distributable resources allows them to act as brokers between the state and the ethnic group, linking their own political positions with participation. This in turn secures the support of key players, discourages parochial opposition, and marginalizes spoilers.

Casting for the Public Good: BAME Casting in British Film and Television in the 2010s

Abstract This article examines changes in casting practices which have begun to put black, Asian, and minority ethnic actors more regularly on British screens and in more significant parts. In the context of calls for improving BAME involvement at all levels of the film and television industry, I look in particular at how colour-blind casting has begun to have an impact on British cinema. The article looks initially at how calls for the campaign for changes entwine with the British tradition of public service broadcasting and examines the socially conscious criteria for casting introduced by the BBC and the BFI in 2016. I suggest that some of the ambiguous expectations of audiences in relation to colour-blind casting are similar to the potentially contradictory aspirations placed on institutions which receive public funding. In order to examine these issues in some detail, I draw on textual and paratextual analysis to demonstrate how frames of reference for understanding new approaches to casting can be found in recent period adaptations, a British genre strongly associated with whiteness by actors and critics. The examples discussed span the decade: Wuthering Heights (Arnold, 2011), Lady Macbeth (Oldroyd, 2016), and Mary Queen of Scots (Rourke, 2018). The analysis demonstrates that while casting for the public good is becoming more common it nevertheless remains a complicated and controversial strategy.

Ethnic Intermediation in Contemporary Buenos Aires

ABSTRACTScholarship on ethnic intermediation has paid much attention to how demographically important but socioeconomically disenfranchised groups broker power within various geopolitical contexts. But it has not yet unpacked how intermediation operates among electorally small yet economically prosperous communities. Contemporary Buenos Aires offers a series of case studies in which visible, affluent ethnodiasporas have had considerable success making sustained claims and reallocating state resources. Drawing from extensive fieldwork and over 35 interviews with community leaders, this article argues that small, well-organized groups rely on ethnic elite intermediaries – that is, ethnic activists who serve in executive-appointed, non-elected positions – to make sustained claims and reallocate state resources on behalf of ethnic organizational interests. The analysis introduces ethnic elite intermediaries in the context of Armenian and Jewish Argentines during the Kirchner and Macri presidencies, respectively.

RACE, NATIVITY, AND MULTICULTURAL EXCLUSION

AbstractThis article examines the exclusion of Afro-Mauritians (or Creoles) in Mauritian multiculturalism. Although Creoles represent nearly thirty percent of the population, they are the only major group not officially recognized in the Mauritian Constitution (unlike Hindus, Muslims, and the Chinese) and they experience uniquely high levels of socioeconomic and political marginalization despite the country’s decades-long policy of official multiculturalism. While scholarship on multiculturalism and nation-building in plural societies might explain the exclusion of Creoles as a breakdown in the forging of political community in postcolonial Mauritius, I build on these theories by focusing on the tension between diaspora and nativity evident in Mauritian public discourse. Using the politics of language policy as a case study, I examine why theKreollanguage in Mauritius—the ancestral language of Creoles and mother tongue of the majority of Mauritians—was consistently rejected for inclusion in language policy until recently (unlike Hindi, Urdu, and other ethnic languages). In my analysis of public policy discourse, I map how Creole ethnic activists negotiatedKreol’sinclusion in multiculturalism and highlight their constraints. This analysis shows that through multiculturalism, non-Creole political actors have createdethniccategories of inclusion while reciprocally denotingracially-excluded others defined by their lack of diasporic cultural value. I argue that groups claiming diasporic cultural connections are privileged as “ethnics” deemed worthy of multicultural inclusion, while those with ancestral connections more natively-bound to the local territory (such as Creoles, as a post-slavery population) are deemed problematic, culturally dis-recognized, and racialized as “the Other” because their nativity gives them a platform from which to lay territorial counter-claims to the nation.

ЭКСПЕРТНЫЙ АНАЛИЗ РЕГИОНАЛЬНЫХ МОДЕЛЕЙ ГОСУДАРСТВЕННОЙ НАЦИОНАЛЬНОЙ ПОЛИТИКИ В РЕСПУБЛИКАХ С ФИННО-УГОРСКИМ НАСЕЛЕНИЕМ: ГРАЖДАНСКИЕ ИНТЕРЕСЫ, ПРАВО, ЭТНИЧЕСКОЕ АНТРЕПРЕНЕРСТВО И КУЛЬТУРТРЕГЕРСТВО

The article examines the ethno-political situation in the republics with the Finno-Ugric population, the doctrinal and legal foundations for the republican models of ethno-politics, as well as the ideological positions of ethnonational movements of the Finno-Ugric peoples and their impact on specific ethno-politics practices and their justification. It is shown that the regional models of ethnopolitics do not fully comply with the goals and objectives formulated in the “Strategy of State National Policy” and in particular with the task of constructing the unified doctrinal and legal field of ethnopolitics. In regional models and practices of ethnopolitics, ethnicity and ethnic interests of individual groups are often contrasted (directly or indirectly) against the ideas of citizenship and the general interests of territorial communities. The authorities of the republics as experts employ ethnic activists and researchers engaged in ethnic movements, many of whom in their analysis of ethnocultural processes and phenomena are guided by natural philosophical ideas of ethnical nationalism and directly contrast ethnicity to citizenship.

HEALTH ACTIVISM FROM THE BOTTOM UP: PROGRESSIVE ERA IMMIGRANT CHICAGOANS’ VIEWS ON GERM THEORY, ENVIRONMENTAL HEALTH, AND CLASS INEQUALITY

Drawing on Chicago immigrant communities’ archives, memoirs, and native-language newspapers, this article advances our understanding of Progressive Era environmental politics by delving into cross-class immigrant communities’ views on and activism concerning health. Everyday ethnic Chicagoans—medical and journalistic professionals alongside working-class immigrants—displayed a sophisticated understanding of health. Well versed in medical and scientific germ theories, they embraced a mixture of germ and environmental theories that made them, in effect, “disease ecologists,” revealing a widespread health ecology orientation not limited to the educated white professionals and reformers about whom scholarship has revealed much more. Such perspectives contribute to reinterpretations of earlier scholarly assumptions that germ theory largely displaced environmental analyses. Moreover, ethnic communities’ interpretations of health as ecological underpinned some of their political activism in pursuit of greater environmental parity. Many ethnic activists from across Chicago's class spectrum fought alongside white reformers to rectify environmental health inequities. They sometimes even initiated efforts, displaying an early version of environmental justice activism. At the same time, other cross-class ethnics at least partly blamed individual or ethnic communities’ habits and failures, mirroring to a degree the condescension visible among many Anglo reformers and professionals.

Stereotypes of class, ethnicity and gender in contemporary French popular comedy: from Bienvenue chez les Ch’tis (2008) and Intouchables (2011) to Qu’est-ce qu’on a fait au Bon Dieu ? (2014)

The deployment, reversal and reiteration of stereotypes constitute one of the major comic devices of the top three French box-office comedy ‘hits’ of recent years: Bienvenue chez les Ch’tis (2008), Intouchables (2011), Qu’est-ce qu’on a fait au Bon Dieu ? (2014). These comedies follow the same pattern: their contrasting protagonists, in terms of class, regional origin or ethnicity, manage to forget their prejudices and to become ‘friends’ in the classic tradition of a feel-good film. Although age-old, this scheme is rejuvenated by issues of ethnicity, in a contemporary French context characterised by the transformation of French society into a multicultural and multi-ethnic society, by the resistance to that transformation and by the emergence on the big screen of ethnic actors. This article examines how the use of stereotypes, in films that claim to promote alterity and diversity, turns out to be extremely ambiguous. It demonstrates how these narratives, whether they challenge or reiterate prejudiced notions of ethnic and regional identity, leave gender roles and class domination unquestioned. Finally, it casts light on elements that may challenge the reactionary aspects of the plot and characterisation, such as the performance of the actors and the opening up of mainstream French comedy to minorities.

Life Histories of the Etnos Concept in Eurasia: An Introduction

The article is an abridged version of the first chapter in the edited volume A Theory for Empire Written on Its Margins . It presents an account of more than 150 years of what the authors identify as – the attempt to use positivistic and rational scientific methodologies to describe, encapsulate, evaluate, and rank etnoses across Eurasia. Its central argument is that the work of professional ethnographers created a powerful language parallel to the political vocabulary of tribes, nationalities, and nations. The essay surveys the definitions of etnos offered by scholars during the twentieth century, and argues that historically etnos-thinking emerged and developed in the multidisciplinary scientific environment of science – an approach to identity heavily influenced by physical anthropology and natural sciences. The biosocial synthesis – and etnos-thinking – was incompatible with Soviet Marxism of the 1930s, but had a piecemeal revival in the 1960s. The article claims that etnos-thinking acquired new dynamism in post-Soviet Russia. Although leading academic anthropologists criticize the concept, it remains high on the agenda for many intellectuals and ethnic activists in the twenty-first century. Резюме: Данная статья является сокращенной версией вводной главы го-товящейся к публикации книги Теория для империи, написанная на полях: cудьбы концепции этноса на Евразийском пространстве. Она представляет собой историю этнос-мышления, определяемого авторами как стремление описывать и классифицировать этносы на евразийском пространстве, используя позитивистские и естественнона-учные подходы. Авторы утверждают, что профессиональные этнографы создали влиятельный язык для описания культурного многообразия, параллельный политическому языку с его племенами, нациями и нацио-нальностями. В статье дается обзор дефиниций этноса. Авторы делают вывод, что этнос-мышление возникло в рамках биосоциального подхода под значительным влиянием естественных наук и физической антропологии. Этот подход был неприемлем для советского марксизма 1930-х гг., однако возродился в рамках частичной реабилитации био-социальных поисков в 1960-е гг. В постсоветское время понятие этноса обрело новый динамизм и, несмотря на критику со стороны ведущих антропологов, остается актуальным для широкого круга интеллектуалов и этнических активистов.