Ethiopian Politics Research Articles

Projecting the Feat of Prospective Ethiopian Political Path

Projecting the Feat of Prospective Ethiopian Political Path

From the Great Nationalism to Narrower Ethnonationalism in Post-1991 Ethiopian Federalism: Counter Narrative Advent of the Amhara Ethnic Nationalist Movements Sibuh Gebeyaw Tareke Department of Political Science and International Studies Bahir Dar University, Bahir Dar, Ethiopia Email: sibuh2003@gmail.com

Ethiopia is a multiethnic and multi-linguistic state. The country's political history has shown that it has been an empire state since ancient times. However, its diverse ethnic groups existed together as Ethiopian nationalists. Following the introduction of the socialist-oriented federal state in 1991, ethnonational movements took place in Ethiopian politics. The 1995 FDRE constitution gives the sovereign power to "nations, nationalities, and peoples" to maintain unity along with diversity. It also created ethnic federalism-based territorial units to liberate other ethnic groups from the past Amhara 'Neftegna' domination system. However, the recognition of these rights has promoted ethnonationalism rather than Ethiopianism. And also creates a tendency in other regions as Amharans have historically oppressed the different ethnic groups. Thus, the Amhara people who live in other areas have been discriminated against. This phenomenon has intensified the advent of Amhara nationalist movements. This study explores the theoretical frameworks of ethnonationalism and federalism. It also examined the causes and impacts of the deterioration of Ethiopianism and the advent of the Amhara nationalist movements in the case study areas. In the end, it provides mechanisms to maintain unity along with diversity in future Ethiopia.

The Perils of Colonial and Marxist Narratives in an Unconquered Lands: Ethnic-Based Killings and Evictions of the Amhara in Ethiopia

The present study explains the occurrence of violent killings and forced displacement of ethnically targeted groups, the Amhara in this case, through the direct influence of colonial narratives employed by fascist Italian colonizers and the indirect influence of radical Marxist political forces embracing Eurocentric education in their grasp of the Ethiopian local and indigenous situation. The study poses two major questions: What is the historical root behind the genesis of the hegemonic anti-Amhara discourse in Ethiopian politics? What are the consequences of this discourse? The study found out that Italy’s invented discourse of Amhara domination, unsubjected to critical mediation by Ethiopia’s political forces, has introduced a re-politicization of ethnicity to the politico-intellectual makeup of the country, which resulted, inter alia, in ongoing societal (in)securities of the Amhara population. In what seems to overcome these insecurity situations and fill the political representation void, the Amhara “defensive ethnonationalism” has emerged since 2015.

Uncovering the Role of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido Church in the War between the Tigrian Forces and the Federal Government

Abstract The Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido Church (EOTC) has a long and glorious history in the Ethiopian polity. It was an institution deeply engaged in Ethiopian politics and has long served as a unifying political force. For example, when foreign enemies invaded Ethiopia, the EOTC was tasked with uniting Ethiopians to fight against aggressors. However, in times of internal political crisis, particularly in contemporary Ethiopia, the EOTC’s role is relatively insignificant. Previous studies have not focused on this issue. Through a qualitative research approach, this study takes the post-2020 conflict between Tigrian forces and the federal government as a litmus test for showing the EOTC’s insignificant role in cases of internal political crisis. It shows that, as an institution, the EOTC played an insignificant role in reconciling, condemning, or trying to manage the conflict. Indeed, two challenges prevented the EOTC from doing what it was supposed to do in this conflict: ethnic politics and the EOTC’s top authorities’ submissiveness to the ruling regimes. This article recommends further studies aimed at assessing the invisible role of the EOTC in the Ethiopian polity and its counter-relationships. Conducting additional studies is significant for policymakers in general and the EOTC in particular.

Article 1F and Anthropological Evidence: A Fine Line Between Justice and Injustice?

ABSTRACT While all anthropological experts take pride when their evidence plays a vital role in securing protection for an asylum applicant, we also acutely remember the cases in which our research and reports were rejected, particularly when our reports appear to be unfairly rejected. In this paper, I discuss two cases in which the British Home Office argued that an asylum applicant was not entitled to protection because he participated in war crimes/crimes against humanity. However, the evidence provided by War Crimes Unit in the United Kingdom’s Home Office took the form of assertions based on a very poor understanding of Ethiopian politics and limited research. In the first case, the Immigration Judge accepted the evidence submitted by the Home Office and refused the applicants claim for asylum, but on appeal the Home Office withdrew the case against the applicant. In the second case, the Immigration Judge adopted some of my evidence for the applicant but denied his claim. This paper explores the pitfalls of litigation and the ability of the state to tilt the scales of justice against asylum claimants.

Ethiopian political crisis after reform: Causes of Tigray conflict

Ethiopian politics usually faces conflicts either to bring change or after the change. A 2018 Ethiopian political reform aimed to sustain peace among Ethiopians. Nonetheless, the conflict has escalated in different regions. Military confrontations campaigned between the central government and the Tigray region frequently. Finally, it occurred between the central government and Tigray People’s Liberation Front in late 2020. Scholars debated the root causes of it. Hence, there is no agreement among scholars regarding the cause of the Tigray conflict. This research explores the Ethiopian political crisis after the 2018 reform focusing on the Tigray conflict causes. The researcher employed a qualitative method and ethnographic research design to study the causes of conflict. The research finding reveals that though the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front Party’s demise, the constitutional crisis, election delay, and the Amhara region’s ambition to annex Tigray Region land to regain the lost territories are the causes of conflict, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front attack on the Ethiopian northern military base was the immediate cause of the conflict. It recommends further research needs to conduct on the consequences of the conflict.

Policy and political implications of government responses to COVID-19 in Ethiopia

ABSTRACT In Ethiopia there have been contested political debates over the government’s response to mitigate the impact of COVID-19. The postponement of the sixth national election, constitutional interpretation and the continuation of the terms of the House of People’s Representatives are sources of contentious political debates. All these require policy and political analysis. Political actors argued that the contested political notions have critical political and policy implications that extend beyond the impacts of the pandemic. The country’s political history is marked by political opportunism and power struggles in which force is used to conquer/maintain power, as well as political repression and a lack of political consensus. It is argued that COVID-19 was used as an opportunity by political actors to consolidate their power. Together with identity politics, such political opportunism contributed significantly to the escalation of political tensions that led to civil war throughout the country. It also has more far-reaching effects on people’s sociopolitical and economic lives such as mass deaths, displacements and violations of basic human rights than COVID-19. Furthermore, it altered the country’s diplomatic relations with the international community. Therefore, in Ethiopian politics, the notion that political problems are more pressing than the consequences of COVID-19 is plausible.

The Pretoria Agreement: mere cessation of hostilities or heralding a new era in Ethiopia?

SUMMARY On 2 November 2022, welcome news came from Pretoria, South Africa. After 10 days of negotiations, the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE) and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) signed a Cessation of Hostilities Agreement. This piece situates the importance of the war, and more importantly the agreement, within the longue durée of Ethiopian politics and highlights its importance as a turning point marking the end of the era of the dominance of the TPLF and the beginning of the end of ethno-nationalism's hegemonic centrality to national politics, including at the expense of the Ethiopian state.

Revolutionary Democracy: A Terminus or Way Station for Ethiopia?

This special issue of JDS provides several critical perspectives on the federal Constitution, the state, and contemporary politics of Ethiopia. All the contributors agree that Ethiopia’s federal system promotes ethnic conflict rather than fostering an Ethiopian identity and national unity. The federal Constitution establishes a legal foundation for secession and in effect the possible disintegration of the federal state and the country’s multi-ethnic political system. The current political actors, their ideology, and the prevailing political conditions in the country are leading the country down the path to a failed state. A fundamental issue in Ethiopian politics today is the prevailing ideology of revolutionary democracy, which has led its political actors to pursue policies and practices that aggravate the country’s ethnic conflicts, weaken its national unity, and accentuate the contradictions in its flawed federal system of government.

The creeping fashion of ethnicism in the modern Ethiopian politics: Its creation, process, and consequences

Ethiopia is located at 3’ and 14.8” latitude 33’ and 48’ longitude in the Eastern part of Africa that commonly refers as the Horn of Africa, bordering Eritrea, Djibouti, Somalia, Kenya, South Sudan, and the Sudan Republic. After the country’s current constitution was declared in 1995, the country followed the ethnic-based federalism path. Primarily, this research aims to study when and how ethnic-based political activities started in the country’s modern political history. Furthermore, the expansion and consequences of ethnicized politics in the country will be addressed in this research. Primary sources like interviews with eyewitnesses, official reports from different organizations, and others were used in this research. Apart from primary sources, secondary sources mainly researched books used. In this country, ethnic-based political activities functioned for half a century and several achievements were scored as a result of this system. On the other side, the total of several pitfalls including mismanagement of ethnic diversity, the ethnic-based political activities transformed ethnic tensions into ethnic conflicts. Furthermore, on one hand, or the other, ethnic-based political activities kidnapped the democratization processes of the country.

Demystifying the causes of the Amhara people’s protest in Ethiopia

For nearly three decades, Ethiopia has been ruled by the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) regime. Under this regime, the Amharas were subjected to many cases of abuse. Since 2016, the Amharas have been protesting against this regime. This article shows the EPRDF regime’s structural problems and shows how these are the causes of the Amhara people’s protest. It argues that the EPRDF regime’s severe structural engagements have instilled a sense of victimhood in the Amharas. This sense of victimhood is the result of the mobilisations of the diasporas and other actors. The article concludes that in the post-2018 Ethiopian politics, the country’s constitution, the state structure, and some EPRDF officials and practices that abused the Amharas during the EPRDF regime are still in place.

The Grand Missed Opportunities for Change in the Modern Ethiopian Political History: Lesson to Be Learnt for Contemporary Democratic Transition

The Grand Missed Opportunities for Change in the Modern Ethiopian Political History: Lesson to Be Learnt for Contemporary Democratic Transition

Transformation of the Ethiopian Political Elite and the Armed Conflict in Tigray: from Driving Predecessors out to De-Escalation?

In the article the authors consider elite dimension of the conflict in Tigray. Conducting the analysis of intra-elite processes allows both to find out the roots and to estimate the consequences of the most fast-moving conflict in the Horn of Africa. The research consists of five conceptual parts, which are preluded by a short description of the run of events. In the first part the conflict potential which takes its roots in 1994-2018 is explained. It starts with the basic notion that ethnic lines predetermine formation of elites in Ethiopia. Then the study shows that one of the main causes for the dispute which has severely divided political elites was the hegemony of the TPLF in government institutions. The second part refers to the transit of power. Here the point under consideration is redistribution of resources and particular strategies adopted by polarized elites. The analysis demonstrates that Abiy Ahmed and his allies did their best to deprive the TPLF leaders of power and economic resources. The TPLF resorted to ethnic mobilization while their rivals tried to break the unity of Tigrayans through stressing the existence of a class conflict. The third and the fourth chapters focus on the investigation of federal elites’ and «tigrayan clan’s» current positions respectively. In conclusion, the authors structure their findings and estimate the perspectives of inter-elites consensus. The research provides three important conclusions. Firstly, the roots of the conflict led to the formation of «action-response» cycles which was the basis for a rapid development and escalation. Secondly, the ongoing war even consolidates ruling elites in their fear of the TPLF. Finally, de-escalation and negotiations may become possible amid internal disputes in the Prosperity Party.

Ethnic Federalism in Ethiopia: Reflecting on Diversity and Ethnic Identity

Ethiopia formed an ethnic federal system in 1991, which recognized ethnic autonomy entirely while ensuring the country’s unity. The new Constitution established a federal structure focused primarily on ethnic territorial units. The constitution ambitions to achieve ethnic freedom and equality by maintaining the state. Ethiopian politics has shifted to a federal liberal and plural system since the military dictatorship ended, as ethnic groups sought to exist under a federal structure that could preserve the country’s stability and diversity. The federal arrangement is noteworthy because its Constitution allows for the inheritance of every ethnic group. It supports an ethicised federal state with a secession mechanism and allows political parties to unite along ethnic lines. It is a worthwhile case study because it is an exception to the general trend in Africa. This paper examines how ethnic Federalism is a vital part of the Ethiopian Constitution and gives ethnic autonomy and identity in Ethiopian politics. Theoretical understanding of Federalism and ethnic Federalism in Ethiopia.

Modernist Art in Ethiopia

Modernist Art in Ethiopia

Remembering the revolutionary past: the post-revolutionary generation(s) of Ethiopia and memory of the revolutionary period (late 1960s – late 1970s)

ABSTRACT The revolutionary period in Ethiopia (from the mid-1960s until the late 1970s) has long been a matter of scholarly interest and public debate. This article examines this period from the perspective of memory studies: the ways in which this period is remembered, the meanings attached to it and the roles the memory of this period plays in contemporary Ethiopian politics and society. More specifically, the paper focuses on perspectives of members of the post-revolutionary generation (i.e. Ethiopians in their 30s and 40s). As the study shows, members of this generation indeed see this period as extremely important both to them personally and to contemporary Ethiopia in general. It shows that the themes they associate with this period – the Leftist-Marxist ideology and practice, the legacy of armed struggle and violence, the ethnic/national question and more – are also issues crucial for understanding contemporary Ethiopia.

Vicious circle of Ethiopian politics: Prospects and challenges of current political reform

In Ethiopia, different political reforms have taken place. Following this, the country circled viciously into wars at many times. The Derg regime deposed Emperor Haile Selassie in 1974. And the Derg was defeated by the Ethiopian People Revolutionary Democratic Front coalition party in 1991. Albeit the coalition party ruled Ethiopia for more than 27 years, it obliged to make political reform because of high protest from Oromo youths. However, there are debates among scholars regarding the success of current political reforms in Ethiopia. It needs the attention of scholars and political scientists to examine the vicious circle of Ethiopian political reforms. This study addresses the knowledge gaps concerning the prospects and challenges of current political reform in Ethiopia. The finding of this research reveals that the beginning of the political reforms was hopeful because of released political prisoners, returned an exiled political opponents, Ethio-Eritrea rapprochement, and empowerment of women. Later, the constitutional crisis, detentions of many people and opponents, violations of fundamental rights, and war between the central government and the Tigray Region challenged the reforms. It concluded that the Ethiopian political reform circled viciously and could not realize the intended goals because there is mass detention, killing, and eviction like previous governments. The researcher recommended that the detained people and opposition political parties need to be released and come to the table discussion and debate to realize the reform and ensure democratization.

Women and Ethiopian politics: Political leaders’ attitude and views on women’s effectiveness

In the assertion of democracy, good governance, and development, there needs to be a fair and equitable representation of all members of the community in the political process of the country. Besid...

The Politics of Opposition in Post - 2005 Ethiopia: Challenges and Prospects in the Case of National Political Parties

The paper examines the Politics of Opposition in post - 2005 Ethiopia: Challenges and prospects in the case of national opposition political parties. 2005 is selected because opposition parties were able to secure more votes than ever before in this election. To address the objectives of the study, the researcher employed qualitative approach with case study design and used primary and secondary data sources. The primary data was collected through semi-structured interviews and secondary sources such as books newspapers, other scholars’ works and different documents also used. The data collected from the primary and secondary data sources were discussed and analyzed thematically based on the emerged themes from participants response. Hence, this case study aimed to explore the experience of these parties in the politics of opposition by focusing on challenges, and prospects in post- 2005 National elections. National parties were selected purposefully since they were active in Ethiopian politics of opposition in the country. Political parties exhibited weakness internally and faced challenges externally. But most opposition parties externalize their overall weakness. This has its impacts on Ethiopian politics of opposition and political process of the country. The study found that opposition parties do have internal and external challenges which affect their activities and do have impacts on political process of the country. Parties are less institutionalized, fragmented, absence of membership commitment and parties’ leaders’ time limit. They also faced challenges from the incumbent party, media and from other institutions of the country. Given research gaps in the domain, this study will help to improve the political culture, democratic system and politics of opposition of the country.

A Way Head to Nation Fragmentation: Challenges of Politicized Statehood Narratives and Identity Politics in Ethiopia

This paper set out to confer an argumentative essay on the contemporary challenges of politicized statehood narratives and identity politics in Ethiopia. In doing this my argument is mainly supplemented with secondary source of data. Accordingly, books, articles, and different published materials were critically reviewed. Based on a critical review of the existing literatures I argued that with the coming of ethnic identity as the mainstay of Ethiopian politics,displacements of civilians, ethno-centric-prejudice, inter-ethnic mistrust, and a sense of insecurity especially by non-ethnic residents of given places has been increased.Along with this, ethno-centric fundamentalist elites disseminates politicized statehood narratives that intends to depict ‘past historical injustice’ as being committed by the ‘Amhara ruling-class’ against all other ethnic group of the nation. Therefore, in my point of view the increasing number in the displacements of civilians, ethno-centric-prejudice, inter-ethnic mistrust, and a sense of insecurity especially by non-ethnic residents of given places in Ethiopia are looked to be directly or indirectly rooted from elites fabricated and politicized statehood narratives and identity politics. Hence, this condition is not alleviated soon it may lead the nation to path of fragmentation.To this end, in this paper I suggest that before going to take any measures to control and manage the country from being fragmented, we should first create national consensus based at forgiveness regarding what was happened in the past. Then we should clearly know the deep rooted nature and challenges of applying identity politics in the federal state of Ethiopia and must come up with sound systems that can promote sense of Nationalism in the first place. Keywords: Identity Politics, Politicized Statehood Narratives, Ethno-centrism, Nationalism, and Nation Fragmentation. DOI: 10.7176/IAGS/87-01 Publication date: October 31 st 2020