Estonian Government Research Articles

Transition and visual arts in Estonia 1988–1995: cultural policy, financing, legislation, and social changes

ABSTRACT This article focuses on the often-overlooked economic circumstances of artistic endeavors in Estonia from 1988 to 1995. It examines how the collapse of the Soviet Union, a deep economic crisis, the cessation of state patronage, and ultimately the downfall of the prevailing support system for art and artists – followed by a shift toward a neoliberal economy – impacted the arts and the principles governing the distribution of funds. The article covers legislative proposals and solutions introduced by the Estonian government, as well as the public discourse on economic and social crises within the art field, as reported by local newspapers.

Russian war, Estonian exceptions: Sovereignty, governmentality, biopolitics

The author analyzes Estonia as a case study to explore two interrelated research questions – how exceptions are produced and reversed through the mechanisms of sovereignty and governmentality projected onto geo- and biopolitical domains, and how the new practices of exceptionalization and de-exceptionalization contribute to the emergence of a new spatial order at Europe’s eastern margins? Three types of policies unfolded in Estonia as reactions to the Russian war against Ukraine are identified. First, the Estonian government introduced extraordinary measures based on the logic of national interests, which left much space for discretionary power to define risks, threats, and dangers. Secondly, some policy domains were intentionally de-exceptionalized for the sake of their better integration into Estonian normative space and as a reaction to the effects of the war. Third, in some cases there were exceptions from exceptions, which meant certain steps back toward normalization of the previously taken exceptional measures. The theoretical frame of the article consists of two nodal concepts – sovereignty and governmentality to be projected onto geo- and biopolitics treated as spheres in which sovereign and governmental powers operate and expose their political qualities.

Toward a decentralized copyright infrastructure as a ‘public service’: the case of Digiciti and Estonia

ABSTRACT This article investigates the process of collaboration between Digiciti Networks, a private company, and the public sector in Estonia, in their experiment of building a decentralized copyright registry for the music industry. Drawing upon existing research in national innovation policy and music industry studies, we examine our case as an endeavour for collaborative public value creation. We demonstrate that while the Estonian government has established innovation policy hubs capable of driving and coordinating challenge-oriented policies, other parts of the national innovation system lack the capacities and dynamic capabilities that could organically host ambitious visions of future infrastructures for the creative industries. Nonetheless, we also show how the developing regulatory and policy frameworks of the European Union influenced the development of the case and provided opportunities to advance it, especially with regard to the ‘public’ or ‘common’ nature of future data infrastructures as part of the European data and blockchain strategies.

Mapping the Scope of China’s Soft Power in Estonia

This article examines China’s soft power in Estonia since the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative in 2013. Findings have suggested that while Beijing’s domestic political values do not inform its projection of soft power, the Estonian government and general public perceive China mainly through the prism of its state-centric governance model and consequently view most of China’s deployment of supposedly “soft” power as sharp.

Discursive-Material Struggles over Legitimate Heroism

Through a combination of historical research and a series of research visits, this visual essay reflects on how Estonian memorials, related to the Second World War; are discursive-material assemblages, that function as floating signifiers. Grounded in a post-structuralist theorization of contingency, overdetermination and discursive struggle – particularly inspired by Laclau and Mouffe’s (1985) work – the notion of floating signifiers captures the significatory diversity of key concepts which have become integrated in different (and competing) discourses. By extending this framework to recent theoretical expansions that aim to validate both the discursive and the material (Carpentier, 2017), also the floating of discursive-material memorial assemblages can be incorporated into this analysis. This article, in particular, focusses on the discursive-material struggles over the articulation of the Estonian Second World War hero in the Estonian memorialscape, at a time when the Estonian government has been removing a considerable number of Soviet memorials from the Estonian public space (and plans to remove more). Beginning with the argument that not every Estonian Second World War memorial has been subjected to this discursive-material struggle, we then analyse the discursive-material struggle over the Soviet hero and the Waffen-SS hero, together with the remarkable absence of memorializations of the independent Estonian (nationalist) hero. In a case study, we zoom in on how a prestigious military decoration, the Cross of Liberty, becomes a significant illustration of the workings of the floating signifier, playing a role in both mainstream and radical-right-wing discourses about the Estonian hero during the Second World War. In our conclusion, we reflect about the absence of closure on what is the past, present and future of Estonia, and the ethical concerns that this absence raises.

Chronology of the Schism in the Estonian Orthodox Church in the Light of Relations between the Moscow and Constantinople Patriarchates

The question of property rights of Orthodox Estonians as well as the problem of coexistence of the two parallel Church jurisdictions on the Estonian territory remains unresolved to the present day, despite the regular meetings conducted and agreements reached. The relations between the Moscow and Constantinople Patriarchates on the Estonian issue have reached an impasse. The article presents and analyzes the chronology of the dissent in the Estonian Orthodox Church (EOC) from the perspective of the actions of the Moscow and Constantinople Patriarchates. This allows us to take a glance at the history of the dissent from a special angle in light of the relations between the two Patriarchates in order to identify the features of the strategy of the two Patriarchates, to note the main turning points in this relationship, to estimate the role of the Constantinople Patriarchate in the events related to the split of the EOC as a wholeas well as to propose ways out of the conflict, which is being exacerbated at this time. The novelty of the study lies in the fact that the problem of the dissent in the Estonian Orthodox Church is considered only against the background of the analysis of the actions of the Moscow and Constantinople Patriarchates. The connection is established between the events of 20-70s of the 20th century which preceded the dissent in the 1990s as well as the direct intervention of Constantinople Patriarchate in the EOC activity in the 1990s. For a research on the designated topic for the first time are used materials (as historical sources) from the archives of the Chancellery of the Estonian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate. Based on the results of the study, the author comes to the conclusion that the dissent in the EOC was provoked by the Constantinople Patriarchate, whose campaign to seize some parts of the Estonian Orthodox Church was carried out with the tacit approval of the Estonian government circles. In this regard, the author sees a way out of the created crisis only in close cooperation between the Church and the state, namely at the level of the governments of Estonia and Russia.

Organizational dilemmas of EU-funded policy development: the case of Estonian government task forces

IMPACT Public sectors are characterized by the increasing role of temporary policy development initiatives—often the result of targeted development funding like the EU structural funds. This article provides insight into the opportunities and constraints of temporary organizational arrangements enabled by central funding. Complex policy issues can be tackled outside of existing policy frameworks and problem-solving routines, but the practicalities of implementation and ownership after the end of the interventions need to be considered. Understanding the trade-offs means that public sector managers will be able to make the new arrangements more effective and sustainable. The authors draw out the lessons for international practice from an Estonian case study.

The State of Ethical AI in Practice

Despite the prolific introduction of ethical frameworks, empirical research on AI ethics in the public sector is limited. This empirical research investigates how the ethics of AI is translated into practice and the challenges of its implementation by public service organizations. Using the Value Sensitive Design as a framework of inquiry, semi-structured interviews are conducted with eight public service organizations across the Estonian government that have piloted or developed an AI solution for delivering a public service. Results show that the practical application of AI ethical principles is indirectly considered and demonstrated in different ways in the design and development of the AI. However, translation of these principles varies according to the maturity of the AI and the public servant's level of awareness, knowledge, and competences in AI. Data-related challenges persist as public service organizations work on fine-tuning their AI applications.

ESTONIAN ENERGY POLICY IN THE CONTEXT OF MODERN CHALLENGES

In today's political reality, the resilience and sustainability of Estonia's development depends on its ability to respond adequately to existing challenges and threats. Given the historical peculiarities of the development of the energy sector and the resulting dependence on Russian energy resources, energy independence is a key issue of national security. This raises the issue of developing the basic principles of energy policy, including the creation of new, potentially profitable gas and energy markets and the development of renewable energy. In developing its national energy sector, Estonia is taking into account EU initiatives aimed at overcoming dependence on Russian energy resources and transitioning to climate-neutral production. The subject of the study is the content and peculiarities of the Estonian energy policy formation. The purpose of the paper is to identify key areas and mechanisms for the implementation of Estonia's energy policy in the context of today's challenges. Research methodology: systematic approach, methods of analysis and generalization. The content of Estonia's energy policy is set out in a number of important documents, including the Strategy Estonia 2035 and the National Energy Development Plan until 2030. The key areas of energy policy implementation are synchronization with the power grid of continental Europe, participation in the formation of the European energy and gas market, renewable energy, development of cross-border cooperation in the energy sector, fulfillment of obligations under the European Green Deal to reduce CO2 emissions, and the role of shale production in Ida-Viru County. The issue of energy sustainability of Estonia and other countries in the Baltic-Finnish region is a key issue on the EU energy agenda. This is evidenced by the active public diplomacy of EU leaders to intensify cross-border cooperation of energy sector stakeholders in order to completely abandon Russian energy resources under the REPowerEU plan and to intensify the transition to climate-neutral production in the context of the European Green Deal. The EU's main energy security initiative is the Baltic Energy Market Interconnection Plan (BEMIP), which implements various projects. Estonia uses both economic and political mechanisms to implement its energy policy. Economic mechanisms include active participation in strategic projects (Baltic Synchronization, Balticconnector), 75% of which are financed by the Connecting Europe Facility. The potential of cross-border cooperation, especially with the countries of the Baltic-Finnish region, aimed at intensifying the development of renewable energy and regional energy and gas markets, is actively used. Estonian government officials pay considerable attention to the formation of dialogue and cooperation among energy sector stakeholders, which is evidenced by their participation in various special events and declaration of their intentions for mutually beneficial cooperation in the energy sector. Research findings: the key areas of implementation of the Estonian energy policy are synchronization with the EU energy system, participation in the formation of regional gas and energy markets, and intensification of energy production from renewable sources. The implementation of Estonia's energy policy is correlated with EU initiatives and is carried out through a number of economic and political mechanisms.

Välisministeeriumi protokolliteenistus (1918–40): kujunemine ja kujundajad

Välisministeeriumi protokolliteenistus (1918–40): kujunemine ja kujundajad

When shutdown is no option: Identifying the notion of the digital government continuity paradox in Estonia's eID crisis

States must increasingly manage cybersecurity threats and disruptions in their digital government infrastructures. However, the digital government literature lacks a systematic, more rigorous understanding of how states respond to such risks and crises and what factors can explain these responses. This article addresses this research gap by identifying explanatory mechanisms of cyber risk and crisis governance in a critical and, to date, unique case: the Estonian government's management of the ‘ROCA’ vulnerability, which rendered two-thirds of its national electronic identity cards vulnerable to a major security risk. The case provides one of few examples in which a digitally highly advanced state publicly dealt with a large-scale cyber risk at the heart of its digital government. Estonia overcame the crisis without constraining the affected infrastructures' functionality, while other countries did not. The article examines a seeming paradox of 'digital government continuity': Crisis managers can not afford to shut down widely adopted, yet vulnerable, digital systems. However, the vulnerable systems' continued operation contributes to their resilience. The article identifies five constructs that help explain digital government resilience: 1) technology management, 2) networked cooperation, 3) collaboration capital, 4) risk management capacity, and 5) legitimacy building.

Громадські організації української діаспори в Естонії

The article analyzes quantitative and qualitative data related to the activities of non-governmental organizations of Ukrainians in Estonia, including the structure of umbrella organizations, sources of funding, frequency of cultural events, their content and attendance. A comparison with the number of members of informal online associations of Ukrainians in Estonia, as well as with official demographic statistics, shows that there is significantly low coverage of the Ukrainian community by the services of Ukrainian diaspora organizations in Estonia. Based on a survey of members of informal online associations of Ukrainians in Estonia, it is shown that despite the general awareness of the goals of diaspora non-governmental organizations, primarily young immigrants with little experience in the country feel the dissonance between the activities of these non-governmental organizations and their needs, which leads to negative views on the activity of organizations of the Ukrainian diaspora in Estonia and weak involvement in the life of the local community. At the same time, the extensive network of Ukrainian diaspora organizations in the country, the availability of basic funding for those organizations from the Estonian government and material and technical support, long experience and relevance of issues related to the Ukrainian community in Estonian society, became a necessary prerequisite for a rapid and positive response of Estonian society to the significant influx of Ukrainian refugees who arrived after the full-scale invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation and the active mobilization of Estonian society to help war survivors.

Technology and democracy: the who and how in decision-making. The cases of Estonia and Catalonia

This paper focusses on the use of technology to improve democracy, comparing the cases of Estonia and Catalonia. Both examples are closely related in their use of technology to further democratize the decision-making processes, but have opposite starting points. Estonia’s internet voting system is an offshoot of the comprehensive e-governance system developed by the Estonian government. It is meant to make it more convenient for people to vote and, thus, easier for them to take part in elections. In Catalonia, the online participation system Decidim, initially set up in the city of Barcelona, represents a bottom-up project that emerged from the 15 May protests and aims to make the representative democratic system more direct and participatory. In our comparison we approach both paradigmatic cases from a theoretical reflection on the ideal types of democracy in relation to how decisions are made and by whom. Both projects have evolved and integrated new features that draw them together. First, internet voting is able to reach wider portions of society and digitally transform the Public Administration. Second, online participation platforms increase the potential for collecting citizens’ proposals and enriching discussions. These features make them more like a mixed model which, in the current model of representative democracy, creates spaces for a more direct and deliberative democracy.

Blockchain-based application at a governmental level: disruption or illusion? The case of Estonia

Abstract Blockchain technology enables new kinds of decentralized systems. Thus, it has often been advocated as a “disruptive” technology that could have the potentiality of reshaping political, economic, and social relations, “solving” problems like corruption, power centralization, and distrust toward political institutions. Blockchain has been gradually gaining attention beyond finance and is thus applied by a range of different actors. This includes local, regional, and national governments interested in the potentiality of experimenting with blockchain-supported governance. This article contributes to identifying blockchain as a contested socio-political object prone to contradictory political imaginaries regarding its potentialities, particularly when applied to policy. The article explores some of the most praised of blockchain’s affordances (e.g., decentralization and transparency) in the context of Estonia, one of the most cited examples of blockchain governmental applications. Estonia has received international attention as the alleged first national infrastructure integrating blockchain. However, so far, few have asked: what kind of blockchain-based tools have been built by the Estonian government in practice and why? And to what extent do blockchain-based governmental applications reflect the original promises of disruption of the crypto-community? This article draws on a qualitative approach to explore several blockchain-based socio-technical objects to identify the narratives that have emerged in Estonia. The research shows clear contrasting views between stakeholders and technical experts from inside and outside the institutional sphere. The conflict revolves around two different social imaginaries associated with permissioned vs. public blockchains. The paper concludes with an analysis of the profound political implications of each vision.

Enesemääramise paleus ja pragmaatika: Tartu versus Pariis

Enesemääramise paleus ja pragmaatika: Tartu versus Pariis

Tax In History: Transition from Soviet Union’s Tax Regime to Estonia’s Own Tax System

Dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 resulted in regaining independence for many countries, including Estonia. This caused the urgent need for the country to design its own tax system together with drafting all of the relevant legal acts and implementing them in practice. Both the Estonian Parliament and Government (although both were inherited from the Soviet Union regime, the parliament had not yet been elected by Estonian citizens) initiated this work already in 1990–1991 when the first value added tax (VAT) regulations, personal income tax, and corporate income tax laws were adopted. Significant change has occurred since June 1992 when the referendum on the adoption of the Estonian Constitution was held. According to it, all taxes would need to be stipulated in tax laws approved by the parliament which, thus far, had not often been the case. The next qualitative step was made in 1994 when tax laws that were more advanced entered into force. At that time, Estonia introduced a single flat tax rate for both individuals and companies (having the same flat tax rate both for individuals and companies has enabled Estonia to fully tax fringe benefits (non-monetary income from employment) at the employer level without any need to personalize the exact value of benefit received by each employee.). The corporate income tax system was further redesigned in 2000 when Estonia became the first country in the world where retained profits of companies remain untaxed until they are distributed to shareholders. Estonia, taxation, tax reform, flat tax, value added tax, tax treaties, corporate income tax, Estonian CIT model.

“No Sensational Disclosures”: Foreign States and the Establishment of an Authoritarian Regime in Estonia in 1934

On 12 March 1934, the Estonian government carried out a coup d’état and justified it by the danger allegedly posed by the radical right movement, the Estonian War of Independence Veterans’ League. This article examines the reports of diplomats residing in Estonia from six countries and concludes that the foreign diplomats were convinced that the real reason for the coup was the government’s fear of losing power to the Veterans as a result of the forthcoming elections. Nevertheless, the coup and the subsequent establishment of an undemocratic regime did not damage Estonia’s international position.

Framing the EU and the Green Deal in Estonia: A reluctant balancing act

As the new government incorporating the populist EKRE party took office in Estonia in spring 2019, concerns emerged about Estonia’s long-standing policy outlook of strong Euro-Atlantic integration. Other coalition members had to balance EKRE’s policy positions, which manifested in contradictory statements and vague decisions. Analysing the Estonian government’s rhetoric about the EU, this paper reveals how the government in its first year in office framed the European Union (EU). The Green Deal, or the EU’s target of achieving climate neutrality by 2050, emerged as one of the cross-cutting topics in the discourse, but the pragmatic rhetoric employed by ministers and the conflict between values and actions raises questions about the motivations of the government, and therefore results in what is termed as ‘reluctant’ Europeanisation.

Reforma sistema kripto licenci u Estoniji i predlog Uredbe o tržištima kripto imovine

As part of the EU's Digital Finance Strategy, the European Commission's proposed Regulation on Markets in Crypto Assets is currently going through its first readings in the Council. The goals of this regulation include protection of the customers, promoting innovation, unification of the regulation of cryptocurrencies at the EU market, etc. However, in parallel with this normative initiative, Estonia is already mulling the overhaul of its entire system of crypto-licensing. A Danske bank scandal demonstrated weaknesses of the current cryptolicensing and it is now on the Estonian government, as the first EU government to encounter this kind of situation, to try to improve current regulation. In this article, both MiCA and the roots of the potential overhaul of crypto-licensing in Estonia will be analysed.

ClimMIT - Climate change mitigation with CCS and CCU technologies

The ClimMIT project was funded by Estonian Research Council from National Programme for Addressing Socio-Economic Challenges through R&D (RITA), which is supported by the Estonian Government and European Regional Development Fund from April 2019 to April 2021. ClimMIT (https://www.taltech.ee/climmit) aims to assess the feasibility of investing in carbon capture infrastructure to minimise greenhouse gas emissions (GHG) from oil shale industry in Estonia. The main technological deliverables of the project include analysis and recommendations on measures for potential implementation of carbon capture technologies and utilisation of carbon dioxide in Estonia’s public and private sectors. Estonia’s economy has, per capita, one of the highest GHG emission rates and carbon-intensity levels in the European Union. To decrease GHG emissions, the best options for implementing carbon capture and utilization (CCU) technologies must be worked out. The main goal of the project is to assess the suitability of existing CCU technologies and to develop scenarios for adopting these technologies in Estonia’s oil shale sector. The project results in a multifaceted overview of the feasibility of investing in carbon capture infrastructure to help to minimize GHG emissions from the oil shale industry in Estonia.