Engagement Of Civil Society Organizations Research Articles

A multisectoral and multidisciplinary endeavor: a review of diabetes self-management apps in China

BackgroundWhile the use of self-management apps has considerable promise to efficiently reduce the diabetes burden that disproportionally affects low- and middle-income countries (LMICs), and the multisectoral and multidisciplinary approaches have been encouraged to be used in diabetes management, little is known about the status of the integration of these approaches in the existing diabetes self-management apps. This review examines the diabetes apps in China as an indication of the current status of integrating multisectoral and multidisciplinary approaches in diabetes mHealth care in LMICs. MethodsEligible diabetes apps were searched on major Chinese app stores up to December 23, 2022. The app comprehensiveness index (ranging 0–80) regarding the app functions and diabetes management domains was created. The multisectoral and multidisciplinary features were summarized using indices derived from current guidance. ResultsSixty-six apps were reviewed, all developed by private companies. The average comprehensiveness score was 16, with many major self-management domains and functions not represented among the reviewed apps. Forty apps (61%) involved multiple sectoral entities, with public/private and private/private collaborations being the most common collaborative combinations. Thirty-seven apps (56%) involved multiple disciplines, among which endocrinology/metabolism, nutrition, and cardiovascular medicine were the top three most common disciplines. Compared to non-multidisciplinary apps, multidisciplinary apps tended to provide more comprehensive services in apps (6.14 vs. 5.18, p = 0.0345). Different sectors and disciplines tended to work independently, without robust interactions, in providing diabetes management services in the reviewed apps.ConclusionMultisectoral and multidisciplinary features has presented in the current diabetes self-management apps in China; however, it is still in its infancy and significant limitations existed. More engagement of civil society organizations and community groups and innovative collaborations between sectors and disciplines are needed to provide comprehensive, continuous, and patient-centered mHealth care for patients with diabetes in LMICs like China. Clear guidance for integrating and evaluating the multisectoral and multidisciplinary efforts in self-management apps is necessary to ensure the effective use of mHealth solutions for diabetes management in LMICs.

A difficult journey from enactment to implementation of local content policy: instigating factors and accountability mechanisms for achieving sustainable development

PurposeThe study examines the instigating factors behind the development of the local content (LC) policy in Ghana and it further investigates the accountability mechanisms that drive the LC policy implementation to promote sustainable development.Design/methodology/approachThe study reports on a series of interviews with key actors using Institutional Theory and the application of Bovens’ (2010) Global Accountability Framework as a lens for discussion and interpretation of results.FindingsThe results reveal that two forces instigated LC policy enactment. One is external funding pressure from the Norwegian government and the World Bank. The other is the government’s engagement of Civil Society Organisations and other internal stakeholders to justify its activities and missions to signal adherence to impartiality, neutrality, and, to a lesser extent, solidarity. The analysis also reveals tensions in how accountability legitimacy relates to implementation of the LC policy. The study further discovers that while participation, transparency, monitoring, and evaluation are frequently invoked as de jure institutional legitimacy in oil and gas contracts, actual practices follow normative (de facto) institutionalism rather than what the LC policy law provides.Research limitations/implicationsThe interview had a relatively small number of participants, which can be argued to affect the study’s validity. Nevertheless, given the data saturation effect and the breadth of the data obtained from the respondents, this study represents a significant advancement in LC policy enactment knowledge, implementation mechanisms and enforcement in an emerging O&G industry.Practical implicationsThe findings of this study suggest that future policy development in emerging economies should involve detailed consultations to increase decision-maker knowledge, process transparency and expectations. This will improve implementation and reduce stakeholder tension, conflict and mistrust.Originality/valueThe findings of this study build on earlier investigations into legitimacy, accountability and impression management in and outside the O&G sector. Also, the findings reveal the legitimising tactics used by O&G actors to promote local content sustainable development targets.

"That was not the discussion we wanted to have": Engagement of civil society organizations with synthetic biology.

Responsible Research and Innovation calls for comprehensive public and stakeholder involvement. Its specific requirements, however, have raised criticism concerning the limitation of engagement opportunities for actors like Civil Society Organizations that do not share mainstream perspectives on technological innovations. Our article investigates the engagement of critical Civil Society Organizations in public debates and dialogues on synthetic biology and asks how they contribute to opening up respective debates. Based on three case studies, we show how Civil Society Organizations engage in and frame the debate on synthetic biology in different organizational formats. We find that Civil Society Organizations have explicitly challenged visions of a sustainable future by airing concerns about its risks and adverse impacts and engage in ontological debates about synthetic biology. Yet, we argue that different engagement formats are needed to ensure a diverse public debate on synthetic biology.

The vulnerability of migrants living in large urban areas to COVID-19: Exacerbators and mitigators

Abstract Background Even though large urban areas have been researched in the context of COVID-19, evidence on how COVID-19 impacted migrants -a particularly vulnerable group- in these settings is still limited. Objective: To explore exacerbating and mitigating factors of large urban areas on migrants’ vulnerabilities during the COVID-19 pandemic. Methods We conducted a systematic review of peer-reviewed literature published between 2020-2022 and focused on migrants (foreign-born individuals who have not been naturalized in the host country, regardless of immigration status) in urban areas with a population >500.000. After screening 880 studies, 29 studies were included and categorized within the following thematic framework: 1) Underlying structural inequities, 2) governance and economic structure, 3) urban design, and 4) engagement of civil society organizations (CSO). Results Exacerbating factors include pre-existing inequities (e.g., unemployment, financial precarity, and barriers to healthcare access), exclusionary government responses (e.g., relief funds or unemployment benefits), and residential segregation. Mitigating factors include the engagement of CSOs and the implementation of innovative governance strategies such as e-governance and use of teleservices. Recommendations: We recommend increased attention to pre-existing social inequities faced by migrants, inclusive governance strategies, and partnerships between government and CSOs to improve the design and delivery of services to migrants in large urban areas. More research is needed on how urban design can be utilized to mitigate the COVID-19 impacts on migrant communities. Conclusions The factors identified in this systematic review should be considered as part of migrant-inclusive emergency preparedness to address the disproportionate impact of similar public health crises on migrant communities. Key messages

The Process for Provision of Humanitarian Aid and Sustainable Peace and Development in Central Equatorial and the Other States in South Sudan: Post 2005 to 2020

Humanitarian aid aims to mitigate the suffering of people, alleviate poverty, and lay a firm foundation for sustainable peace and development. This research paper aims to assess the impact of humanitarian aid in two counties of Central Equatoria State of South Sudan. The provision of humanitarian aid is one of the pillars in the process of peace-building. Understanding the provision of humanitarian aid helps assess the impact of humanitarian activities on post-conflict communities. It contributes to understanding the practical process of peace-building to prevent a resumption of conflict in post-conflict communities. The outbreak of intra-conflict in December 2013 in Juba shows that the process of peace-building was not effective. A qualitative method was applied for data collection and analysis. Primary data was gathered through in-depth interviews of key informants, including selected community leaders, civil society organizations, national and international non-governmental organizations, staff of UN agencies, and key national and state officials. Stratified purposive interviews were conducted in Juba and Kajokeji Counties. Two focus group discussions were held in Juba and the other in Kajokeji. Secondary data from various academic and policy institutions were used to supplement the primary data. The data were analyzed using methods of ethnography and discourse interpretation, observation, and interaction. Coordinating the processes of recovery and development requires humanitarian principles. Development partners, host communities, policymakers, and others underestimated the challenges in delivering humanitarian aid. The democratic system that the national government of South Sudan advocated was not based on principles of good governance and on the engagement of civil society organizations, which are the custodian of the social contract between the citizen and the national government. The process for the provision of humanitarian aid did not relieve much suffering in communities. It contributed less effective effort to the process of peace-building to prevent the reoccurrence of conflict in Central Equatoria and the other states of South Sudan. The process would require the practice of good governance.

Investigating the political economy of the territory: The contradictory responses of organisations to spatial inequality

The spatial imaginations of organisations can be particularly insightful for examining power relations. However, only recently they have gone beyond the limits of the workplace, demonstrating the role of the territory for organised action, particularly in mobilising solidarity for resistance. In this article, I investigate power relations revealed by the political economy of the territory to explain contradictory actions undertaken by organisations. Specifically, I adopt the theoretical framework of the noted Brazilian geographer Milton Santos, who recognises spatial multiplicity and fragmentation while maintaining an appreciation of the structural conditions of the political economy. This perspective is particularly useful for the analysis of civil society organisations (CSOs) in a Brazilian favela (slum), given the context of high inequality perpetuated by the selective flows of urban development. First, I show that the history of favelas and their role in the territorial division of labour explain the profiles of existing organisations. Then, I examine how the political engagement of CSOs with distinct solidarities results in a dialectical tension that leads to both resistance based on local shared interests and the active reproduction of central spaces even if the ends are not shared. The article contributes to the literature of space and organisations by explaining how territorial dynamics mediate power relations within and across organisations, not only as resistance but also as the active reproduction of economic and political regimes.

The effects of EU conditionality on patterns of policy engagement of civil society organizations in candidate countries

ABSTRACT EU political conditionality for candidate countries brings an unprecedented focus on transforming standards and practices of civil society engagement in policymaking and introduces a number of mechanisms for supporting reforms in this area. However, there is still not enough evidence on the effects of various conditionality mechanisms for various patterns of civil society policy engagement in countries on the path to EU accession. Drawing on theoretical approaches from Europeanization and interest group research, the paper seeks to analyse how various EU mechanisms influence the involvement, access and prominence of civil society organizations in national policymaking processes in the pre-accession phase. Based on the analysis of the cases of Serbia and Montenegro as the only two Western Balkans candidate countries which have started EU accession negotiations, it is argued that a clearer and more consistent application of EU conditionality can lead to more advanced civil society policy engagement, but its effectiveness depends on the genuine commitment of government bodies to proactive transparency and fundamental freedoms. It is also argued that purely formal government compliance with EU requirements can remain only a window dressing exercise and a source of legitimizing authorities’ decision-making processes without empowering effects on domestic civil society actors.

Engagement of CSOs in the Collaborative Governance of Education Policy Process in Cabo Verde

This paper analyses the engagement of Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) in the collaborative governance of education policies in Cabo Verde. In contrast with the mainstream view of CSOs as opposition groups separate from the state, the paper frames them as integrative parts of the collaborative governance process. CSOs’ collaboration with the government in education policy-making generates a (societal linking) social capital in the form of understanding, shared norms, and mutual trust among the various stakeholders within the education system. Such capital is an important resource to guarantee the proficiency and efficiency of education policies.

Deconstructing Modern Slavery Statements: A Detailed Analysis of Arcadia Group and Babcock International

What can be learned from a detailed reading of the statements made by firms in response to Section 54 of the UK’s Modern Slavery Act 2015? This paper presents an in-depth analysis of the development of the statements over time for two large companies in different sectors and with contrasting characteristics. We show that the statements progress in sophistication over time, but have serious limitations. We demonstrate that although they present interesting information about the management of working conditions in the firms’ supply chains, they do little to address the problems of modern slavery per se. Furthermore, we show that the statements can contrast strongly with other documents published by the firm, and with established patterns of business practice. For both firms, we show that a deep understanding of the context of the organization is essential for interpreting the statements – but this contextual information is unlikely to be available to the casual reader. We conclude that the statements, as they are currently specified may in fact provide a way of deflecting the engagement of Civil Society Organisations, in a way not envisaged in the formulation of the Act. This paper is an extended version of a section of the report Hsin, L., New, S.J., Pietropaoli, I. and Smit, L. (2021). Accountability, Monitoring and the Effectiveness of Section 54 of the Modern Slavery Act: Evidence and Comparative Analysis. London: Modern Slavery Policy and Evidence Centre, providing greater detail than was possible to include in that report.

Law-Making, Civil Society and the Treaty on Business & Human Rights: Strategies for Effectiveness

This thesis dissects the Zero Draft of the Treaty on Business & Human Rights, encompassing both its legal and political controversies. By assessing previous experiences of politically controverted negotiations that resulted on protective treaties (namely, the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control and the Ottawa Treaty on Anti-Personnel Landmines), it argues that the engagement of Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) is essential for a progressive and broadly ratified treaty to be achieved. Building upon Putnam's Two-Level Games theory, it then argues that the political feasibility of the Treaty can be directly impacted through coordinated CSO strategies. A key challenge that CSOs must address is the corporate capture of the treaty-making process, especially through the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC) and the European Union. By employing the framing methodology, this work analyses the rhetorical strategies used by those actors to limit political engagement. It then compares this framing to corporate strategies employed in other treaty negotiations, and proposes a counter-framing (to be adopted by CSOs and engaged States) to combat corporate capture. This thesis ultimately sustains that there is both the need and realistic hope for the Treaty, especially if CSOs effectively reframe and push the narrative that (i) the Treaty and the UN Guiding Principles complement one another; (ii) EU countries are actively favouring corporate interest over human rights; and (iii) the Treaty must be more ambitious so as to include, among others, mandatory human rights due diligence and direct obligations upon parent companies.

Lessons from the Thai Health Promotion Foundation.

To facilitate the policy response to noncommunicable diseases in Thailand, parliament adopted the Health Promotion Foundation Act in 2001. This Act led to the establishment of an autonomous government body, the Thai Health Promotion Foundation, called ThaiHealth. The foundation receives its revenue from a 2% surcharge of excise taxes on tobacco and alcohol. The fund supports evidence generation, campaigns and social mobilization to address noncommunicable disease risk factors, such as tobacco-use, harmful use of alcohol and sedentary behaviour. On average, its annual revenue is 120 million United States dollars (US$). Some notable ThaiHealth-supported public campaigns are for schools free of sweetened carbonated beverages; alcohol abstinence during three-month Buddhist lent; and nationwide physical activity. The percentage of people using tobacco decreased from 22.5% in 2001 to 18.2% in 2014. The annual per capita alcohol consumption decreased from 8.1 litres pure alcohol in 2005 to 6.9 litres in 2014. The percentage of the adult population doing at least 150 minutes of moderate-intensity or 75 minutes high-intensity aerobic exercise per week, increased from 66.3% in 2012 to 72.9% in 2017. A dedicated funding mechanism, a transparent and accountable organization, and the engagement of civil society organizations and other government agencies have enabled ThaiHealth to run these campaigns.

Maternal mortality in Ethiopia: can a rights-based approach cure?

Preventable maternal death as a human rights concern is gaining greater momentum. This article examines the normative framework applying to maternal mortality, and highlights the important link that exists between women’s right to health and several other rights. It then discusses the differing, yet complementary, aspects of the nature of women’s right to health as a right relevant to shaping a human rights approach to maternal mortality, namely: achieving health-care services that are available, accessible, acceptable, and of high quality; engagement of civil society organisations in the promotion and protection of women’s health rights; and ensuring functioning accountability mechanisms. Even though the country recognises the right to health and other complementary rights in its current constitution, and also subscribes to numerous human rights instruments that incorporate the right to health, which equally apply to women, the article finds that there is a selective approach to women’s access to health goods and services; the room for mobilising civil society is restrictive; and an inefficient accountability system exits. Relying on the requirements of human rights norms and standards, the article argues for the potential role of operationalisation of the rights-based model to further reducing or eliminating maternal mortality in the Sustainable Development Goals period. Key words: human rights, maternal health, maternal mortality, rights-based approach to health

Strategic or Principled? The Engagement of Civil Society Organizations with the EU

ABSTRACTThis article links the literature on the Europeanization of civil society organizations (CSOs) with the literature on the contribution CSOs can make to democracy in the EU. To do so, it asks which are the pull factors that support CSOs’ Europeanization: are they mostly strategic and linked to where law-making and the money are? Or are they likewise linked to a desire to contribute to EU democracy? To explore this question, the article looks at agricultural, environmental and anti-poverty groups and combines fresh qualitative with quantitative data. The findings suggest that we need to distinguish strategic Europeanization, on the one hand, from the identification with supranational democracy, on the other. They also show that the most Europeanized organizations need not be the most interested in EU democracy, whereas organizations with a comparatively low degree of Europeanization can still be interested in EU democracy.

Civil society engagement in multi-stakeholder dialogue: a qualitative study exploring the opinions and perceptions of MeTA members

BackgroundThe Medicines Transparency Alliance (MeTA) is an initiative that brings together all stakeholders in the medicines market to create a multi-stakeholder dialogue and improve access, availability and affordability of medicines. Key to this multi-stakeholder dialogue is the participation of Civil Society Organisations. A recent MeTA annual review, identified uneven engagement of civil society organisations in the multi-stakeholder process. This study was designed to explore the engagement of Civil Society Organisations in the MeTA multi-stakeholder process and the factors influencing their participation.MethodsParticipants were drawn from a convenience sample of key MeTA informants attending a MeTA global meeting in Geneva in 2014. Study participants consisted of members of MeTA, which included representatives from government, the private sector and civil society. In-depth semi-structured face-to-face interviews were conducted to identify perceptions around the barriers to civil society engagement in the multi-stakeholder process. Interviews were guided by a conceptual framework exploring the three main themes of the political environment, relative stakeholder strength and agenda setting/gatekeepers. Interviews were structured to enable additional themes to emerge and be explored. Fifteen interviews were conducted. The interviews were audio recorded, transcribed verbatim and analysed using a general inductive approach. All interviewees provided written informed consent.ResultsFindings were captured within three main overarching themes: the political environment, relative stakeholder strength and agenda setting/gatekeepers, with the opportunity for additional themes to emerge in the interviewing process. The study conformed these three themes were important in the engagement process. Participants reported that civil society engagement is particularly limited by those who set the agenda. It was largely seen that the political environment was the significant factor that enabled or disabled all others. The findings counter the argument that CSO barriers to engagement are predominantly due to capacity issues.ConclusionsThis study enriches previous findings by providing insights into civil society participation in multi-stakeholder dialogue, specifically the MeTA initiative. The development of more rigorous and systematic accountability mechanisms in order to maintain the legitimacy of decision-making processes and establish more equal power relations would significantly benefit the engagement of civil society organisations. The results inform practical recommendations for MeTA and future multi-stakeholder programmes tasked with improving policy on the access, availability and affordability of medicines.

Enhancing Citizen Engagement with Open Government Data

The research deals primarily with the research question – How can engagement of civil society organizations with open government data be enhanced? To answer the question, an action research was conducted in two provinces in the Philippines. The research showed that for capacity building programs to be effective, they should be relevant to the condition of the CSOs and the individual needs of learners; conducted with a long-term view of ensuring use and actual impact to the organization and the constituencies that they serve; and focused on higher-order results like changes in practices and behavior of organizations and individuals.

Increasing Tuberculosis yield from investigation of contacts of smear positive TB cases through engagement of civil society organizations: active TB case finding in Mombasa, Kenya

Increasing Tuberculosis yield from investigation of contacts of smear positive TB cases through engagement of civil society organizations: active TB case finding in Mombasa, Kenya

Increasing tuberculosis yield from investigation of contacts of smear positive TB cases through engagement of civil society organizations: Active TB case finding in Mombasa, Kenya

Increasing tuberculosis yield from investigation of contacts of smear positive TB cases through engagement of civil society organizations: Active TB case finding in Mombasa, Kenya

Constraining Factors of Civic Engagement in Public Policy-making in Bangladesh: A Framework for Analysis

Institutionalised engagement of civil society organisations (CSOs) in public policy-making is increasingly being emphasised in the literature of democracy and development. In a developing country like Bangladesh where the state has limited capacity in policy management, the engagement of CSOs might bring additional resources and responsiveness in public policy-making. From this perspective, this paper offers an analysis framework to explain the constraining factors of the civic engagement in public policy-making in Bangladesh. The central argument of the research framework is that the civic engagement in policy-making depends mostly on the quality of interactions between the state and the CSOs. Such interactions might be limited due to political constraints for government, and socio-economic and cultural constraints for CSOs. The political economy of developing countries requires a new role of state and CSOs in policy management, which is yet to be discovered. This paper is likely to contribute to assess the pressing needs of state and civil society interactions and explore how the political, economic and cultural factors prevent or facilitate the advocacy functions of CSOs. Overall, this framework is intended to generate some analytical options to rethink future research on civic engagement in public policy-making in emerging democracies like Bangladesh.

Myanmar’s Proactive National Legislature

Myanmar’s first multiparty national legislature in 50 years has played an influential role in shaping the country’s reform process and the evolving relationship between citizens and their government. Parliamentarians have used a variety of means to expand their mandate and weigh in on key issues. They have accomplished much more than expected in terms of representation, legislative performance, executive oversight, and constituency services. This is due to the dynamic leadership of key figures in parliament, the tolerance up to a point of senior administration and military personnel, and the effective engagement of civil society organizations.

Explaining ASEAN's Engagement of Civil Society in Policy-making: Smoke and Mirrors

Since the late 1990s, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has widened policy-making to include civil society organisations (CSOs), paralleling developments in other regional and global governance institutions where the inclusion of CSOs in policy-making is considered necessary to address these institutions’ ‘democracy deficit’. A rich empirical literature documents this trend, highlighting the range of participatory mechanisms and their challenges. However, theoretical explanations for why governance institutions engage CSOs and the limitations of these processes are lacking. This paper harnesses political economy analysis to explain this trend. Examining the form and function of civil society engagement in ASEAN, this article demonstrates that ASEAN's inclusion of civil society functions in legitimating its market-building reform programme, while its participatory mechanisms are structured to include amenable interests and marginalise non-compatible groups. Thus, ASEAN's engagement of CSOs and the broader trend of participatory policy-making should be considered as creating sites for contestation, rather than being implicitly democratising.