End Of War Research Articles

An Epidemic of Nervous Breakdowns and Crisis Suicides in Britain’s War of Nerves, 1938–1940

Abstract As contemporaries noted, the long months from the Munich Crisis (autumn 1938) through to the end of the Phoney War (spring 1940) felt like a ‘war of nerves’. The battlefields were physical and material as much as psychological and imagined. Turning to sources that reveal visceral experience, we can explore the internal and internalized history of the international crisis. First, I listen to writers, politicians, academics, anthropological researchers, psychiatrists, and advertisers as one after the other they projected this overwhelming nervous disorder onto bodies and onto the body politic. In his largely forgotten Journal under the terror, 1938 (1939), the Bloomsburyite, prolific man of letters, and literary scholar F. L. Lucas emerges as a perspicacious narrator of the war of nerves, and he was both witness and victim of a world he described as filled with ‘nervous breakdowns’. Second, I exhume the casualties of this war of nerves, a group of people who exercised their bodily autonomy and self-determination to free themselves from the world in crisis. Based on a dataset of 185 cases, the ‘crisis suicides’ – ‘committed daily by people terrorised at the thought of a war’ – constituted an apparent epidemic. Together these bodies of evidence of bodily experience make a case for reframing and renaming the period, and identifying the first battle of Britain’s ‘People’s War’.

CHINA, THE ILLIBERAL COUNTER-ORDER, AND THE ROLE OF VALUES IN THE STRATEGIC RESPONSE

This study examines how the People’s Republic of China’s advance of its economic and other objectives both supports, and benefits from the challenges by illiberal states to the rules-based international order. It argues that one of the most important dynamics of the current international system is how, in the context of interdependence and interaction accelerated by new technologies, the feedback loop between those activities of the PRC, and its international partners, are simultaneously enriching and empowering the PRC, and expanding the space in which such illiberal actors can operate, while also weakening the institutions and rule of law which have created the basis for interdependence, security, and prosperity since the end of the Second World War. This work recognizes the variety of goals of illiberal actors with which the PRC engages for its own benefit, distinguishing the dynamic from the structure of competing “blocks” that characterized the Cold War. This work further looks at the interaction between political and economic systems under stress new technologies, and the role of the state in this transformational period, It argues that the new dynamic is reopening fundamental questions about the relationship between the state, individual, and society, and associated questions about economic and political organization itself is in question. In addressing these challenges, this work concludes that transactional “competition” between Western democracies and their opponents for the loyalties of the rest is not enough. It argues that that Western democracies must both hedge against the coming destabilization of the international system, while leading by example and advancing more compelling arguments in the new context for why societal interests are best served by the protection of individual rights and individual choice as the foundation of government legitimacy, as well as for individual ownership and initiative, rather than government as the principal generator of economic value and technological progress in society.

The consequences of Germany’s scorched-earth policy for the inhabitants of the Vištytis area during World War II

Based on the story of one family, the article discusses the experience of the inhabitants of the Vištytis area (now the village of Totorkiemis, Vilkaviškis district) in the aftermath of the Nazi scorched-earth policy at the end of the Second World War. It examines the relations of the evacuees with civilian and military Germans and Soviets, as well as with Poles. It focuses on the family’s home life and the war experience in exile.

“To the crematorium”: postwar U.S. tourism to West German concentration camps and beyond

AbstractFor a long time since the end of the Second World War, the memory of concentration camps influenced U.S. public views on Germany. When in the late 1940s Americans could travel to West Germany again, a new tourist industry brought West Germany, and with-it Germany’s recent past, closer to the U.S. American public. This article investigates the renewed travel interest of Americans in West Germany with a special focus on former concentration camp sites. It demonstrates the importance of tourism in creating new cultural ties, the ways in which U.S. tourism to the camps established a memory of the Second World War, and how these narratives influenced German-American relations. In newspaper articles, visitors to West Germany shared their experiences, attitudes, and challenges upon visiting the former concentration camp sites and through those interactions made sense of the war and their own position in the postwar world order.

Poverty, Development and Hunger in a Global Age

This paper opines that the issues of poverty, development, and hunger have become increasingly prominent since the end of World War II. It stresses that in the early phase, this occurred as decolonization failed to bring about economic and social progress in what was then portrayed as the Third World, at the same time that industrially advanced Western countries were experiencing historically unprecedented levels of economic growth. As global economic disparities widened, some argued that colonialism had given way to ‘neocolonialism’, political domination having been replaced by more subtle but no less effective economic domination. Others heralded the emergence of a ‘North–South divide’. This paper emphasizes that in this context, bodies as different as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), on the one hand, and a host of development Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and activist groups on the other, came to view the task of reducing the gap between rich countries and poor countries as amoral imperative. However, the paper stresses that poverty, development, and hunger are complex and deeply controversial issues. It examines the orthodox mainstream understanding of poverty, development, and hunger, and contrasts this with a critical alternative approach. Consideration is given to how successful the development orthodoxy has been in incorporating and thereby neutralizing the concerns of the critical alternative. The paper then closes with an assessment of the likelihood of a globalization with a human face in the twenty-first century.

Does War Make States? Military Spending and the Italian State‐Building, 1861–1945

ABSTRACTWe present empirical evidence on the relationship between military spending and the expansion of other government budget items and tax revenues from the unification of Italy (1861) up to the end of World War II. Until 1922, investments in education and social transfers to families mainly moved in step with defence spending. This means that increases in defence spending imply an increase in both education spending and transfers. Moreover, transfers also play a compensatory role during recessions. Increases in defence spending do not crowd out investment in capital expenditure, while disinvestment in defence is associated with an increase in investment in capital. The pro‐cyclical behaviour of tax revenues is compatible with the debt‐financing dynamic of much government expenditure. Although our analytical narrative is not universally valid, it does support the persistent centrality of external wars in the discontinuous growth and expansion of central government in the Italian state, with some exceptions explained by historical events.

Unpacking Human Rights: Freedom of Consciousness, Bodily Autonomy & Right to Life in the Context of War on Drugs Crimes

Abstract This study explores the interplay between the right to life, right to development, bodily autonomy and freedom of conscience, and demonstrates how these factors collectively shape the concept of freedom of consciousness and simultaneously lead to increased access to altered states of consciousness, cognitive liberty, freedom of development, and the peak experiences that Abraham Maslow researched. Second chapter delves into the intersection of human rights and drug policy, specifically examining the implications of the War on Drugs on individual freedoms. It argues that the War on Drugs has led to a violation of fundamental human rights, including cognitive liberty, bodily autonomy, and the right to life. Through an analysis of international human rights law and case studies from around the world, the paper demonstrates how drug-related crimes have resulted in mass incarceration, violence, and human rights abuses. It also explores decriminalization of drug use, end of War on Drugs and criminalization of its’ crimes. The research results provide insights into the interrelation between these three concepts, shedding light on how they intersect and influence each other and in context of War on Drugs hostile environment. Findings also suggest that the War on Drugs has resulted in a significant violation of fundamental human rights.

Etruscologia e ideologia nel XX secolo

Etruscology developed in the 20th century as a scientific discipline thanks to and against the ideologies of its time. In Italy, between Unification and the March on Rome, Etruscan studies were encouraged by an exacerbated nationalism. Once Unity was achieved, the Italians had to be made, considering the Etruscans the precursors of Rome and the ancestors of the Italians. Then, from 1922 until the end of World War II, Fascism favoured the structuring of Etruscology thanks to the Istituto di Studi Etruschi, which gave the discipline international visibility, but Fascism also oriented a whole series of Italian studies towards the idea of the autochthony of the Etruscans, against that of a heteroctony, promoted by Nazi Germany to identify the Etruscans as oriental individuals of an inferior race. Only slowly did Etruscologists shed the values associated with fascism and turn towards liberalism or communism to renew their conception of the origin, society and art of the Etruscans.

Педагогическата компетентност на родителя – литературни прочити на лирически произведения за деца от Българското възраждане до 1944 г.

Abstract: The focus of this article is the pedagogical competence of the parent as reflected in children's literature, particularly in children's lyrics from the Bulgarian Renaissance to the end of World War II in 1944. The aim is to delineate at an intertextual level the image of the parent as a bearer and translator of values, pat¬terns of thinking and behaviour that are universal regardless of their contextual ex¬istence. The hypothesis is that transformations in the image, which are the result of cultural changes, give rise to modifications in the structure of parental peda¬gogical competence, while preserving basic elements in it, reflecting archetypal characteristics in the universal image of the parent. The analysis is made after a selection of lyrical texts by Bulgarian poets, in which they write on the themes of parenthood, the family world, motherhood, the family, the upbringing of children, patriarchal values, and traditions. The features of the artistic images, including that of the mother and the father, are highlighted, the linguistic and stylistic pecu¬liarities in the lyrical works are established. Quotations and examples are given from lyrical texts of children’s literature in Bulgaria, which serve an illustrative and evidential function. Keywords: parenting, pedagogical competence, children's literature, lyrical works.

A Constructivist Perspective on Inter-Korean Relations: The Evolution of Identity and Interstate Interactions

The issue of the confrontational relationship between the two countries on the Korean Peninsula has been widely discussed worldwide, but there are still shortcomings in research on the Cold War period. Based on the current situation, this article utilizes constructivist theory, represented by Alexander Wendt’s viewpoint, to analyze the evolution of identity recognition and interaction between North and South Korea during the Cold War. Through analysis, the relationship between North and South Korea was at a freezing point at the end of the Korean War, and there were signs of easing in the following twenty years. The idea and concept of peaceful reunification were proposed, and after the end of the Cold War, the relationship took a big step forward, beginning cultural and economic exchanges and cooperation. Therefore, this article concludes that the relationship between North and South Korea gradually shifted from extreme confrontation to a certain degree of cooperation during the Cold War.

DECONSTRUCTING STABILITY: THE IMPACT OF THE RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN WAR ON THE FORMATION OF A NEW SYSTEM OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

On February 24, 2022, a full-scale Russian aggression against Ukraine began. It became a continuation of the Russian hybrid offensive and finally testified to the transition to a new geopolitical reality. In this sense, the Russian-Ukrainian war of 2014–2024 should be considered a postponed major European war. It initiated the transition from post-bipolarity to a neo-post-bipolar international system. The Russian-Ukrainian war became the most powerful armed conflict in Europe after the end of the Second World War. Russian hybrid and full-scale aggression caused a wave of political-diplomatic, military, socio-economic tsunami. It significantly influenced the transformation of the post-bipolar international order that functioned after the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union and the communist bloc. Today, it is impossible to accurately determine all the consequences and changes in the international arena that the modern Russian-Ukrainian war will lead to. However, it should be considered a turning point for the activation of radical changes. First, the modern neo-post-bipolar system of unstable equilibrium relations is characterized by an orientation towards the transformation of the global international order into a “post-American world”. Secondly, other centers of globalization have emerged and are gaining strength, especially the People's Republic of China and the EU, as well as the G 20 and BRICS states. Thirdly, the Russian Federation seeks to create an anti-American/anti-Western coalition in the face of an acute armed conflict and increased sanctions. Fourthly, the transformation of the modern system of international relations takes place in the direction of the formation of polycentrism while preserving the “deconstruction of stability”, that is, the strengthening of the conflict-causing potential at the global, regional, and peripheral levels.

Women as cultural agents: Double coloniality, gender and diasporic memories of ethnic Greek Georgian women

In 2021, the world commemorated the 30th anniversary of the end of the Cold War, a half-century of ideological rivalry and divisions that left few societies untouched. ‘Cold War state of mind’, as the title of the book of Matthew Dune stated, with the primacy it gave to nation-states, overlooked issues of not belonging in dominant majorities and hegemonic cultures, for example, ethnic minorities and diasporas. In this framework, Greek-speaking communities in the former Soviet Union seemed to draw from their cultural background to become rooted in the Soviet ethnic mosaic but also to increase their social capital which in the 1990s turned to an important transnational value due to the migrant flows from Georgia to Greece. This article follows the life stories of two ethnic Greek women over the time of three decades through their memories since the 1980s, from the Black Sea region to Greece, to discuss how they address the post-socialist demand for an integration to the free market and how their double coloniality as Soviet and diasporic subjects interweaves with this demand.

Šiauliai Labour Camp No. 294 of Prisoners of War of Germany and its Allies (1945–1948)

At the end of the Soviet-German war, in spring 1945, labour camps for prisoners of war of Germany and its allies were set up in Lithuania. One of them – was Šiauliai Labour Camp No. 294, which consisted of six divisions: Akmenė, Bačiūnai, Panevėžys, Pavenčiai, Radviliškis, and Šiauliai. In June 1945, 8,256 prisoners of war were imprisoned in Šiauliai Labour Camp and its divisions; on 1 January 1946, there were 5,714 prisoners remaining and on 1 June – 5,048 (4,363 worked outside the boundaries of the camp); and on 1 March 1947 – 2,583 prisoners. They were rebuilding the city of Šiauliai destroyed during the war: they rebuilt the drama theatre, 3 gymnasiums, a hospital, a railway station and other buildings. Prisoners also produced consumer goods and a variety of products at the camp workshop and did auxiliary works on the farm, so the camp was partially self-sufficient in terms of food. Prisoners, who worked in rural areas, received food from local residents. On average, there were around 3,000–4,000 prisoners in the camp each year.In terms of international humanitarian law, the repressive structures of the Soviet Union and the Lithuanian SSR basically observed the provisions of the 1929 Geneva Convention on the Treatment of Prisoners of War, but in 1945–1946 due to extremely complicated natural and economic conditions, as well as the unpredictability of the camp administration prisoners had painful experiences. Many of them were ill; in winter 1945–1946 the camp suffered a typhus epidemic. Between 1945 and 1948 about 500 prisoners died, most of the prisoners were underfed and malnourished. The camp administration and managers of various economic entities abused the available cheap labour of prisoners, corruption thrived, there was large-scale embezzlement and there were minor thefts by the camp staff.The number of prisoners fluctuated each year: some of them were taken to the Soviet Union, others were repatriated; some prisoners escaped. According to some data, between 1945 and March 1947, 188 people escaped, but according to other data between 1946 and 1947, 99 prisoners escaped (50 were recaptured) and 2,321 were repatriated. When general repatriation started in the Soviet Union, Šiauliai Labour Camp was closed in autumn 1948. The remaining inmates were transferred to Vilnius Labour Camp No. 195 and subsequently in March 1949 repatriated back to their home countries.

Post-WWII Reforms: How the U.S. Transformed Japans Domestic Legal System

Abstract: The deep connection between the U.S. and Japan began at the end of World War II and has transformed from an initial enemy relationship to the U.S. occupation of Japan to the current deep strategic partnership. The U.S. undertook a thorough legal reconstruction during the occupation of Japan. From the representative contents of the changes, the cabinet officials and the Supreme Commander for the Allied Power, who was the U.S.'s all-powerful leader in the legal reconstruction process, the analysis of the entanglement and bargaining between the U.S. and Japan in the process of legal changes and the characteristics of the law after the changes were made. In this way, the fundamental interests of both sides are analyzed. It is found that the U.S. dominated the legal aspects to serve its strategic objectives in Asia. For instance, ensuring that Japan no longer became a threat of war, while using Japan to hamstring socialist expansion in Asia. The Japanese cabinet was not influential enough in reconstructing the law.

A World in Transition: Rethinking the Current Global Order

Over the past three decades, the world has experienced significant turbulence, shaped by conflicts, global transformations, and crises within the international community. The end of the Cold War disrupted a long-established order, leaving both policymakers and scholars in uncharted territory. During the Cold War, international relations were more predictable, offering a stable framework for strategic analysis. In the aftermath, a wave of activity in the United States — fueled by a sense of victory — sought to redefine the future. This effort went beyond physical actions, extending into research institutions, think tanks, and academia, all striving to chart new courses in both practice and theory. Yet, the rapid pace of change and the fluid nature of the global landscape led to numerous missteps and misjudgments, affecting both major and middle powers to varying degrees. This paper examines the consequences of these intellectual efforts and the transitional phase that followed. It explores the defining features of this period and the forces that have shaped it. By shedding light on these dynamics, the paper aims to equip policymakers and scholars with the insights needed to better understand and influence the emerging international order. The ultimate goal is to foster a practical understanding of the challenges and opportunities ahead, helping navigate the complexities of the evolving global landscape.

Non-State Actors in Asymmetric Conflicts: What does It Mean and What Follows of It

The article examines the problem of the participation of non-state actors in armed conflicts in the post-war period. The study is based on the theory of asymmetric conflict, which offers hypotheses about the reasons for the paradoxical defeat of developed countries against relatively weak opponents, including non-state actors. The empirical basis of the study is armed conflict databases, which allow us to test sole observations and hypotheses about the characteristics of asymmetric armed conflicts. The study uses the databases of the Uppsala Conflict Data Program Project (Sweden) and the COSIMO Project (University of Heidelberg, Germany) as well as publications of the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI). The study shows that the phenomenon of asymmetric conflicts reflects several important patterns of armed conflicts in the post-war period: the predominance of intrastate over interstate conflicts; the internationalisation of armed conflicts through the involvement of other countries, international organisations or non-state actors; the direct or indirect involvement of great powers in such conflicts; and the majority of armed conflicts occurring in Asia, Africa and the Middle East. Post-war armed conflicts are often referred to as “proxy wars” because the direct participants in the conflict are supported by external actors – states or non-state actors. The issues in conflicts between states and non-state actors are often political in nature, and the fundamental distinction between domestic and foreign policy has been overcome. The post-war period shows a gradual change of attitude towards the participation of non-state actors in armed conflicts, which reflects the recognition of their legitimacy as participants in the conflict, the negotiation and conclusion of agreements on the cessation of hostilities. Non-state actors in armed conflicts are themselves legitimised as representing the interests of particular groups and the goals of their struggle. UN peacekeeping operations since the end of the Cold War confirm these changes. Research on the participation of non-state actors in armed conflict reveals a broadening of the agenda and methodology for the study of post-war armed conflict, reflecting significant changes in the practice of international relations. These changes concern who is recognised as a legitimate actor in international relations, what role non-state actors play in armed conflict, and how non-state actors are viewed by other actors in international relations – states, international governmental and non-governmental organisations.

AZERBAIJAN'S NATIONAL SECURITY POLICY IN THE SYSTEM OF MODERN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

With the end of the Cold War, the political situation in the world has changed dramatically. The emergence on the world stage of new independent states, non-governmental organizations, transnational companies and threatening the world at the regional and global levels, such as ethnic conflicts, the spread of political and economic instability, imbalance, weapons of mass destruction, terrorism, the struggle for natural resources, etc. contributed to the transformation of international relations. As a result of the process, also accelerated by globalization, the state’s perception of security has changed in parallel with the increase in the types and scale of risks and threats.

Democratization and Peace after Civil War—What Difference Can International Engagement Make? Insights from Liberia

Abstract What role can international engagement play for the relationship between post-conflict democratization and conflict recurrence? Empirical evidence indicates that democratization risks triggering violence. Consequently, some scholars criticize the liberal peacebuilding approach, which centers on the promotion of democracy and competitive elections with the aim of fostering peace after civil wars. This article (1) illustrates the risks and potential of post-conflict democratization and (2) traces the effect of international support in this context. It builds on the existing literature yet goes beyond the concentration on peacekeeping forces and places particular attention on democracy promotion. The analysis draws on rich empirical data from Liberia, which is an ideal case to explore this relationship. Twice, democratic elections followed in the wake of a devastating civil war in Liberia. The first post-war elections in 1997 are often cited as an example of how externally induced democratization triggers renewed violence. The democratization process following the end of the second civil war in 2003, in contrast, is regarded as having strengthened peace. The analysis shows that international (democracy) support constitutes a key explanatory factor in the Liberian case by reducing and even substituting for the weakness and lack of credibility of local democratic institutions and procedures.

Broadcasting Law and Gospel: Paul Tillich's Wartime Ministry to Nazi Germany

Abstract During World War II, the German theologian Paul Tillich, then a professor at Union Theological Seminary, partnered with the United States’ organization Voice of America to deliver over 100 religious addresses in the German language into his homeland. In these broadcasts, Tillich utilized the Lutheran categories of Law and Gospel to identify and discuss the sins of the Nazis (and Hitler in particular) and to remind the German population that there was still hope in redemption. Remarkably, well before the war's end, Tillich argued for German collective guilt and the need for the atonement and expiation of the German people. He continually warned them of impending judgment and inescapable punishment – both human and divine – as the Allies advanced on the battlefield in a race toward Berlin. Yet Tillich often tempered this focus on judgment with an emphasis on the Gospel, the certain hope Germans have in God's salvation. This prism of Law and Gospel pervades the religious addresses. I will place these broadcasts in the context of the war, the wartime work of Voice in America, and what we know of other religious addresses delivered over the airwaves to Nazi Germany, to reveal how Tillich preached resistance to Nazi Germany.

The United States is a messianic state: rhetorical roots in US foreign policy since 1991

ABSTRACT How do we explain the United States’ interventionist mindset in the international system since 1991? Since the end of the Cold War and the subsequent unipolar moment, America has actively promoted democracy and human rights globally. However, the US withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021 and the Taliban’s subsequent takeover prompts us to re-think the ideological roots of interventionism between 1991 and 2021. Scholars have taken two broad positions on how they view America: an empire or a hegemon. In this article, I suggest that two conceptions help explain the US actions and behaviour in the international system but do not explicitly outline the rhetorical roots of the US intentions. Drawing on historical instances of messianic tendencies in the global political structure, this paper argues that a messianic state is a nation-state that assumes the global responsibility of saving societies from an impending threat. As a messianic state, the US has used the discursive logic of saving others by drawing on American exceptionalism and the global vision of democratic peace. The messianic content in American foreign policy matured between 1991 and 2010, but it has been in steep decline since 2015 with the rise of China and American inwardness.