Reign Of Emperor Research Articles

조선 전기 柏梁體 한시의 수용과 전개 양상

This article analyzes the concept of the BaiLiang style, a literary style derived from a literary genre called BaiLiang poem, known as the origin of the heptasyllabic and stanzaic poem, while examining how it was accepted and developed in Korea. The BaiLiang poem is a stanzaic poem collaboratively written by the Wu Emperor of the Han Dynasty and his twenty-five subjects. After that, poets began to produce heptasyllabic poems, leading to the formation of the genre, BaiLiang style.
 It stands to reason that not only Chinese authors but also Korean literati wrote and enjoyed the BaiLiang style. Since Choi Chi-won composed the <智證和尙碑銘>, several Korean writers during the Koryŏ and Chosŏn Dynasties produced poems with the BaiLiang style. In China, the stanzaic poems were continuously produced collaboratively by Emperors and their subjects from the time of the Wu Emperor's reign to the Qing dynasty. On the contrary, the BaiLiang style by individual poets was more significant in Korean literature.

『縞紵集』의 編纂者 朴長馣의 생애와 그 편찬 의식

This study aims to write the chronology of Park, Jang Am(1790~1852?) at a brief level, and to examine why he compiled Hojeojip, a kind of directory of people, and his intention. Park, Jang Am was born as his father's third son, Park, Je ga(1750~1805), an intellectual of the late Joseon Dynasty who was active in the 18th and early 19th centuries. Hojeojip, which Park, Jang Am wrote, consists of a list of Chinese intellectuals that his father met during his four trips to the Qing Empire Under the Qianlong Emperor's reign along with envoys dispatched for public duties.
 Yu, Bon Hak, Shin, Wi, and Li, Ding Yuan were the intellectuals of the 19th century Joseon Dynasty or of the Qing Empire abroad, who were close to Park, Jang Am. By examining the traces of his friendship with these three people, it is possible to know that Park, Jang Am was influenced or helped by them in the way he respected his father or in the work of supplementing the contents of Hojeojip.
 Hojeojip is a literature way for Park, Jang Am to respect his father, and more specifically, it was written to prove the existence of his father, Park, Je Ga, in the history of exchange between the Joseon Dynasty and the Qing Empires in the 18th and early 19th centuries. Several points can be presented as evidence for that. The first point is that he placed the materials of his father and Gwak, Jip Hwan's friendship at the beginning of Hojeojip. The second point is that the pages of Hojeojip include not only the articles related to his father but also those related to people who can be referred to as Park Je Ga's friends or disciples.
 In conclusion, Park, Jang Am revealed the purpose of praising his father's achievements in the literary exchanges between the Joseon Dynasty and the Qing Empire through Hojeojip. In other words, this is nothing other than the purpose of trying to prove not only the name of the family in the 19th-century literary world but also its presence.

Imperial Power Representation and Self-presentation of Charles V of Habsburg

The power representation was an important indicator of the political culture of the Early Modern Era. It required grandeur with solemnity and festivities. An important role in the policy of any state is played by the image that can influence the assessment of its power and wealth. Empire. He applied the experience of ancient Rome in the form of triumphs and
 other mass spectacles. This phenomenon appears during the reign of Emperor
 Maximilian I and Pope Julius II. The Emperor gained experience in creating tri-
 umphs as the Habsburg dynasty’s sphere of influence expanded in Europe. Triumphs were organized in Spain and then in Italy. And obviously, these actions helped the Emperor to impress both opponents and allies. The Emperor promoted himself as a victorious commander and ruler. Power representation also manifested itself in a large number of portraits of
 European rulers, including Charles V, painted by great artists, among whom Titian Vecellio stood out in particular. Besides, during the Reformation, a significant number of reformers’ portraits were painted by the apologists of Lutheranism. But the most striking episode of the representation of that time was viewed in the triumph of Charles V during the entry of both the Emperor’s supporters and the Lutheran leaders into the city of Augsburg before the Diet of Augsburg in 1530.
 This tendency was very clearly manifested in the 16th century in the policy of Emperor Charles V of Habsburg, who sought to create a universal Catholic

One Painting, Two Emperors, and Their Cultural Agendas

Abstract This research focuses on one of the most famous paintings made at the court of the Qing dynasty (1644–1911)—Qingming shanghe (Up the River during Qingming). Commissioned by the Yongzheng emperor (r. 1723–1735) and completed in the second year of the Qianlong emperor's reign (1736–1795), the painting is a rare example of Qing court art that reveals how Qianlong furthered his father's artistic vision while formulating his own in the first fifteen years of his long tenure as ruler. This vision involved how to reinterpret and reinvent the Chinese painting tradition through time-honored themes. The article is divided into four sections. In the first, it brings attention to the salient and crucial but long neglected stylistic features of the painting—those that emphasize theatricality and spectatorship. These interconnected features link and characterize the paintings commissioned by Yongzheng. The second section shifts to discuss the emerging cultural agenda of Yongzheng as seen through the manner in which court art references the Chinese painting tradition. The most remarkable act regards the reinterpretation of old painting themes that include Qingming shanghe and Baijun tu (One Hundred Horses). The third section analyzes how the paratextual elements of Qingming shanghe, especially Qianlong's poem and inscription, inform us of the emperor's views about the production mechanism of court painting and the political meaning of this work. The last section, based on Qianlong's understanding of the painting, highlights the emperor's cultural agenda associated with the idea of yuanben, which pointed to new versions of old themes made by his painting academy.

How the Slovenes celebrated memorial dates from their history in 1908

In 1908, the Slovenes celebrated three anniversaries: the 400th anniversary of the Lutheran preacher and founder of the Slovenian language and literature Primož Trubar, the centenary of the outstanding Slovenian national leader Janez Bleiweis, and the 60th anniversary of the reign of Emperor and King Francis Joseph I. Comparative analysis of the attitude of the Slovenes to these three jubilees shows not only the level of development of their national consciousness with its distinguishing features but also the specific manner of modelling their historical memory by their national leaders. The perception of Trubar’s personality was ambiguous; it reflected the conflicts between Liberals and Catholics as well as those between Slovenes and Germans. Bleiweis, despite all his merits, became a figure of minor political and symbolic significance. The celebration of the Emperor’s anniversary, also designed to achieve national goals, revealed the peculiarities of the Slovenes’ intellectual horizons: they identified the concept of the “broader homeland” with the Empire and sought to transform it from German to Slavic.

Empress of All Seasons by Emiko Jean

Reviewed by: Empress of All Seasons by Emiko Jean Fiona Hartley-Kroeger Jean, Emiko Empress of All Seasons. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2018 [384p] Trade ed. ISBN 978-0-544-53094-2 $17.99 E-book ed. ISBN 978-1-328-53061-5 $9.99 Reviewed from galleys Ad Gr. 7-12 Mari enters the emperor's brutal competition of survival in four enchanted Seasonal Rooms with a secret: she is half yōkai, a supernatural being with shapeshifting powers. Yōkai are oppressed and enslaved under the emperor's reign, and Mari's goals—win the competition and Prince Taro's hand in marriage, steal his wealth, finally earn her trickster mother's respect—clash with those of a shadowy band of guerilla yōkai conspirators. Taro's sudden love for Mari, hers for him, and Mari's friend Akira's transformation from sweet, lovesick boy to ruthless revolutionary further complicate matters. The three protagonists' efforts to define themselves against family expectations build a compelling narrative framework, and there are many strong, interesting female side characters. Plot machinations obscure timely critiques of caste and gender oppression, though, and girl-power sound bites too often substitute for fully developed relationships. The otherwise steady pacing steamrolls at the end, culminating in a confusing climax that cements the novel's undercooked feel, while a tidy epilogue hints at intriguing further adventures but leaves readers in no suspense about the characters' fates. Nonetheless, the story has a strongly mythic feel buoyed by interludes featuring the fantasy world's gods, and folkloric elements inspired by the author's Japanese heritage add some interest. A glossary provides information about the Japanese terms and is especially useful for differentiating among the many different kinds of yōkai. FHK Copyright © 2018 The Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois

Modes of narrativity in the short history of Nikephoros of Constantinople

Modes of narrativity applied in the Short history by Nikephoros of Constantinople are investigated on the basis of several key accounts which form a specific message of the author on the level of his entire work. This specific manner of literary presentation is particularly manifested in Nikephoros? original approach in portrayal of the Byzantine emperors and the patriarchs of Constantinople of the 7th and 8th centuries, thus embedding a specific idea of both imperial governance personalized in the reign of emperor Herakleios, and mutual relations between the Empire and the patriarchs of the Church of Constantinople, as presented in the accounts of patriarchs Sergios and Pyrrhos.

Son of two fathers? Trajan and the adoption of emperorship in the Roman Empire

Roman imperial succession was in practice a dynastic system. Since the Roman Empire had a high rate of child-mortality, many of the rulers did not have surviving biological sons. This made adoption a standard method of appointing an heir. There was, however, a clear preference for consanguineals when adopting someone into the imperial family. The only exception to this practice of adopting a family member as imperial successor was the adoption by the emperor Nerva (96–98) of Trajan (98–117). This article analyses some of the possible motives for this break with precedent, and the consequences for the ways in which imperial ancestry was represented. There was a noticeable emphasis on Trajan's biological father, the Elder Trajan, towards the end of the emperor's reign, but not similarly pronounced in all ancient ‘media’. Attention to the Elder Trajan was limited to Rome, where the new form of imperial adoption seems to have led to discussions about the relative merits of succession by adoption or through bloodline. These discussions are not traceable to the provinces, where images of imperial ancestry stuck to precedent. The mixed messages from the centre were apparently not sufficient to change local expectations.

Water — The Nile — And the Täʾamrä Maryam. Miracles of the Virgin Mary in the Ethiopian Version

Starting with the biblical Gǝyon (= the Gǝʿǝz name for the Nile) the river Nile plays an important role in Ethiopian perception.The corpus of the miracles of Mary [Täʾamrä Maryam] particularly during the reign of emperor Zärʾa Yaʿǝqob (1434-68 A.D.) was enlarged with stories reflecting a local background and Ethiopian history. And suddenly in the 19th century the ‘idea of diverting the Nile’ which since early times was a challenging topic in the relationship between Egypt and Ethiopia, again turned up in a miracle of the Virgin Mary, referring to the time of the Crusaders and the resulting diplomatic activities. This article wants to evaluate how far the Ethiopians regard themselves as masters of the Nile waters and to what extent they derive their legitimacy from divine sources.

Innovation and Misoneism during the Reign of Emperor Yoḥannǝs IV (1872–1889)

The article attempts to examine the character and extent of innovation and misoneism during the reign of Yoḥannǝs, i.e. the period between the largely frustrated aspirations of Tewodros and of more substantial achievements of Mǝnilǝk. The study suggests that the reign of Yoḥannǝs in fact witnessed changes in many fields of life. These included improvements in communication between Ethiopia and the outside world; the advent of new imports; changes in land tenure and class relations; the strengthening of church land-holding; attempted action against slavery and the slave trade; increasing diffusion of fire-arms; the forced conversion of Muslims, and prohibition of foreign missionaries; the banning of tobacco; the depletion of wild-life; the introduction of a national flag, the appointment of a foreign consul abroad, and the building of a church in Jerusalem.

Analysis of Wang Shuhe's academic contribution and epistemology

Wang Shuhe is considered to be Zhang Zhongjing's disciple according to four reasons: A. the acquaintance of Yu Jiaxi and Fan Xingzhun and others. B. the close relation of Wang Shuhe and Wei Xun. C. Zhang Zhongjing's complete works kept by Wang Shuhe and Wang Shuhe's autobiography. D. the record in Maijing and that Wang Shuhe called Zhang Zhongjing master. It was speculated that Wang Shuhe was the minister of imperial medical affairs of the Wu Kingdom from the title of the emperor's reign recorded by Huang Fumi and Jingzhou's attribution. He contributed to Traditional Chinese Medicine in three aspects-preserving and classifying Zhang Zhongjng's complete works; preserving literature on pulse diagnosis, writing Maijing and standardizing methods for pulse-taking; and advancing the concept of syndrome and Bianzheng (transmutation with steaming in infant feverish perspiration), probing the theory of feverish diseases, and people's well-being, demonstrating the spirit of Bianzhenglunzhi.

From ‘Filthy Catamite’ to ‘Queer Icon’: Elagabalus and the Politics of Sexuality (1960–1975)

Elagabalus. The name evokes an image of a depraved sybarite treading in silver dust and sand of gold, his head crowned with a tiara and his clothes studded with jewels, working at women's tasks in the midst of his eunuchs, calling himself Empress and bedding every night with a new Emperor, picked for choice from among his barbers, scullions, and charioteers (Huysmans 1959, 45). (1) Such portraits of Elagabalus derive, ultimately, from the accounts of the emperor's reign (218-22 C.E.) provided by Dio Cassius, Herodian, and the author of the Historia Augusta. These historians represent Elagabalus as an oriental despot prone to extravagance of all sorts and as a religious fanatic determined to impose a Syrian god upon the Roman populace. (2) They also report that the emperor cultivated a feminine appearance; that he married three women (including a Vestal Virgin) and one man; that he had a sexual predilection for well-endowed males; and that he asked his court physicians to construct a vagina in his body. (3) Elagabalus, if these sources are to be credited, (4) was an emperor gone wild. The exploits of bad emperors have exercised a potent fascination down through the centuries, but different forms of imperial misbehavior have drawn attention depending upon what political and moral anxieties happened to be ascendant in a given cultural moment. Moderns have tended to regard, for instance, Elagabalus's taste for gastronomical novelties as little more than a sideshow curiosity, but have seized upon the emperor's effeminacy and sexual 'deviancy' as significant factors behind his ultimate ruin. (5) This tendency relates directly to the prominence that gender and sexuality have assumed, as sites of political contestation, in modern Western societies. Within this particular cultural climate, Elagabalus has become an iconic figure through whom ideologies of gender and sexuality can be naturalized, contested, and renegotiated. Elagabalus, indeed, has come to occupy an especially complex position in the modern imagination, because the historical sources, in reviling the emperor as a gender and sexual deviant, enable a variety of different contemporary identifications: modern readers of Elagabalus's lives can identify the emperor as 'homosexual,' 'bisexual,' or 'transgendered.' (6) All three of these identifications involve a certain violence to the historical sources, but all can nonetheless claim to be grounded in ancient evidence. This article examines representations of Elagabalus in three texts published between 1960 and 1975: Alfred Duggan's Family Favourites, Kyle Onstott and Lance Horner's Child of the Sun, and Martin Duberman's Elagabalus. Inasmuch as the publication dates of the selected texts span a formative period in the development of modern sexual politics, they can serve as an ideal site for examining different representations of Elagabalus during a time of substantial political tension and cultural change. In all three texts, Elagabalus emerges as a 'queer icon': a non-heterosexual representation that performs significant ideological work in either naturalizing or challenging popular constructs of the 'queer' (not in every case strictly 'homosexual') male. This study, then, delineates the different ways that representations of Elagabalus contributed to the politics of sexuality between the years 1960 and 1975. Family Favourites; or, It Was All at Bottom Harmless Enough The earliest of the three texts is Alfred Duggan's Family Favourites. Published in 1960, (7) this novel belongs to a line of quality historical fictions that the Oxford-educated author composed in rapid succession during the later years of his life. (8) Writing a novel about Elagabalus was an audacious move for Duggan, (9) who had cultivated a broad-based readership by the early 1960s (Waugh 1983, 626), and Family Favourites appears--if reviews in the popular press are any indication (10)--to have disconcerted that public, especially in the author's Britain. …

The vices of emperor Constans I in the fourth century histories

The aim of this paper is to analyze the negative characteristics of the Roman emperor Constans I (337-350), according to the earliest preserved information from the late 4th century histories of Aurelius Victor, Eutropius Pseudo-Victor and Eunapius of Sardis. The earliest account of Constans' downfall is around 361 recorded by Aurelius Victor in his short history De Caesaribus. Victor wrote that Constans became more arrogant and aggressive after he defeated his elder brother Constantine II in 340. Also, he was not cautious enough for his young age, was hated due to his bad subordinates and did not respect his soldiers properly. But, the most outrageous fact was according to Victor, that the emperor had homosexual affinity towards his young and attractive barbarian hostages. The record of less moralistic Eutropius in his Breviarium ab Urbe condita, written in 369, is shorter but sharper. In the beginning the reign of Constans was vigorous and righteous but his character deteriorated after his illness. Following that, the young Augustus befriended himself with corrupted companions and turned to severe vices. His reign grew unbearable to his subjects and unpopular among the army ranks. Briefer then Eutropis is the testimony of an anonymous Latin author of Epitome de caesaribus who was contemporary to the Eastern Roman emperor Arcadius (395-408). This Pseudo-Victor wrote down that Constans devoted himself to hunting session, thus allowing plotters to dethrone him. Finally the single Greek author in this series, Eunapius (died after 404), whose istoria h meta Dexippon survived in fragments and Zosimus' late fifth century abridgment, called Constans the worst among the most intolerable tyrants. The Lydian sophist, as far as we could conclude from Zosimus', also recorded Constans' inclination towards young barbarians whom he allowed to mistreat his subjects. Because of wretchedness in the provinces of his realm, the courtiers led coup d'etat through Augustus' hunting session. Although vivid and informative, the real weight of these four accounts could be estimated only through comparison with the other, real or traditional, dreadful emperors described by the four authors. For example, the youthful age was important component of the bad reigns of Otho, Domitian and Gallienus, as Victor emphasizes. Eutropius' pattern of the promising start of the Emperor's reign and his later disgrace was similarly used in his assessment of Gallienus and Constantine the Great. According to Pseudo-Victor, Valentinian I could be estimated as the perfect prince if there had not been his poor selection of advisers. Constans' homosexual leaning towards young barbarian hostages could be observed from the two points. The first would be the remark that these barbarians were dubious companions for the Roman emperors, just as some of the rulers were blacklisted for their, real or assumptive, sympathy and meekness for women, eunuchs and courtiers. Gratian and Theodosius I were specially ill-famed for their affinity for Alan mercenaries and Gothic refugees respectively. On the other hand, slandered Licinius was praised for his strength in cultivating his courtiers and eunuchs. In relation to Constans' homosexuality, it is essential to note that one of the fundamental keys to the bad emperor's character was his breach of sexual taboos. In the inaccurate 4th century tradition Caracalla was known for his marriage with his stepmother, or Gallienus for his barter with Marcomanic king, in which he allegedly traded part of Pannonia Superior for the barbarian concubine. Explicitly, homosexuality was ascribed to Domitian, Carinus and Maximian Herculius. Finally, although the remarks on Constans' unpopularity and death were taken from the earliest preserved sources, it is clear that only a decade after his demise, the tradition, framed in already existing negative pattern, was established. This version of the events, probably maintained in lost Kaisergeschichte, was firstly acknowledged and then further supplemented by these four authors. In this context it is attractive to note down old samples of dire regimes and Roman historical tradition, still preserved both by the Latin and Greek authors in later 4th century. Then again, this fact is not very helpful in tracing the real character omissions of the deceased emperor Constans. .

Religious Experience and Lay Society in T'ang China: A Reading of Tai Fu's Kuang-i chi (review)

120 China Review International: Vol. 5, No. 1, Spring 1998 Glen Dudbridge. Religious Experience and Lay Society in Vang China: A Reading ofTai Fus Kuang-i chi. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. viii, 256 pp. Hardcover $59.95, isbn 0-521-48223-2. "Accounts of anomalies" has been an important literary genre throughout Chinese history. Texts that contain strange, extraordinary tales derived from the zhiguai ????? fiction ofthe Six Dynasties or the chuanqi Hj-nf fiction ofthe Tang have been the subject of recent scholarship, which has led to increased interest in these accounts.1 This recent scholarship is likely to change the traditional image of fiction, or xiaoshuo ^MA, in general and ofanomaly accounts in particular. Glen Dudbridge's new book attempts to redefine what is meant by anomaly accounts. He treats a particular xiaoshuo text with anomalous tales and fantasy as "a literature of record, not of fantasy or creative fiction" (p. 16). The text in question is the Guangyiji JÜHlö (Great book ofmarvels), which was incorporated into the Taipingguangji ^2PIiIgS (A comprehensive record compiled in the Taiping [Xingguo] reign period), compiled in 977-978 during the reign ofEmperor Taizong ^?t? (r. 976-997) ofthe Song. The edition that Dudbridge uses for his study was put together by Fang Shiming "Jfi$iii in 1992, and this is probably what remains ofthe original text. It consists of some three hundred tales originally scattered in the Taipingguangji. The majority of these tales fall under such categories as "Ghosts" {gui M,), "Return to Life" {zaishengW£), "Rewards" {baoying ^M), "Gods" {shen flf), and "Dreams" {mengW)—altogether there are ninety-one different categories in the Taipingguangji (pp. 4748 ). Dudbridge has studied all of these tales and has selected "samples among them which attract close attention and hint at wider implications" (p. 65). His purpose is to reconstruct what he believes to be forgotten or untold aspects of the history as well as religious culture of the Tang. In Dudbridge's view, this goal can be achieved if one uses this text as a historical document "with the critical care that is taken for granted in more conventional historical study" (p. 173). Dudbridge begins by introducing, in the first chapter, three "subsequent voices," which he believes to have been the voices of three contemporaries of the scholar Dai Fu W&-, who authored the Guangyiji. Based on Dai Fu's account of these voices, Dudbridge identifies Dai Fu as a minor official in what is now modern Zhejiang, during the 760s and 770s, after the An Lushan rebellion. Dudbridge believes that Dai Fu's account indicates that he was a direct observer or an in-© 1998 by University formed reporter of many, if not all, of the anomalous incidents recorded in his ofHawai 1 Pressbook. Thus, in Dudbridge's view, Dai Fu was reporting on a seemingly unknown or at least hitherto unreported historical reality. To support this argument, Dudbridge reconstructs Dai Fu's life, career, and interests in chapter 2, using a Reviews 121 preface to Dai's text written by his contemporary, Gu Kuang MM (d. ca. 806). In this preface, Dai Fu is described as a man "most deeplyversed in the occult" (p. 42) and his text as representing the long tradition ofChinese fascination with anomaly accounts, whose recorders included prominent scholars before and during the Tang.2 Dudbridge has provided a detailed, annotated translation of Gu's preface, placing Dai Fu within the context ofthe literary tradition associated with anomaly accounts. In chapter 3, Dudbridge further stresses the occult tradition with which Dai Fu was conversant, and examines some ofthe religious practices associated with this tradition. Dudbridge believes that Dai Fu's account can attest to die existence ofthese religious practices. In an effort to prove the historical value ofthe text, Dudbridge uses some of the tales to discuss the Tang cult ofMount Hua ^lL|. He argues in chapter 4 that the depictions of this regional cult, which later became an imperial cult, can corroborate what we already know about it. Dudbridge suggests that much ofthe information about this cult in Dai's account was obscured in the factual record. In the same vein, in chapter 5 he gives another example of...

Tedla Hailé, and the Problem of Multi-Ethnicity in Ethiopia

Tedia Haue, and the Problem ofMultiEthnicity in Ethiopia Richard Pankhurst Addis Ababa University Ethiopia, a multi-ethnic and multi-linguistic country, has, since time immemorial , faced problems inherent in its multi-ethnicity. Contacts between different peoples, presumably speaking entirely different languages, date back to the beginnings of Ethiopian history. The possibly first-century inscription of an unknown monarch, seen at the port of Adulis by the Egyptian traveler Kosmos Indikopleustes, in the early sixth century, tells of his victories over various alien peoples, among them the Bèga.1 Fighting against the latter was subsequently reported, in early fourth century, in an inscription of the Aksumite King Ezana. It states that six of the enemy kings were taken prisoner, together with their numerous followers, and were fed and looked after for several months, before being resettled on new land2—an operation which, we may presume , must have involved no small transcending of linguistic barriers. The question oflinguistic diversity found later expression, in the early sixth century AD, when Kosmos reported that merchants from Aksum, when obtaining gold from the inhabitants in territories to the southwest, had resort to what economists term "dumb commerce" or "silent trade." They did so, Kosmos expressly states, because the languages of the two parties were "different and interpreters are hardly to be found."3 To obtain international comprehension, the rulers of Aksum, on the other hand, made use ofboth Greek and Sabaean, or South Arabian, in addition to the local language, Ge'ez, on their inscriptions and coins.4 Little is recorded about ethnic and linguistic problems and policies in medieval Ethiopia. It is, however, known that Amharic developed around this time as the lesanä negus, or "language ofthe king."5 It was thus the tongue used at court, and®Northeast African Studies (ISSN 0740-9133) Vol. 5, No. 3 (New Series) 1998, pp. 81-96 81 82 Richard Pankhurst presumably for most government affairs. Garrisons of probably largely Amharicspeaking soldiers from the central state were, however, established, particularly during the reign of Emperor Zär'a Ya'qob (1433-1468) in many peripheral, or semi-peripheral, non-Amharic-speaking areas. These included Hamasén,6 Tegray, Bali, Hadeya, and Ifat.7 Troops from non-Amharic-speaking areas, among them Damot, were on the other hand inducted into the monarch's service.8 Many soldiers , it may be assumed, married women of the local population. Not a few individuals from the peripheral areas, frequently speakers of other languages, entered imperial employ over the centuries. A notable example was Awra'i Uthman, a Bälaw from the northwest of the empire, who became a foUower of Emperor Lebna Dengel (1508-1540), and later ofthe Muslim warrior Ahmad ibn Ibrahim, better known as Gran, or the left-handed.9 There were also a significant number of dynastic marriages between ruling families with different linguistic, and even religious, backgrounds.10 As far as language was concerned, Ge'ez, the language of church, ecclesiastical literature, and the liturgy, was then, as for many centuries previously, the language also of church education, and hence a unifying factor among churchmen from all over the realm. Amharic, however, remained the lesanä negus. Both languages thus served an integrative role. Letters to foreign potentates, on the other hand, were sometimes written in Arabic, as well as Ge'ez. One, or the other, or both, of these languages also appeared on some of the earliest royal seals.11 The northward expansion of the Oromo, or Oromo, to some extent introduced their language, now termed Oromifa, to the Ethiopian body politic. There is reason to believe that Emperor Susneyos (1606-1632) learned the language during his contacts with the Oromo,12 and the same was probably true of Emperor Iyasu I (1681-1706) and Emperor Bäkaffa (1721-1730), both ofwhom found refuge for a time among the Oromo, and made use of Oromo contingents in their armies.13 The Oromo language later gained considerable prominence at the then capital , Gondar. The Scottish travelerJames Bruce reported that during the reign of the half-Oromo Emperor Iyo'as (1755-1769), "nothing was heard at the palace but Galla," and that "the king himself affected to speak...

Scholarship and Politics: Chuang Ts'un-yü and the Rise of the Ch'ang-chou New Text School in Late Imperial China

Vol. 7, No. 1 Late Imperial ChinaJune 1986 SCHOLARSHIP AND POLITICS: CHUANG TS'UN-YU AND THE RISE OF THE CH'ANG-CHOU NEW TEXT SCHOOL IN LATE IMPERIAL CHINA Benjamin A. Elman* Introduction During the Ch'ien-lung emperor's reign (1736-1795), Han Learning (Han-hsueh), was the most heralded and at the same time most opposed school of Confucian learning. Confucian literati routinely associated Han Learning with the ascendency of evidential research (k'ao-cheng) throughout the Ch'ing dynasty (1644-1911). Eighteenth-century literati made the link between evidential studies and Han Learning a part of their definition of schools of learning. They frequently saw Han Learning and k'ao-cheng as two sides of the same coin. For the Ch'ing scholar, Han dynasty sources became his window on classical antiquity. In raising the slogan of "Han Learning" to prominence , Hui Tung (1697-1758) and his large Su-chou following actively opposed Sung Learning (Sung-hsueh), the official orthodoxy of the Confucian examination system. Instead, they turned to a study of Han dynasty classical interpretations. The latter, they thought, were closer in time to the composition of the classics and thus more likely to reveal the authentic meaning they conveyed. * Research for this article was carried out from 1982 to 1984 with the financial support of the National Endowment for the Humanities, National Academy of Sciences (Committee for Scholarly Communication with the People's Republic of China), Pacific Cultural Foundation (Taiwan), and the Fulbright Foundation. Special thanks are due Yang Xiangkui of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and Tang Zhijun of the Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences for their help and support. Preparation of this manuscript took place while I was a Research Fellow of the Center for Chinese Studies at the University of Michigan during the 1984-85 academic year. Members of the advanced research seminar on China there made substantial contributions to this version, which I am presently revising for inclusion in a book-length study of New Text Confucianism during the Ch'ing dynasty. I would like to thank Robert Dernberger, Albert Feuerwerker, Shigeru Ishikawa, Noriko Kamachi, Don Munro, Michel Oksenberg, Ernest Young, Marty Whyte, and R. Bin Wong for their criticisms and suggestions. 63 64Benjamin A. Elman Similarly, scholars in Yang-chou were also deeply involved in the Han Learning movement. However, in Yan-chou, Tai Chen's (1724-1777) inpact on academic currents may have been greater than Hui Tung's. In particular, Tai Chen's influence has been documented for the scholarship of Juan Yuan (1764-1849) and Chiao HsUn (1763-1820). Juan Yuan became one of the great national-level patrons of Han Learning in the early nineteenth century, extending the influence of Hui Tung and Tai Chen to Hang-chou and Kuang-chou. Although Han Learning became dominant in Lower Yangtze cultural centers such as Su-chou and Yang-chou, its unanimity was short-lived. In earlier writings, I have linked the rise of the Ch'ang-chou New Text school of Confucianism to what can be considered the triumph of Han Learning over Sung Learning during the eighteenth century. In the following pages, I would like to focus on the many differences between the eighteenth-century Ch'ang-chou academic environment and that of nearby Su-chou and Yang-chou. We need to ask ourselves why the Ch'ing dynasty New Text school emerged in Ch'ang-chou, and not Suchou , Yang-chou, or elsewhere. In the process we will learn that the special nature of Ch'ang-chou traditions of scholarship played a key role in determining the precise directions Confucian literati there would take in coming to grips with Han Learning. The Chuang Lineage in Ch 'ang-chou Ch'ang-chou's location on the Grand Canal between Yang-chou and Su-chou, north of Lake T'ai, meant that Ch'ing scholars there could not remain immune to scholarly currents from nearby. In fact, Han Learning trends spilled over into Ch'ang-chou. Leading scholars there, such as Sun Hsing-yen (1753-1818), Hung Liang-chi (1746-1809), and Li Chao-lo (1769-1841) were active participants in the turn toward Han...

Social Classes and Corporate Interests in the Ethiopian Revolution

In February 1974, Ethiopia entered a period of deep and occasionally violent political and social change, the result of the breakdown of a semi-feudal system under the impact of economic modernisation. Despite the fact that the army played, and is still playing, the central rôle, it would be wrong to regard the change simply as a coup d'état which replaced one authoritarian régime with another. The political movement that started then was the result of significant social and economic changes which took place during the last 15–20 years of the Emperor's reign.

Bismarck and Our Times

T 1HERE is something remarkable about the co-existence at a given moment of several different generations. Three years ago in California I heard a lecture by Alexander Kerensky on Russia in the first World War. The aged politician threw out all sorts of names, Stiirmer and Miljukow, Bethmann, Wilhelm, and Ludendorff, and was obviously very passionate about them, without noticing that the young students in the audience had never heard of these names. The next morning in my class I referred to Kerensky's talk and added drily: 'Well, next week the former Emperor Napoleon will lecture on his campaign of I8I2; that promises to be interesting, don't miss it.' I was watching my students closely while making this announcement and observed that for a fraction of a second they actually believed me. For these young people Kerensky and Napoleon were faded history, both about equally far away. If Kerensky actually stepped out of a textbook and became a living person, why not Napoleon? It is much the same with Bismarck in Germany today. There are still historians alive, publishing, and lecturing who began their career before or around I914, and to them Bismarck is close and of a living actuality. He is far less close to my generation. Still, I can remember the first World War and, therefore, the names of persons who were in the papers then and who were sitting in the Reichstag in Bismarck's time, such as Hertling, the last Imperial Chancellor but one. Hindenburg, President of the German Republic until I934, had fought at Sadova-K6eniggratz in i866. In the house of my grandmother I once saw Maximilian Harden, who had been Bismarck's literary henchman, indeed almost a friend, in the I89os; it was the undying pride of Harden's life. Rathenau, Foreign Minister in I922, was another passionate admirer of the Iron Chancellor; and publicists did not fail to point out the alleged Bismarckian element in the Rapallo policy. The monarch who dismissed Bismarck in I890 lived on until I94I; then, in his retirement, he could tell his side of the story. So could Bismarck himself; the part of his memoirs dealing with the first years of the young Emperor's reign was only then given to the public. Next in the late 'twenties, three great documentary works appeared, Die grosse Politik der Europdischen Kabinette,l Die auswdrtige Politik Pre'ssens, i858-i87I,2 and the so-calledFriedrichsruh-Edition of Bismarck's own writings. At the

Chinese Unit of Length in the Early Ch’ing Dynasty

A little to the north of the Yenching University near Peking stand the ruins of the famous Yuan Ming Yuan. It was a palace built during the reign of Emperor K’ang Hsi of the Ch’ing Dynasty, about 200 years ago, and was given to and repaired and enlarged by Yung Cheng, his son. The Chinese unit of length at the time of building may have been different from the modern unit, and it is therefore interesting, mathematically and archaeologically, to determine the old unit by a mathematical method. Additional interest arises from the fact that the cut stones remaining belong to a section of the palace designed in Western style by Jesuit Fathers who came as missionaries to China. Did they use Chinese or French units in their plans?

X.—Notes on the Armour of the Maximilian Period and the Italian Wars

The term ‘Maximilian’ as applied to armour of a fairly clearly defined style and date is one of those names, found in all branches of archaeology, which in spite of their admitted inaccuracy contrive to obtain a general currency as a terse and convenient label. It is at all events nearer the mark than the name ‘Gothic’, as used to describe the style immediately preceding it, for it marks a period which coincided with the latter half of the Emperor's reign and endured for some fifteen years after his death.