Emotional Campaigns Research Articles

Using Virtual Reality in E-Cigarette and Secondhand Aerosol Prevention Messages: Implications for Emotional Campaign Design

Vaping has dramatically increased in recent years among young adults. To increase risk perceptions and promote preventive behaviors against vaping and secondhand e-cigarette aerosol (SHA), this study designed and tested virtual reality (VR) messages based on the theory of psychological distance. We randomly assigned 137 participants to see one of three messages: a VR message presenting SHAs impact on the self (VR-Self), a VR message showing SHAs impact on others (VR-Other), and a print advertisement. Risk perceptions and preventive intentions/behaviors were assessed at three different times: before, immediately after, and 1 week after the experimental treatment. All three messages increased desired intentions and risk perceptions immediately, reduced vaping interest both immediately and 1 week after message exposure, and increased behavior to persuade others to quit vaping after a week. Compared with the print advertisement, VR-Other generated less vaping interest immediately following message exposure (β = 1.40, p = 0.05). After 1 week, VR-Self (β = 1.62, p = 0.05) and VR-Other (β = 2.37, p = 0.01) generated less vaping interest than the print advertisement. VR-Other also generated a higher level of perceived harm of SHA (β = 1.27, p = 0.01) than the print advertisement. VRs advantage over print in reducing vaping interest was increased after 1 week. Although VR-Other generated less emotions, such as fear, than VR-Self (z = 2.48, p = 0.02) and print (z = -2.82, p = 0.02), its persuasiveness was not hindered. Disgust increased the intentions to persuade others to quit vaping immediately after the experimental treatment (β = 0.85, p = 0.02), and anger aroused by recalling the messages decreased vaping interest 1 week later (β = -2.07, p = 0.02).

The winning formula: How to build lasting and valuable customer relationships via a paid, owned and earned strategy

How can a brand go from being the most recognised in its category to winning consumers’ hearts? That was the challenge faced by AustralianSuper, Australia’s largest superannuation (pension) fund. While the Fund was clearly outperforming the market, its ‘voice of customer insights’ revealed Emotional connection to the brand was not increasing at the same rate as rational drivers. For Ubiquity Lab, this posed an opportunity, particularly in light of Binet and Field’s (Binet, L., and Field, P. (2013, June 11) ‘The Long and the Short of it: Balancing Short and Long-Term Marketing Strategies’, IPA, London) findings that emotional campaigns yield stronger long-term effects. Paramount to the project’s success was a focus on consumer intent and market orientation that would leverage AustralianSuper’s existing work and meld current and new inputs. This meant designing a customer-led paid, owned and earned (POE) strategy that would monetise emotion to reach more people within the target market, while differentiating, building salience and, ultimately, increasing sales and profit. A ‘brand experience map’ methodology was used to correlate data against the digital consumer journey and sales funnel, ultimately unlocking insights to optimise POE tactics. The goal was to arrive at a set of emotional territories that AustralianSuper could begin to ‘own’, winning hearts and minds and deepening the relationship between accumulating super and its purpose — to enable people to live their best retirement.

Euroscepticism and the use of negative, uncivil and emotional campaigns in the 2019 European Parliament election: A winning combination

Are Eurosceptic parties more likely to run negative, uncivil and emotional campaigns, as it is often intuitively argued? And with what consequences? In this article, we shed light on the effectiveness of these campaign strategies for Eurosceptic parties during the 2019 European elections. We argue that ‘harsher’ campaigns are ‘in character’ for Eurosceptic parties, and are as such more likely to be electorally successful for them. We use data from the 2019 European Parliament Elections Expert Survey, covering 191 unique parties, and show that, indeed, Eurosceptic parties are more likely to campaign in a harsh way, and more likely than Europhile parties to benefit electorally from it. All data and materials are openly available for replication.

Power on environmental emotions and behavior

PurposeThe purpose of this study is to reveal indications of effective climate change communication through presenters holding powerful positions. This study aims to achieve this by examining how people perceive emotional campaigns on climate change and to what extent they ultimately perform actions to achieve adequate responses to environmental hazards and protection.Design/methodology/approachThis study measured environmental behavior directly through donations to environmental charities in two experimental conditions (i.e. top-down vs same-level communication). Environmental emotions were measured via pride and guilt levels about their own country’s environmental actions.FindingsPowerful individuals appeal to those people who are usually less driven to behave sustainably, and thus induce guilt regardless of the participant’s environmental identity. Conversely, powerful speakers did not succeed in addressing low identity participants using positive emotions. In fact, high power results in even lower pride levels, indicating a potentially adverse effect of power.Research limitations/implicationsWhile this paper successfully used an organizational leader as a powerful individual, it would be a fruitful avenue to use the experimental framework and examine different presenters (such as politicians, non-governmental organization leaders or scientific experts) who embody environmental advocacy.Practical implicationsThe results on top-down communication are intended to add to the understanding of emotional power in environmental contexts and help policy-makers to foster environmental advocacy using emotion-inducing campaigns.Originality/valueThe study is among the first to examine and elucidate the circumstances under which powerful individuals can encourage pro-environmental behavior. This study provides evidence that power can be a useful tool to appeal to those people who are usually less driven to behave sustainably. However, this paper also found that power does not increase emotions and behavior per se.

Donald Trump, Populism, and the Age of Extremes: Comparing the Personality Traits and Campaigning Styles of Trump and Other Leaders Worldwide

A common narrative portrays Donald Trump as impetuous and quick to anger, thin skinned, constantly lying, brazen, vulgar, and boasting a grandiose sense of self and his accomplishments. Little systematic evidence exists that this is the case, however. With a novel data set based on expert ratings, we (1) provide systematic empirical evidence about Trump’s personality profile, (2) contrast his profile with 21 other populist leaders and 82 mainstream candidates having competed in recent elections worldwide, and (3) discuss the implications of such an extreme profile in terms of campaigning style and the use of negative and emotional campaigns. Our results illustrate Trump’s off‐the‐charts personality and campaigning style and suggest that even when compared with other abrasive, narcissistic, and confrontational political figures, he stands out as an outlier among the outliers. We conclude by discussing the implications and potential outcomes of such an extreme personality profile for Trump’s policy style and achievements while in office.

Fear and Loathing in Populist Campaigns? Comparing the Communication Style of Populists and Non-populists in Elections Worldwide

Populists are often described as using a more aggressive, offensive, and anxiety-fuelled rhetoric than non-populists. Yet, little systematic evidence exists that this is the case. This article presents the first large-scale systematic study comparing the communication style of populists and non-populists worldwide, and introduces an original dataset based on expert ratings. The dataset contains systematic information for 195 candidates having competed in 40 national elections worldwide between June 2016 and June 2017. Results highlight that, controlling for “usual suspects” that drive negativity and emotional campaigns, populist campaigns are 15% more negative and contain 11% more character attacks and 8% more fear messages than campaigns of non-populist candidates.

Age differences in responsiveness to shocking prosocial campaigns

PurposeThis paper aims to study age differences in responsiveness to shocking prosocial campaigns. It specifically investigates the differences between seniors and young adults regarding the persuasive effect of emotional charity campaigns, the intensity of negative emotions and empathy elicited, the affect-based persuasive process leading to the ad effectiveness and the role of perceived self-efficacy.Design/methodology/approachTwo studies are conducted on seniors (n1 = 173; n2 = 118) and young adults (n1 = 170; n2 = 123) exposed to appeals for “Action against Hunger” incorporating various levels of emotional content.FindingsThe results indicate that seniors are more receptive to emotional campaigns but only for higher emotional ads and only regarding intention to donate. Young adults report lower levels of empathy, and findings do not suggest major age differences in the reported negative emotions after exposure to low or high emotional appeals. The affect-based persuasion differs; young adults are particularly influenced by negative emotions, whereas the persuasive effect on the elderly stems from an empathetic reaction. Self-efficacy moderates the effect of negative emotions only among older participants.Practical implicationsSocial marketers are advised to use vivid and realistic stimuli to reach young people and develop these appeals in social media. For an older target audience, however, marketers are advised to use creative components and media support designed to foster personalisation and proximity.Originality/valueThis study provides a better understanding of age-related effects on emotional persuasion, and addresses the specificity of prosocial appeals involving responsiveness to the suffering of others.

Successful Emotional Branding Campaigns on Television in India: An Exploration

Background/Objectives: Emotional branding targets different dominant emotions of a man appealing and convincingly. The objective of the paper is to explore the distinguished successful brands that are successfully branded to dominant human emotions. Methods/analysis: This paper is an exploratory research theoretically analyzed in accordance to the objective and investigated the successful brands that has appropriately identified the dominant emotion of the human for the brand to pitch and associated effectively in a way that customers are brand loyal phenomenally. Additionally, this paper has portrayed the successful brand for each dominant emotion of man in accordance to the objective of the study. Findings: The branding really positions and ranks the product in a unique way getting distinguished one from others in the mind of the consumers, but some brands fail to identify the right emotion rather the branding becomes issuable and the effect contradicts the expected one. Positive branding of products really works out well on the scenario of the marketing but when the customer couldn’t recognize the same when using the product, it gives the negative effect and demotes the brand. When the target audience is not recognized systematically and legibly then the branding works out at one group but on the negative way to the other group, the common understanding of the product will be missed out in the market. Though, when the product is positioned and emotionally branded well by advertisement and on the other hand when company sustains unethical activities, or the product being good but advertisement has ethics lacking then the brands fails. Loyal customers are difficult to earn and it more difficult to sustain them. Applications/improvements: This has to be keenly implemented by the advertisers to uphold the dignity of human values and perform business development activities. Further researchers can focus on micro level of positioning done on each emotion by different brands and their key features and outcomes.

The Puzzle of Double Referendums in the European Union

AbstractIf voters are asked to vote twice on the same issue in a single year, why might they initially reject the proposal but then vote to approve it the second time? This has happened three times in EU referendums (Denmark on the Maastricht Treaty in 1992–93 and Ireland on the Nice Treaty in 2001–02 and the Lisbon Treaty in 2008–09). No work has yet compared all six of these referendum campaigns. I focus on the campaign strategies of the Yes and No sides and investigate whether campaigners act differently in the second campaigns. Based on fieldwork in Denmark and Ireland, 38 in‐depth interviews with campaigners and public opinion data, I show that the Yes campaigners learned from their mistakes and changed their campaign strategies in the second rounds. Not only did they secure guarantees from the EU to neutralize the No side's arguments; they also used more emotional campaign arguments in the second campaigns.

A Malvinas Veteran Onstage: From Intimate Testimony to Public Memorialization

A Malvinas Veteran Onstage:From Intimate Testimony to Public Memorialization Brenda Werth (bio) The semi-autobiographical1 play Museo Miguel Ángel Boezzio (Museum Miguel Ángel Boezzio) premiered in Buenos Aires in 1998 as part of Vivi Tellas's theatre experiment Proyecto Museos (Project Museums). In the framework of Proyecto Museos, directors envision museums as theatrical spaces filled with performative elements and theatres as spaces for memorialization and display. The process of crisscrossing and reconceptualizing the functions and intentions of these spaces draws attention to the politics behind the memorialization and display of past events and experiences. Directed by Federico León and inspired by his visit to the National Aeronautical Museum in greater Buenos Aires, Museo Miguel Ángel Boezzio stars Malvinas War2 veteran Miguel Ángel Boezzio playing himself. Boezzio's performance of his life can be interpreted as an act of self-memorialization, and, as I seek to demonstrate here, the discourse of memorialization ultimately provided the lexicon, symbols, and architecture that have proven essential for breaking the public silence that has surrounded the Malvinas War in post-dictatorial Argentina. In the performance of Museo Miguel Ángel Boezzio, Boezzio generates bonds of attachment and intimacy with audience members to create a sense of shared experience that transcends the personal. Drawing on Boezzio's autobiographical performance, I analyze the ways in which affective bonds created through cultural production are not only integral to processes of memorializing the Malvinas War but are also key to negotiating ongoing claims regarding the geopolitical status of Malvinas. In late 1981, as a last ditch effort to regain popular support for the foundering dictatorship, Argentina's military regime summoned the nation's historical identification with the Malvinas Islands and fueled an emotional campaign to reclaim the Islands from the British, who had established a permanent colony in the South Atlantic Islands since 1833. On April 2, 1982, Argentine troops invaded the Islands but the British Royal Navy was quickly able to overpower and force the Argentine military to surrender after just 74 days of combat. Because Argentine media accounts before the invasion promised a certain victory, the fast and crushing defeat left the majority of Argentines feeling stunned, [End Page 83] humiliated and betrayed by a military government, by then much dis-credited. In the months following the defeat, the ostensible rationale of the war (to recover national territory) became overshadowed by what the general public grew to perceive as an attempt by military officials to secure an exit strategy that would detract attention away from the systematic detentions, tortures, and disappearances they had committed during their six years in power (1976-1983). Put simply, the Malvinas campaign was designed to allow the military government to purge their "dirty war" with a "clean war."3 The Argentina the Malvinas veterans came home to was not the country they had left just two months earlier. In the lead-up to the war, they were hailed as heroes shouldering the legacy of the country's founding fathers and Independence fighters, Generals San Martín and Belgrano; upon return they were no longer perceived as future fathers of the nation, but instead were referred to as the "chicos de la guerra" (the boys/children of war), who found themselves re-assimilated into society as victims.4 While the disappeared could not physically reappear to incriminate their victimizers, the Malvinas veterans could and did, and their mere presence made the military uneasy. Eager to bury their humiliating defeat and unethical actions in the past, the military tried to remove the returned vets from the public eye. They loaded them onto covered trucks and sent them to bases in remote locations, where they were confined, sometimes for weeks, and prohibited from contacting their families.5 These tactics for making Malvinas vets invisible after the war were disturbingly similar to the ones undertaken during the operatives to kidnap and detain socalled "subversives."6 How to address the war during the transition presented a unique challenge to government officials, intellectuals and artists; the war was in many ways emblematic both of the dictatorship and of the transition to democracy; the soldiers who were sent to Malvinas to fight were members of the...

Political radio and television advertisements in a young democracy: the 2009 South African national election campaign

It is argued that political parties in a developing democracy should contribute to sustaining democracy through their informational and motivational functions during election campaigns. Rather than debating the merit of issue messages, it is argued that cognitive and emotional campaign messages should be integrated, in order to not only attract voters' attention but also to inform the voter, to foster democratic values, to stimulate debate and to motivate voters to vote.It was found that in the 2009 South African general election, South African political parties did not effectively integrate emotional and cognitive messages, but references to democratic values were integrated with the emotional messages. Few of the parties encouraged voters to participate in the election for the sake of sustaining the democracy. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

The integration of emotional and cognitive messages in election campaigns: A South African case study

A substantial amount of political communication research in the Western world has focused on the question of whether images instead of issues are emphasised in election campaign messages. The underlying concern is that voters need information in order to make informed voting decisions. In this article the argument is that, if this is a concern in well-established democracies, it should be an even bigger concern in a young democracy. This article posits that image and issue messages are interrelated, and that both have to be addressed in elections. To explore this argument the concept of images is defined more broadly. In literature on campaigns in the United States of America (US), image is often equated with the personal characteristics of the candidate. Here the argument is that ‘image’ and ‘issues’ are interrelated because issues could contribute to the image of the party. Against this background, the authors, refer to emotional and cognitive messages. They assume that typical election issues (emotional messages) should be used to attract voters' attention. However, this is not enough since these issues should be explained in greater detail and contextualised within a young democracy. The research question for this article is thus: to what extent were emotional and cognitive messages integrated during the 1999 general elections in the North - West Province of South Africa. An extensive qualitative analysis of all relevant material (i.e., party manifestos, newspaper advertisements, radio advertisements, pamphlets, posters and Websites) indicates that South African political parties placed much less emphasis on the ‘image’ of the party or its leader than happens in a mature democracy such as that of the US. This did not imply that the substance of the message was emphasised adequately, because the cognitive and emotional campaign messages were not fully integrated. While the focus was on typical election issues, they were not fully explained and contextualised.

The art of impression management: self-presentation in local-level campaign literature

Campaign literature is a ubiquitous feature on the American electoral landscape. Candidates distribute written materials for the sole purpose of persuading voters to vote for them instead of for another candidate. The information a candidate includes in a piece of campaign literature, as well as how it is presented, can reveal his or her perception of the criteria citizens use when deciding for whom to vote. The findings from an examination of 288 pieces of campaign literature distributed by candidates for city council seats in 11 Ohio counties in November 1997, suggest that they perceive potential voters as being susceptible to both intellectual and emotional campaign messages.

Patients' opinions, feelings, and attitudes after a campaign to promote the Di Bella therapy

An emotional campaign promoting the Di Bella cancer therapy was launched by the Italian media in 1997. Its effects on patients' hopes, feelings, and decision-making processes were largely unknown. We undertook an investigation of this issue. Between Feb 25 and March 31, 1998, a ten-item questionnaire was distributed to 1300 unselected adult patients attending 13 cancer centres throughout Italy. Four expert psycho-oncologists reviewed the design and validity of the contents of the questionnaire. Sociodemographic information was also collected. 1120 (86%) questionnaires were returned and analysed. The main sources of information were television/radio (62%) and newspapers (26%); only 5% cited doctors. The campaign induced optimism in the patients about the efficacy of the method (ineffective 1%, effective 42%, uncertain 57%), and 53% said their hope of cure was increased. However, 48% felt more confused. 24% do not discuss new treatments with their oncologists, and 20% would like to but cannot. When choosing a treatment, the advice of a trusted doctor was judged more important than scientific progress (53% vs 32%) and 63% would try even unproven treatments in the hope of a cure. Replies to many of the questions were influenced by patients' educational attainment and by the degree of communication with their oncologists. Science cannot prevent the harm caused by such campaigns and their psychological consequences, particularly for less educated patients. When making decisions, patients are looking for hope from the treatment and trust in their doctor, both of which depend on effective doctor-patient communications that therefore need to be improved.

Economic aspects of historic preservation

There is much discussion today of the desirability of preserving old structures. Simply stated the problem is: which buildings or areas to preserve and which to demolish and replace. For some time there has been considerable argument among architects, city planners, politicians and proponents of historic preservation about this problem. Often the proponents of preservation appear to speak on a purely emotional basis, perhaps because no one has been able to articulate a quantifiable formula by which to determine what should be preserved. Economists have contributed little to the debate. This paper attempts to fill this void by considering what economic analysis can contribute. It examines theories which might be applicable .and offers illustrations of their utilization. In this brief compass, however, no attempt is made to apply any one formula to a specific problem of preservation. One of the most important considerations lies in the fact that our economy changes constantly: the town of Pullman, for example, neatly laid out nearly a century ago, is poorly adapted to the almost universal usage of the automobile. Land, once considered only suitable for truck gardening, leaps in value as suburbs sprawl farther and farther from the central city. The problem is dynamic. Therefore, two pitfalls should be avoided. We should refrain from indulging in the "fire brigade" or "squeaky axle" response. This means that a town should adopt a policy for land use which integrates the old and the new, instead of responding to last minute emotional campaigns to preserve a threatened landmark. A second trap is a "stop-the-clock" approach, which preserves all that is old at the expense of any change. Museum villages like Williamsburg and Old Sturbridge have their place, but we cannot afford many of these relics of a bygone age. We should opt for the third alternative, sometimes referred to as the "toute ensemble" which identifies and retains those neighborhoods and landmarks which provide the community with a sense of continuity and beauty by making the best use of still useful architecture in the overall city development plan. We need a sense of history, but we should not freeze the pattern. Might one not ask, what Paris would be like today if its development had been frozen pre-Hausmann?

Conservatism and Criticism: The Literary Standards of American Whigs, 1845-1852

In I840, after an emotional campaign which substituted slogans and enthusiasm (Tippecanoe, and Tyler too!) for principles and issues, Benjamin Harrison, the Whig candidate, was selected president of the United States. Harrison died shortly after his inauguration, and Tyler, who succeeded to the presidency, broke with the party, which was only a makeshift conglomeration of hastily thrown-together elements, organized to put up some opposition to the Democrats. Whig leaders, including Henry Clay and Daniel Webster, determined to formulate and set before the public an ideology which would represent the principles of the party. For this purpose, they founded, in I845, American Review: A Whig Journal of Politics, Literature, Art, and Science, commonly called the Whig Review. magazine, which appeared monthly, was designed to offset the influence of the Democratic Party's United States Magazine and Democratic Review, a journal in which the Young America group was promulgating what Longfellow called a Loco-foco politico-literary system. first editor of the Whig Review was George H. Colton, 27, a Yale graduate and sometime poet. contents of the first issue provide an idea of the type and scope of material which the magazine offered its readers during the eight years of its existence: Introductory; The Position of

Federal Executive Reorganization: Thirty Years of Experience

since President Franklin D. Roosevelt made reorganization in the Executive Branch a major item on the agenda of his second term of office, by sending to the Congress in January 1937 the Report 1 of his Committee on Administrative Management. This was not the first official attempt to deal with the subject comprehensively. But it was the first such effort to have direct and important practical consequences, the first to present a coherent program in brief compass, the first to view reorganization as a problem for the President and of the presidency, the first to stir an academic (as distinguished from a technical or homiletic) literature. During the intervening years since the Congress initially rejected the reorganization bill in 1938 by a close vote in the House at the climax of an emotional campaign,2 a few of the Committee's recommendations have been adopted, others have been realized in effect by different means, and still others have been abandoned as impractical or mistaken. Scholarly studies of organization and management, including both case studies and conscious efforts to formulate and test hypotheses, have contributed to a more realistic understanding, greater precision of statement, and

Progress and problems of family planning in Brazil

The concern in learning the reaction of the press in the two principal cities in Brazil, as refers to family planning, is based on the double function in which this matter may affect a society and reflect reality while influencing such reality. Therefore, for the period studied, we can see that no contrary position was taken to family planning by the press, not a critical conscience; but reflecting the sensationalistic exploitation which unfavorably involved the movements of family planning in the country and which disguised other purposes. With the exception of the emotional campaigns, the reaction of the press tends to be unfavorable. This tendency must, however, be put to use by a source of organized information, such as BEMFAM. In order to fully reach its objective, BEMFAM must send out information to reach not only the patients who will ultimately utilize the contraceptive methods, and (1) inform them of the safety with which they can be utilized, and (2) destroy the political mystifications which a group intends to confer upon family planning; all this in compliance with the legal limitations existing which hinder the diffusion of contraceptive methods. The true needs of the Brazilian families to know and use the contraceptive methods have however helped the progress of BEMFAM, which already has forty clinics in operation. The opposition experienced by family planning will slowly be overcome and the time this will take will greatly depend on the work performed. The work ofa societysuch as BEMFAM, not only offering contraceptive treatment, but also studying the social reality where action takes place and trying to utilize the fruit borne from this knowledge, to divulge family planning information will certainly accelerate this process of change. Although aiming at the fight against provoked abortion, this change in behavior may, in the future, reflect itself in the birth rate, as they are involved in the same area of motivation: to plan offspring in accordance with the resources which the family and society can offer.