Policy-making Elite Research Articles

Beyond evidence-based policymaking? Exploring knowledge formation and source effects in US migration policymaking

Several scholars have observed persistent gaps between policy responses to complex, ambiguous and politicized problems (such as migration, climate change and the recent Covid-19 pandemic) and evidence or ‘facts’. While most existing explanations for this ‘evidence-policy gap’ in the migration policy field focus on knowledge availability and knowledge use by policymakers, this article shifts the focus to processes of knowledge formation, exploring the questions of what counts as ‘evidence’ for migration policymakers and what are the sources of information that shape their understandings of migration policy issues. It does so, by developing a network-centred approach and focusing on elite US policy-makers in the field of irregular and asylum-seeking migration. This ‘heuristic case’ is used to challenge existing explanations of the ‘evidence-policy gap’ and to generate new explanations to be tested in future research. Our findings—based on qualitative and quantitative data collected in 2015–2018 through 57 elite interviews analysed applying social network analysis and qualitative content analysis—challenge scholarly claims about policymakers’ lack of access to evidence about migration. We also challenge claims that migration-related decision-making processes are irrational or merely driven by political interests, showing that policymakers rationally collect information, select sources and attribute different relevance to ‘evidence’ acquired. We instead highlight that knowledge acquisition processes by elite policymakers are decisively shaped by dynamics of trust and perceptions of political and organizational like-mindedness among actors, and that political and ideological factors determine what qualifies as 'evidence' in the first place.

The transportation policy elite and their ladder of citizen participation: Problems and prospects around communication methods in New Jersey

This paper advances theories of public administration, geographies of policy, and transportation planning via an analysis of 17 in-depth interviews conducted with transportation policy elites in the State of New Jersey (USA). In the case studied, these elites sought to facilitate the public's transition to electric vehicles, reflecting a policy change initiated by the state government. However, they were affected by organizational traps that existed beyond the bureaucratic institution in a constellation of related field activities. Using qualitative analysis techniques, the data revealed that organizational traps diffuse alongside policy actors as they themselves sought to diffuse policy. The result revealed barriers that kept public engagement relatively circumscribed, even as elite policy makers believed they were achieving their policy goals via participation of the communities that they intended to serve.

Assessing pandemic preparedness, response, and lessons learned from the COVID-19 pandemic in four south American countries: agenda for the future.

The COVID-19 pandemic emerged in a context that lacked adequate prevention, preparedness, and response (PPR) activities, and global, regional, and national leadership. South American countries were among world's hardest hit by the pandemic, accounting for 10.1% of total cases and 20.1% of global deaths. This study explores how pandemic PPR were affected by political, socioeconomic, and health system contexts as well as how PPR may have shaped pandemic outcomes in Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, and Peru. We then identify lessons learned and advance an agenda for improving PPR capacity at regional and national levels. We do this through a mixed-methods sequential explanatory study in four South American countries based on structured interviews and focus groups with elite policy makers. The results of our study demonstrate that structural and contextual barriers limited PPR activities at political, social, and economic levels in each country, as well as through the structure of the health care system. Respondents believe that top-level government officials had insufficient political will for prioritizing pandemic PPR and post-COVID-19 recovery programs within their countries' health agendas. We recommend a regional COVID-19 task force, post-pandemic recovery, social and economic protection for vulnerable groups, improved primary health care and surveillance systems, risk communication strategies, and community engagement to place pandemic PPR on Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, and Peru and other South American countries' national public health agendas.

Researching Elite Interviewing in Higher Education in Postcolonial Bangladesh

The concept of “elite interviewing” is a recent phenomenon in educational research and has been studied widely in the Western context. Drawing on my own experience, this article traces the challenges and difficulties involved in “elite interviewing” in higher education in post-colonial Bangladesh. It is based on a critical methodological perspective, using a thematic analysis of interviews with 28 higher education policy-making elites working between the 1990s and 2010s at the state level in Bangladesh. This article examines how the local power structure within the current socio-political context emerged from a long colonial past, and how this in turn influenced elite interviewing. It looks at how the researcher, who’s onto-epistemological as well as geopolitical position originated from and has been influenced by both Global South and Global North contexts, negotiated with this distinctive power structure in elite interview settings to understand the “micro-politics” of neoliberal policy formulation in Bangladesh. In its critical analysis of elite interviewing, this paper traces how “everyday social practices” drawn from colonial practices, for example, the use of “sir” and acknowledging “supremacy” and “power conflict” served as a form of “capillary” domination of relations to respond to the power structure and neutralise specific identities, positions, and experiences in elite interview settings.

Visions of deliverance: Social scientization, functionalism, and the expansive purposiveness of state schooling in nineteenth-century British parliamentary politics

AbstractEarly in the nineteenth century, members in the UK Parliament (MPs) hardly ever debated education. When they did, it was nearly always in the context of aid for the religious instruction of the poor. Indeed, even by 1850, nearly two decades after the first Great Reform Act (1832), the Prime Minister Lord John Russell made the case that a system of compulsory state schooling would be immoral and un-British. Yet, by the ‘80s, MPs debating in Westminster routinely drew connections between schooling and the most critical social issues of the day: social-class mobility and equity, child welfare, national development, emigration, and the civil service, among others. What explains the expanding, and expansive, political uses that elite policymakers put to schooling? How did schooling and education take on such an aggrandized role in society for British statesmen? To address these questions, this paper combines natural language processing techniques, semantic network, discourse, and regression analyses to read and interpret the ∼1.1 million political speeches given in the UK Houses of Parliament during the long nineteenth century (1804–1913). In contrast to explanations emphasizing the direct role that economic, social, and political development as well as conflict played in the UK state’s historic expansion, this piece demonstrates how social scientization, the sweeping international epistemic movement that institutionalized and diffused functionalist social theory, created the context that made it possible for political elites to see and promote schooling as an effective policy instrument of greater cultural rationalization supporting the development of capitalist industrial society.

Pakistan: Identity in Foreign Policy and Anti-Westernism

This article aims at dealing with different dimensions of Pakistan’s foreign policy, particularly the challenges to it during and after the Cold War. These challenges were mostly unilateral in the sense that Pakistan was captive to the grand American design in the Middle East and in Western Asia. There is much anti-American and anti-Western rhetoric by right-wing parties, both religious and non-religious, particularly after 9/11. The article attempts on developing an understanding on identity constructions that accompanied the Pakistani foreign policy collaboration with USA., the research seeks to understand what national identity constructions were attempted by the Pakistani foreign policymaking elite in the context of a foreign policy convergence between Pakistan and the USA. Therefore, examines the contradictions in the attempts at identity construction that how Pakistan the pursuit of security and consequent policy is accompanied by certain identity constructions highlighting the conformity non-conformity" of the element of "anti-western.

Radio listening clubs in Malawi and Zambia

This paper, based upon a field research project commissioned by the Panos Institute SouthernAfrica, investigates the communicative efficacy of the radio listening clubs project implementedby the Institute in Malawi and Zambia. The investigation takes the form of a ‘second-orderinterpretation’ of the key findings of the field research. The findings are analysed in terms of theparticipatory communication model of development communication. The paper argues that theclubs live up to some of the ideal-typical attributes of participatory communication. This is evidentin the following areas: (i) a propensity for social mobilisation; (ii) acquisition of skills and knowledge;(iii) communally induced motivation to listen to the radio; (iv) the possibility of interpersonal influencewithin groups; (v) the benefit of being ‘organised’ structures; (vi) the ‘massive’ reach of the clubs;and (vii) the dialogic interchanges between the rural-based groups and the urban-based policymaking elites.

On Target? Sanctions and the Economic Interests of Elite Policymakers in Iran

Abstract How successful are sanctions at targeting the economic interests of political elites in affected countries? We study the case of Iran, using information on the stock exchange-listed assets of two specific political entities with significant influence over the direction of Iran’s nuclear programme. Our identification strategy focuses on the process of negotiations for sanctions removal, examining which interests benefit most from news about diplomatic progress. The results indicate the ‘bluntness’ of sanctions on Iran, but also provide evidence of their effectiveness in generating substantial economic incentives for elite policymakers to negotiate a deal for sanctions relief.

Translating votes into seats and offices: changing representation and government in the Italian Regions (2018-2020)

ABSTRACT This article focuses on representation and government formation in the Italian regions in the electoral cycle from 2018 to 2020. By relying on a large number of data collected in the 18 regions and 2 autonomous provinces that went to the polls in this period, it looks at how votes translated into seats and assesses the disproportionality and fragmentation of the newly elected councils. It also considers the composition of winning coalitions and how divided they are vis-à-vis the opposition. Additionally, this study explores some key characteristics of regional representatives such as gender, age and political experience, stressing the existence of significant variation across regions and parties. In an unprecedented effort to provide a comprehensive map of policy-making elites at the sub-national level, the analysis also includes members of the regional executives (assessori). Overall, while some regions stand out more than others, it is not possible to identify a general model of democracy defining Italian sub-national politics.

The Comparative Political Economy of Growth Models: Explaining the Continuity of FDI-Led Growth in Ireland and Hungary

This article argues that the quiet politics of informal business-state interaction explains the political determinants of growth regimes. Building on the business power literature within the study of comparative capitalism, it shows that the noisy politics of elections often leads to changes of government but rarely to fundamental changes in the growth regime. Rather, growth models can be traced to the interactions and interests of dominant corporations within a country and its policymaking elites. The argument is developed through a comparative case study research design, using the case of foreign direct investment–led (FDI-led) growth in Ireland and Hungary. FDI-led growth regimes are a universe of cases that rely on state-led industrial and enterprise policies targeting the capital investment of foreign-owned multinational firms. Despite periods of noisy electoral politics challenging basic tenets of the FDI-led growth model in both Hungary and Ireland, the continuity of FDI-oriented growth is traced to the corporate politics of business-state elite deals.

‘Civilized States’ and Situational Sovereignty: The Dilemmas of Romanian Neutrality, 1914–1916

At the 1914 Crown Council, which decided to keep Romania neutral in 1914, former Conservative prime minister Petre Carp offered his succinct and direct opinion about the direction of Romanian foreign policy in the opening days of the Great War. He admonished the Council that, if Romania wanted to remain among the ‘civilized states’ ( statele civilizate) it had to follow Germany and Austria-Hungary into war immediately. The idea of ‘civilized states’ that dominated the remainder of the Crown Council was not merely an intersubjective social construction. It was a legal term of art in fin de siècle international law that could be applied in the real world. It was only the legally-civilized states that enjoyed the full panoply of rights, privileges, and protections under international law. This is a study of how Romania’s policy-making elite, and Ion I. C. Brătianu’s government, in particular, confronted the challenges of ‘situational sovereignty’. It asserts that, during Romania’s two-year Period of Neutrality (3 August 1914–17 August 1916), Brătianu initially used bilateral conventions as both a method to establish recognition of Romania’s status (or at least a guarantee of territorial integrity) and as a litmus test to determine which (if any) foreign powers recognized Romania as a legal equal. Although he was able to achieve a short-term victory of having an equality clause inserted into the August 1916 political convention with the Entente, it is unclear if that clause could have been durable. Ultimately, Brătianu was trapped between a desire to secure Romania’s recognition through international agreement, but confronted with the reality that Romania’s lack of recognition as a legally-civilized equal meant those very conventions could be unenforceable.

The Institute of International Finance: From Poacher to Gamekeeper?

AbstractThe Institute of International Finance (IIF) is a key actor in global finance, mixing private-interest representation and market governance roles. Analyzing the historical development of the IIF offers important insights into the interaction between state and business and the resulting patterns of public and private governance. Based on archive sources and a unique set of interviews with elite policymakers spanning three decades, I argue that market structures, interest groups, and public policymaking processes stand in a recursive relationship. Secondly, I argue that interest groups take on private governance roles with the aim to remain the focal point of public policymakers vis-à-vis competing interest groups. This has important implications for the study of interest groups and global financial governance. The analysis of interest groups should be extended to the way they shape markets through private governance mechanisms and how that recursively feeds back into interest group advocacy and public policymaking processes to fully grasp lobbying dynamics. The study of global governance should include analysis of interest group competition within the opportunities and constraints emanating from public policymaking processes so as to understand the emergence of private patterns of governance and their interaction with public governance mechanisms.

China, the emerging economic power: options and repercussions for Pak–US relations

Washington established relations with Pakistan immediately after the independence when Moscow was diplomatically avoided by Pakistan elite policymakers to opt for one of the superpowers as a need for the Cold War. The article aims to analyses Beijing as an emerging economic power with special reference to Pak–US relations. During and after the Cold War period both the USA and Pakistan have close relations to deter communist expansionism in South Asia and Central Asia but post 9/11 when the US decided to overthrow the Taliban government in Afghanistan, Pakistan aligned its policies and strategies with Washington. Despite Pakistan’s huge sacrifices and loss of life and economic suffering, the US still doubts Pakistan’s intentions. In this backdrop, Pakistan tilted wholeheartedly toward its all-weather friend China for its diplomatic moral, political, and military support.

Realizing the 2030 Agenda for sustainable development – engaging national parliaments?

ABSTRACT This article examines the role of national parliaments in policy processes related to the realization of the 2030 Agenda for sustainable development, adopted in the UN General Assembly in 2015. We outline three main roles of parliaments in the case of national policy-making based on intergovernmental agreements: legislative and policy approval, citizen representation, and accountability. The cases of Sweden and Ghana are examined with regard to those roles, looking for factors that impact the degree of parliamentary involvement with the 2030 Agenda. The cases show that while formal features of political systems impact how parliaments exercise those roles, political choice among policy-making elites and voters is an equally important factor shaping how those roles play out. Yet, political choice can in turn be circumscribed by competing domains, issues and actors in national 2030 Agenda processes. Even if the two countries chosen for comparison are dissimilar with regard to substantive challenges faced in realizing the 2030 Agenda, they are alike with regard to weak involvement of their parliament in policy-making related to the 2030 Agenda thus far. The conclusion puts forward possible implications of a lack of parliamentary involvement for the domestic democratic legitimacy and realization of the 2030 Agenda.

Reduce the Multi Party for the Stability of National Development

This paper tries to discuss the problems of multiparty systems in Indonesia. The main doctrine in a democratic system is the people, the people and the people. These three points can be interpreted (1) power originating from the hands of the people, (2) exercising by representatives representing the people, (3) aiming for the prosperity of the people. The political objectives in Indonesia as stated in the opening of the 1945 Constitution are essentially the prosperity of the people. So that the national development goals are in line with the legal basis in Indonesia. But in fact political practices in Indonesia are not appropriate even contrary to the formulation in the Basic Law. As a continuation of these deviant political practices, the direction of development has become biased because policy makers in this country use deviant political practices. This paper discusses the practice of political deviations that have an impact on the occurrence of national development goals in Indonesia. The author examines political issues and their impact on development with a social science approach, including; Sociology, History and Anthropology. The sociological approach looking at various socio-political events that are the impact of the implementation of multiparty in Indonesia. Historical approach looking at the development of the political system in Indonesia time to time. The last approach is Anthropology taking Clifford Geertz's work on trichotomy (Priayi, Santri, and Abangan) in Indonesian society as a form of community group classification. This analysis related to community groups (Priayi, Santri, Abangan) is then used to provide a normative picture elite policy makers in limiting and controlling the number of parties in Indonesia. The analysis is used because it sees that political parties that are currently developing are no longer proportional based on ideology or representation of community groups, but are based on material interests and tend to be transactional. Political parties are no longer the backrest of the ideology of their constituents, who are always close and feel educated to continue to gain political understanding, but nowadays, political parties have turned into hordes of political people to gain and maintain power.

MENAKSIR KESETARAAN GENDER DALAM PROFESI OJEK ONLINE WANITA DI KOTA MALANG

This study examines in depth the academic anxiety that has arisen among academics about the emergence of the phenomenon of women online motorcycle taxi drivers in the city of Malang. As we have realized, the emergence of female online motorcycle taxi drivers has grown along with the development of online transportation in the city of Malang. From the interview data obtained, starting in 2016 since online transportation has grown in Malang, at least almost 30% growth in recruitment of women online motorcycle taxi drivers. This research uses the case study method. The thesis of this research is the rise the opinion for the gender context itself that the rationality of professional voters as an online motorcycle taxi is not only from economic reasons alone but also the existence of social dynamics housing that occurs in the community. For Foucault, gender phenomena can be said to be a discourse that will later develop the concept of culture. Its idealism and romanticism, women need jobs not only as economic demands, but also gender shifts that women do not only take care of homework. James Coleman sees in the perspective rationality that the choice to be an online motorcycle taxi driver is a "Shortcut" to get money for women. In addition, this research should be able to be a further study of elite policymakers to make more attention to labor laws, especially those based on industrial revolution 4.0.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.17977/um021v4i22019p115

Why American grand strategy has changed: international constraint, generational shift, and the return of realism

ABSTRACT From Clinton to Bush to Obama to Trump: the personalities, rhetoric, and policies of Presidents charged with defining US foreign policy in the post-Cold War era could hardly appear more different. Yet recent treatments of American grand strategy have sought to highlight a lack of debate about grand strategy, and to emphasize groupthink and “habit” within the US foreign policy establishment. This article argues that US grand strategy has changed, and suggests that those who prioritize continuities rely on an overly restrictive definition of grand strategy. Employing policy paradigms as an analytical framework, this paper finds significant variation in US grand strategy across the four post-Cold War presidencies. Where the variation between Clinton and George W. Bush’s presidencies can be explained by differing strategic ideas among American foreign policymaking elites, a trend towards less active hegemonic management running through the Obama and Trump presidencies is more structural in nature, reflecting both international constraints and generational change.

Children Are Hiding in Plain Sight in the History of U.S. Foreign Relations

All kinds of peoples, previously marginalized in favor of the actions and thoughts of elite policy makers, now fill foreign relations histories. African Americans, Native Americans, Asian Americans, women, workers, and many others have been shown to be indispensable—if informal—diplomatic assets. And yet, diverse as this cast of characters has become, notice one thing they share in common: their adulthood. It is as if human experience with foreign affairs only begins with the age of majority. What might be gained once we appreciate the influence of young people, as both audience and agent, in the long history of America's entanglement with the wider world?

Moffat, Ian C. D. The Allied Intervention in Russia: The Diplomacy of Chaos (review)

SEER, 96, 2, APRIL 2018 376 Soviet Russia to reduce its support to the Reds and facilitated the German invasion which aided the Whites to victory in May 1918. Twilight of Europe is of high scholarly value and an important contribution to the history of international relations and revolutionary upheavals in East Central Europe at the end of First World War. Department of Philosophy, History, Culture Johannes Remy and Art Studies, University of Helsinki Moffat, Ian C. D. The Allied Intervention in Russia: The Diplomacy of Chaos. Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke and New York, 2015. xiii + 317 pp. Maps. Illustrations. Notes. Appendix. Bibliography. Index. £60.00. The literature on Allied intervention in the Russian Civil War has developed substantially in the century since that conflict took place. While Soviet historians attributed the intervention primarily to a desire to crush the Soviet state (something attributed from the 1930s to the West broadly, and from the 1950s to the USA specifically), classic Western studies of Allied policy in Russia placed the war against the central powers and the desperate need to reconstruct some sort of eastern front at the forefront of their explanations. More recent studies of national policies have complicated this picture. David Foglesong argued for a much deeper hostility to Bolshevism on the part of the American government, and Woodrow Wilson in particular, than has been previously acknowledged. In the case of France, Michael Carley has interrogated the combination of politics and pragmatism at play amongst different elements of the policy-making elite. There is still plenty of scope for reconsideration of the intervention as an international endeavour, and one that involved nongovernmental organizations and individuals, and ordinary soldiers, as well as statesmen and generals. Ian Moffat’s new history of the Allied intervention is a curious and in many ways frustrating addition to this literature. Moffat does not position his book in relation to this large and complex historiography, or indeed mention it, except to acknowledge a couple of books that he found particularly useful. One of these is Richard Ullman’s three-volume history of Anglo-Soviet relations, still a seminal text on Britain and the intervention despite being written in the 1960s and ’70s and without access to many British official documents. Moffat’s book might have been pitched as an update to this classic work, in that it offers a close, archivally-based account of British decision-making in the period of the intervention. It does not draw directly on British archives, but makes substantial use of British documents held in Canadian microfilm collections REVIEWS 377 and Canadian documents. The author had originally intended to write a history of the Canadian contribution, and the book includes some interesting insights into the relationship between Britain and Canada as illuminated by the intervention. The book’s claim to be a study of the Allied intervention as a whole is more problematic. No French documents are consulted, and only published American documents. The sections on France are short and rely heavily on Carley’s work. Major texts on the Japanese intervention (Frederick Dickinson’s history of Japan in the Great War, or Paul Dunscomb’s work on the period of intervention) are not cited at all. The anti-Bolshevik Russians rarely appear as partners or actors in the intervention. Sections of text that deal with events in Russia are dependent on a curious mix of official British documents and a couple of favoured texts (Richard Debo, Martin Kettle, George Kennan). This makes the narrative about many events, including the 1917 revolutions, difficult to recognize, but it also means that there is no engagement with key reference points in the historiography. A section on the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk that makes no mention of John Wheeler Bennett’s classic work on that subject is a case in point (there is also a new reassessment of Brest-Litovsk by Borislav Chernev, but this came out after the publication of Moffat’s book). A twopage account of the Provisional Government’s conduct of the war on pages 12–13 draws almost entirely on one book (Bruce Lincoln’s Passage Through Armageddon) plus British War Cabinet minutes. One of the principal motifs of the...

The Allied Intervention in Russia: The Diplomacy of Chaos

SEER, 96, 2, APRIL 2018 376 Soviet Russia to reduce its support to the Reds and facilitated the German invasion which aided the Whites to victory in May 1918. Twilight of Europe is of high scholarly value and an important contribution to the history of international relations and revolutionary upheavals in East Central Europe at the end of First World War. Department of Philosophy, History, Culture Johannes Remy and Art Studies, University of Helsinki Moffat, Ian C. D. The Allied Intervention in Russia: The Diplomacy of Chaos. Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke and New York, 2015. xiii + 317 pp. Maps. Illustrations. Notes. Appendix. Bibliography. Index. £60.00. The literature on Allied intervention in the Russian Civil War has developed substantially in the century since that conflict took place. While Soviet historians attributed the intervention primarily to a desire to crush the Soviet state (something attributed from the 1930s to the West broadly, and from the 1950s to the USA specifically), classic Western studies of Allied policy in Russia placed the war against the central powers and the desperate need to reconstruct some sort of eastern front at the forefront of their explanations. More recent studies of national policies have complicated this picture. David Foglesong argued for a much deeper hostility to Bolshevism on the part of the American government, and Woodrow Wilson in particular, than has been previously acknowledged. In the case of France, Michael Carley has interrogated the combination of politics and pragmatism at play amongst different elements of the policy-making elite. There is still plenty of scope for reconsideration of the intervention as an international endeavour, and one that involved nongovernmental organizations and individuals, and ordinary soldiers, as well as statesmen and generals. Ian Moffat’s new history of the Allied intervention is a curious and in many ways frustrating addition to this literature. Moffat does not position his book in relation to this large and complex historiography, or indeed mention it, except to acknowledge a couple of books that he found particularly useful. One of these is Richard Ullman’s three-volume history of Anglo-Soviet relations, still a seminal text on Britain and the intervention despite being written in the 1960s and ’70s and without access to many British official documents. Moffat’s book might have been pitched as an update to this classic work, in that it offers a close, archivally-based account of British decision-making in the period of the intervention. It does not draw directly on British archives, but makes substantial use of British documents held in Canadian microfilm collections REVIEWS 377 and Canadian documents. The author had originally intended to write a history of the Canadian contribution, and the book includes some interesting insights into the relationship between Britain and Canada as illuminated by the intervention. The book’s claim to be a study of the Allied intervention as a whole is more problematic. No French documents are consulted, and only published American documents. The sections on France are short and rely heavily on Carley’s work. Major texts on the Japanese intervention (Frederick Dickinson’s history of Japan in the Great War, or Paul Dunscomb’s work on the period of intervention) are not cited at all. The anti-Bolshevik Russians rarely appear as partners or actors in the intervention. Sections of text that deal with events in Russia are dependent on a curious mix of official British documents and a couple of favoured texts (Richard Debo, Martin Kettle, George Kennan). This makes the narrative about many events, including the 1917 revolutions, difficult to recognize, but it also means that there is no engagement with key reference points in the historiography. A section on the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk that makes no mention of John Wheeler Bennett’s classic work on that subject is a case in point (there is also a new reassessment of Brest-Litovsk by Borislav Chernev, but this came out after the publication of Moffat’s book). A twopage account of the Provisional Government’s conduct of the war on pages 12–13 draws almost entirely on one book (Bruce Lincoln’s Passage Through Armageddon) plus British War Cabinet minutes. One of the principal motifs of the...